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Page 225. Beginning with reference numeral 4 there is an error in each 
of the reference numerals through number 55. 

To correct the references: On page 225, paragraph 1, against the word 
"appearances" place the numeral 4. On pages 225-265 read 4 as 5, 5 as 6, 
and so on through number 55. This will make the reference numerals 
read from 1 to 57 in order, and correspond with the numerals in the Ger- 
man original, the French original, and the translation of the French. 

This ] ... Kepi < t ""WO . EEKS 

ONLY, and is subject to a fine of FIVE 
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Plan of the City of New Bern. North Carolina, by Baron Christoph von Graffenried 

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JULIUS GOEBEL, Ph.D., Professor of Germanic Languages 



Edwards & Broughton Printing Co. 

State Printers 



J. BRYAN GRIMES, Chairman 


R. D. W. CONNOR, Secretary, Raleigh 




Pkeface -- ^ 

Historical Introduction 7 

Bibliography __ -- - - H2 

German Version H5 

English Translation of the German Version 219 

French Version 321 

English Translation of the French Version 357 

Vocabulary. _ -- — 393 

Index ^19 


A carefully prepared and conservative computation made within 
the last ten years gives the surprising result that, of our white popu- 
lation there are at least twenty-seven per cent of German birth or 
extraction, while those of English origin number but thirty per cent. 
With such a proportion of Germans, is it not strange that almost 
nothing is said in our histories about this great element of our popu- 
lation; about the causes that induced them to leave their homes; 
about the circumstances of their first settlements; about their in- 
fluence upon the growth of our common culture? 

The reason of this lies, partly in the undeveloped provincial 
character of American historiography, partly in the fact that American 
History was first written by men from New England. They wrote 
of the things with which they were most familiar, their own Puritan 
commonwealths and the institutions developed from them. Biased 
by provincial prejudices they overlooked other events of equally 
great importance, so that their histories read like a one-sided glorifi- 
cation of their ancestors. A very powerful contributory cause for 
this discrimination is the fact that the Germans made their settle- 
ments comparatively late, and for the most part avoided New 
England. By the time the first permanent settlements were made 
at Germantown, near Philadelphia (1683) New England had passed 
through some of its most epoch-making experiences. The colonies 
about Massachusetts Bay, Connecticut and Rhode Island had been 
settled and their characteristic institutions, which have come down 
to our own time, were becoming fixed in laws and customs of the 
people. American historiography as first conceived by the New 
England historians has since followed the same or similar lines, and 
until recently when the German-Americans themselves took up the 
work, very little, in general, was known about the early life of this 
portion of our population. 

It is to be hoped that this regrettable division in matters of his- 
torical truth will be done away with, and since no one nationality 
can rightfully claim all the honor of having made America what it 
is, Germans as well as Puritans and Cavaliers will come to be recog- 
nized for what they are or have done, and not be excluded from con- 
sideration for what they have not done. 1 To illustrate: It was not 
a German woman's pig to which we traced the bicameral system of 

1 There is some assurance that this hoped for change of attitude will come, when a historian like 
Channing in his History of the United States (vol. II, pages 116, 395, 404 ff ) gives a rather extended 
and appreciative notice of the Germans in Pennsylvania. In a foot note on page 405 he mentions the 
manuscripts on which this paper has been based. 

6 North Carolina Historical Commission 

Government in Massachusetts; but it is to the German settlers at 
Schoharie that we, in a large measure, owe the fortunate outcome 
of the French and Indian war, for it was they who kept the Six Nations 
from joining the French, when such an event would have spelled 
disaster to the New York and New England colonies; they did not 
give us theocracies from which a doubtful ideal of the state eventu- 
ally evolved; but they helped to give us freedom of conscience, the 
very corner-stone of modern politics, and it is to the German printer 
in New York that we owe an untrammeled public press. Who shall 
say which is the worthier? 

It is not sufficient then to know that in the seventeenth and 
eighteenth centuries a large number of Germans came to America, 
and made or tried to make certain settlements. We want to go 
further and learn about their life and work and be able to appreciate 
them as we do the other pioneers. It is for this reason that a study 
of Baron Christoph von Graffenried's settlements may be consid- 
ered worth while. 

This colony in North Carolina would have consisted of only a few 
Swiss adventurers but for the events of the year 1709. These 
enlarged the scope, increased the prestige of the undertaking, gave 
the leadership to one of the few ever to possess a title of nobility in 
Locke's new American order, made this pioneer of several Swiss 
undertakings the nearest approach to Locke's ideal that ever existed 
in America, and taking it out of its isolation, made it a part of the 
great German migration of 1709; a consideration of which may prop- 
erly precede the study of Graffenried's own adventures. 

Since a man should be judged by his intentions and by the times 
in which he lived, as well as by the actual results of his efforts, it has 
seemed well to quote from or make references to the writings of con- 
temporaries wherever possible. 1 For instance, his expectation of 
becoming rich from silver mines in Maryland or Virginia seemed 
to us absurd because we know there is no silver in those parts in pay- 
ing quantities; but if we find, that in his day, everyone believed that 
there was silver to be found there, and if we remember that the 
Secretary of the London Royal Society in 1669 urged Governor John 
Winthrop to look for mines in Connecticut and if necessary to 
"employ dogs of the best scent" 2 for this purpose, Graffenried's per- 
sistency in searching for silver takes on a different aspect. 

Proceedings Mass. Hist. Society, 1878, pages 229-240. 





The Generally Accepted Causes of the Palatine Migration 

The great stream of emigration from Germany to England and from 
thence to America, beginning rather feebly in the latter part of the 
seventeenth century, then suddenly swelling to such enormous pro- 
portions that more Germans had come to New York, Pennsylvania, 
and North Carolina in one year than had come to New England in 
the first ten years of the settlements about Massachusetts Bay, has 
as its fundamental cause the great intellectual movement of the 
Reformation, and the equally intense Counter Reformation which 
began in the latter part of the sixteenth century and extended far 
into the seventeenth century. 

Since the Protestant Reformation in England had come rather 
later than in Germany, and had not been so radical at the start, 
English reformers long looked upon Germany as the fatherland of 
the Reformation, and during the persecutions which accompanied 
the reaction under Mary (1553-1558) those who escaped over seas 
found refuge in Holland, Germany and Switzerland. Under Elizabeth 
protestantism was again gradually restored, but there was no place 
for any who disagreed with the church as established by the state 
and dissenters were severely punished, but still the sentiment of 
protest grew until after the revolution of 1642, when Cromwell, 
having finally become a dictator, was able to introduce a second 
reformation, which led to a wider separation from Rome. He hoped 
to secure the ground gained, by a union of the protestant states 
against the Catholic Spanish world. He conceived England to be 
the champion protector of protestantism, and by such a union, he 
hoped to make it a world power. During the reigns of Charles II 
and James II there was another reaction which, however, was not 
so violent as that in the reign of Mary. When William of Orange 
became King of England protestantism was again fully restored and 
there was even some relief given dissenters. It was Queen Anne, 
however, who took up Cromwell's work, and to the best of her 

10 North Carolina Historical Commission 

ability carried out his program of national and protestant expansion. 
Public opinion, moreover, was, to a large degree, with her in this 

Interest in the German protestant situation was kept alive by 
pamphlets which gave information about the conditions of the Refor- 
mation in Germany and particularly in the Palatinate to which they 
felt related because of the marriage of Elizabeth, daughter of James I 
of England, to the Elector Frederick, better known as the Winter 
King. This interest was further increased since the cause had been 
compelled to fight for its life in Germany as well as in England. 

Not only the wars which came in Luther's time and immediately 
following his death were caused by the Reformation; but the Thirty 
Years' War and the wars in which the French King, Louis XIV, 
involved Europe during his long reign were also very largely incited 
by the same spirit of enmity that animated the earlier Counter 

In all these struggles no portion of Germany suffered so much as 
that part called the Lower Palatinate. 1 Lying as it does on the east- 
ern boundary of France, it was easily accessible to the French soldiery; 
a fertile country, it offered excellent opportunity for maintaining an 
army; and being protestant it was an especial object of resentment 
to the French King. Turenne in 1674 thoroughly ravaged the province 
in accordance with his policy of making the enemy support his army. 
Then in the wars of 1688-89, while the rest of Germany which might 
have given aid was busy warding off the Turks, Louis XIV took the 
opportunity of weakening the enemy, venting his malice against the 
protestants, and doing a pleasure to Madame de Maintenon by 
devastating the province in a way unparalleled in modern history. 
He purposed to make the country as nearly a desert as possible, and 
to do so wantonly burned cities and towns as well as isolated dwellings, 
cut down orchards and uprooted vines. Many of the inhabitants 
were butchered, others died of exposure, others fled, and the few who 
remained were left in a most miserable condition. The treaty of 
Ryswick gave a temporary relief and many refugees returned to their 
homes. But in 1700 the wars of the Spanish Succession broke out, 
and the Palatinate was again overrun with troops. The destruction 
seems not to have been so severe as in the previous war, but the new 
Elector, now a Catholic, subjected the Protestants to a system of 
persecution which was very annoying and disquieting; for the per- 
secutions which had long accompanied the Reformation throughout 
Europe were still fresh in men's memories and they dreaded the 

lEccl. Rec. vol. Ill, page 1453 ff. 

Geaffeneied : Account of the Founding of New Been 11 

By the Peace of Westphalia (1648) the Lutheran and Reformed 
religions had been established in the Palatinate and the Catholic 
religion was allowed only on sufferance of the Elector. But now 
under John William (1690-1716) religious toleration was announced, 
and the Roman Catholic religion thereby put upon a theoretical 
equality with the other two. As a matter of fact, he went further 
and took revenues, churches, and schools belonging to the Protestants, 
whether or not they had been Catholic property, and turned them 
to Catholic uses, or else arranged for Catholics and Protestants to 
have joint possession of the church edifices. He refused to allow 
Protestant clergymen to sit in the Ecclesiastical Council; and when 
the people protested, he said that the "ministers were seditious 
rebels." Soldiers, moreover, were quartered on the peasants to harass 
them. The persecution, also, often took the form of bodily injury 
and death was frequently the result. No wonder, then, the poorer 
subjects became alarmed. 

In Switzerland the Anabaptists having no legal status had always 
been exposed to the doubtful mercies of the bigoted Reformed Church. 2 
The martyrdom of many of the leaders was a recent memory and at 
this very time (1708-9) the prisons were full of those whose greatest 
crime was obedience to the scriptural injunction "swear not at all," 
and a disagreement with the Reformed Church as to the time in the 
candidate's life when baptism is to be administered. 

In other provinces of Germany, as well as in the Palatinate, there 
was great suffering among the poorer classes because of the oppressions 
of the petty princes who fashioned their courts after the model of 
Versailles, plunged into extravagance and excess of all kinds, the bur- 
den of which fell upon the laboring classes who suffered severely from 
the exorbitant taxes and tolls demanded to defray these expenses. 

This widespread poverty, and the religious persecutions had for 
years been producing a general unrest, and those who saw no hope 
of better conditions at home began to look to America as a place 
where they could go and be safe. A rather small colony had gone to 
Pennsylvania with Pastorius as early as 1683, and a few families or 
single persons had gone every year since. Another small company, 
50 persons in all, under the Lutheran pastor, Kocherthal, came to 
England in 1780 and were sent to New York. 3 

In 1709 a further cause was given in an exceedingly hard winter. 4 
The cold was so intense that birds and animals succumbed to its 
severity and the loss of life among the very poor was considerable. 
Such an experience would doubtless make Kocherthal's description 

2 E. Mueller, Bernische Taeufer. 

3 E. Mueller, Penn. Ger. Soc. vol. VII, page 263. 

4 Penn. Ger. Soc. vol. VII, page 283. 

12 Nobth Casolina Histobical Commission 

of Carolina more attractive than ever. That same spring and summer 
great numbers of Germans came through Holland to England and 
were given all possible care by public and private philanthropy. This 
is generally spoken of as the Palatine Migration, but the name is mis- 
leading because there were many other German-speaking people in 
the movement. The majority of these immigrants did, however, 
come from the Palatinate; and as the English people were interested 
in that province, they gave the name without distinction to all who 


The Decisive Cause of the Palatine Migration 

The causes mentioned, together with the so-called German Wander- 
lust and the attraction which America had for Europeans, have been 
considered sufficient to explain this migration. But are they suf- 
ficient? Is there not a more important problem still unsolved? When 
one considers that all these contributing causes, political oppression, 
religious persecution, devastation of property, and poverty had existed 
for years in Germany and Switzerland; that the passion for travel 
had always been characteristic of this people; that the advantages 
of America had been well set forth by the preaching of William Penn 
and other Quakers before this colony was founded; that over 50 books, l 
broadsides, and pamphlets had been circulated over Germany, all in 
the interest of inducing emigration to Pennsylvania, resulting in 
only one small settlement at Germantown in Pennsylvania in 1683; 
his conclusion must be that there must have been something more than 
the severe winter added to the above causes which increased the num- 
bers of the emigrants from a small flock of 50 under Kocherthal's 
leadership in 1708, to a mass of over 10,000 persons without a leader 
in 1709. How does it happen that they all expected to be taken to 
America, despite the fact that the Walloons who preceded them had 
had no such hopes? 

The truth is Queen Anne was attempting to continue Cromwell's 
plan of expansion, and in this program there was need of increasing 
her subjects at home and in the colonies, by inviting, and even sub- 
sidizing, people to settle in British America. At the same time also 
the Proprietors of the Provinces were quite as anxious as the Queen 
to have their territories settled; and no one was more industrious 
than Penn in advertising his province. Yet the subject is difficult 
to treat, because direct evidence is not plentiful, since no one wished 
to take the responsibility of tempting the subjects to leave their 
rightful lord. But there was one document which had great, perhaps 
the greatest, influence in persuading people to go to America; and 
that was a small volume printed first in 1706, by the Reverend Mr. 

The Reverend Mr. Kocherthal, just mentioned, had not been to 
America at the time he published his book, but had been in England 
to make inquiries about the colonies. Having become convinced of 
the advantages of South Carolina, he wrote a handbook for Germans, 

^enn. Ger. Soc. vol. VII, page 175. 

14 North Carolina Historical Commission 

describing the province, with directions how to go there. This book 
was so eagerly read that in 1709 it had reached its fourth edition. 
GrafTenried and several of his settlers mention Kocherthal's book, 
indeed this is the only book the settlers do mention; and from the 
nature of their allusions to it one must conclude they were strongly 
influenced by it. In fact, the book continued to have such an effect, 
even after Kocherthal had gone to New York (1708) that Anton 
Wilhelm Boehme, 2 pastor of the German Court Chapel of St. James, 
felt called upon to issue a series of tracts in book form, under the title 
"Das verlangte nicht erlangte Canaan," directed specifically against 
Kocherthal's description of South Carolina. 

An investigation, detailed mention of which will be made later, 
brings out the additional fact that another great cause of the emigra- 
tion was the so-called Golden Book, so named because the Queen's 
picture adorned one of the front pages, and the title page was printed 
in gilt letters. This was evidently a very special and expensive edition, 
and was probably published with the Queen's permission some time 
after she had ascended the throne in 1702, the evident intention being 
to impress German readers. From the language in the report of the 
investigating committee it is clear that the book was written chiefly 
in praise of Carolina. 

Absolute proof cannot be given; but judging from the coincidence 
of the date at which the books appeared, Kocherthal's in 1706, the 
Golden Book between 1702 and 1709, from the similarity of the sub- 
ject matter, both treating of Carolina in particular, and from the effect, 
one may conclude that Kocherthal's book and the Golden Book are 
identical. The following passages occur in the fourth edition un- 
doubtedly reprinted from the first, and are among the directions to 
prospective colonists : 

8. 9^ad)bem aber bte gradjt felbften ju bejaljlen fer)r tfjeuer/ imb foldje 
abntberbtenen fefyr befd)tt>ef)rltdj-al3 fyat ber 2Iutl)or auff die SSeife fid) an* 
gelegen fetyn taffen/ ob btf$fal§ anbere SD^itteX aufouftnben fetyn modjten; toorauff 
enbltdj ber 53orfd)lag gefdjeljen/ baft bte $ontgtn mtt etner (Supplication nuBjte 
erfudjt toerben/ ob felbtge bte ©cfytffe gur Uberfafyrt fyergeben toolte/ ba bann 
triefletdjt gefdjefyen fonte/ baf? man and) mtt $ontgl. @d)tffen Don -Jpollanb 
abgefjolet rotirbe/ unb alfo and) btefe Ueberfat)rt§=$ often erfpafyren fonte: 
bod) miiften auff fold>en gall erne gute 2lnjaf)l £eute mttetnanber fommen/ 
toetlen nubrtgenfats ber 3ftiif)e ntd)t toertf) feton toiirbe/ bte $ontgtn ju bemitfyen 
otel toentger fo oiel Soften anjutoenben/ at§ bet btefen ju ben ©djtffen unb 
(Sonoot) erforbert nrirb. 

9. SBetlen aud) bet) btefen ^eiten an bem $ontgl. §off fo tool toegen be3 
fdjtoefjren $rteg3/ aU aud) toegen ber tmmerfort toafjrenben Otelen Sottecten* 

2 Penn. Ger. Soc. vol. VII, page 47 ff. 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of New Been 15 

@elber bte Sluftgaben unbefdjretbltdj groft alS f>at man fytertnnen mefjrere 
58orfd)Iage getrjan/ U)te bte ©adje anjugretffen/ bamit bte $bntgtn ber anber= 
toarttgen fdjftefjren Unfoften ungead)tet/ bte ©djtffe gur Ueberfatjrt t)ergeben 
modjte; e3 fetyn aber btefe 33orfd)Iage 311 toetttauffttg titer ju befdjretben; bod) 
|offet man/ baft bermtttefft berfelben bte 55emur)ung ntdjt umSonft fetytt toerbe 
ttrietool ntemanb f)tertnnen etit>a3 getotffeS berfpredjen fan/ fonbern ertoarten 
mufj tt>a3$ bte ©ottltdje ©d)tchmg tjtertnnen berfitgen toerbe. 3 

No very definite hopes are held out in these passages, but it would 
not require the Queen's picture and the gilded title page to give the 
impression to the poor people into whose hands the book would come, 
that they might expect help from her, both in crossing the Channel 
and after their arrival in England, in going to the Colonies. The 
effect could be no better with a direct and unequivocal statement, 
and there would be no danger of serious complications with the German 
princes, while, likewise, such a procedure would be quite in harmony 
with her diplomatic methods. 

The Queen's policy of relieving the distressed Protestants met with 
considerable approval by the English people at first, for not only 
could they congratulate themselves on doing a charitable act to mem- 
bers of their own faith, but they could enjoy the prospect of turning 
the recipients of their charity to the material advantage of England. 
Simon Beaumont (July 18, 1709) expresses this mixture of motives 
in a letter too long to quote in full. "But these arguments aside. 
Receiving and succoring these poor Palatines seems to me but the 
payment of a just debt for the kind entertainment that gave many 
of our learned divines and others who were forced to take shelter 
beyond seas in the time of Queen Mary's persecution, and met with 
a hospitable reception at Frankfort in Germany, in the Palatinate, 
the Netherlands, Switzerland and other places; and shall we now suffer 
any of the posterity of our quondam benefacts to perish for want of 
bread that Providence has thrown into our arms for relief?" To 
the objection that England has enough poor of her own, he admits 

'"But since it is very expensive to pay the freight one's self, and very difficult to work it out, the 
author has been very much concerned to find out whether in this case other means might not be found. 
Whereupon finally the proposal was made that the Queen be presented with a supplication to see whether 
she herself would not grant the ships, since it then might be that the people would be brought from 
Holland in the royal ships and thus this expense of passage could be saved; but yet in such a case a 
goodly number of people would have to come together, because if not, it would not be worth while to 
trouble the Queen, much less to go to so much expense as would be demanded for the ships and 

"Because in these times the outlays at the Royal Court are indescribably great on account of 
the heavy war as well as because of the continual money collections, several proposals of how to 
attack the matter were made, in order that the Queen, regardless of other great expenses, might grant 
the ships for the passage. But these proposals are too extensive to describe here, and yet it is hoped 
that through them the effort will not be in vain, although in this matter no one can promise any- 
thing certain, but must wait and see what dispensation Divine Providence will make in this re- 
gard,"— Kocherlhal, page 28. 

16 InTorth Carolina Historical Commission 

she has beggars enough and suggests that they go to work and there 
will be enough food for all; he then advances the generally accepted 
economic principle that "multiplying the number of inhabitants con- 
duces to the strength, grandeur, and wealth of the kingdom, since 
its people are the Riches, Honor, and Strength of a nation and that 
wealth increases in an equal proportion to the additional number of 
the inhabitants." He also cites the fact that "the Palatines who went 
to Magdeburg in 1689 are worth 100,000 crowns a year to the King 
of Prussia. . . . That Holland by giving refuge to distressed 
Protestants was enabled to beat off the Spanish" and concludes that 
"10,000 Palatines is about 8,000£ without detriment to the nation." 
Beaumont would have had them retained in England, then, in place 
of letting them go to the colonies. 4 

The encouragement, however, was not limited to mere expressions 
of good will on the part of private and public individuals, but, as will 
be shown, official help, to which Queen Anne, the Duke of Sunderland, 
and probably the Duke of Marlborough were parties, was given in 

A bill to naturalize foreign Protestants, which had long been dis- 
cussed, was now passed (March 3, 1709), 5 if not for the sake of the 
immigrants, at least very opportunely for them. The result of the 
encouragement given was very flattering, for within a few months 
between 10,000 and 15,000 Germans were in England and had to be 
cared for. The people and the government rose to the emergency; 
tents and barns were assigned to these people for shelter; 6 private 
charity was invoked for their relief; and the Queen authorized a daily 
expenditure at first of £16, but later increased the amount to £100. 7 
Meanwhile their spiritual welfare was attended to. Ministers were 
appointed for that particular service, 8 Bibles were distributed freely 
among them, 9 and as soon as possible plans for settlement were made. 
About 3,000 were settled in Ireland on what was intended to be ad- 
vantageous terms, but of these, 232 families returned to London. x ° 
Many enlisted, x * and provision was made to send great numbers to 
America at the expense of the government. 

The phenomenal success of this scheme proved to be its undoing, 
for so many Germans took advantage of the opportunity that London 
was embarrassed with the expense and labor of supporting them. 
Soon complaints were made, not only by the poor of England who 
might be expected to look askance at this expenditure on these for- 

*Eccl. Rec, vol III, page 1774 S. 

sLuttrel, vol. VI, page 413. 

«Eccl. Rec, vol. Ill, pagel750. 

fEccl. Rec, vol. Ill, page 1753, 1786. 

sEccl. Rec, vol. Ill, page 1742, 1785. 

•Bod. Rec, vol. Ill, page 1786. 
ioEccI. Rec, vol. Ill, page 1836. 
i iPennsylvanien im 17ten Jahrhundret, page 71. 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of ISTew Bern 17 

eigners, when it could be so well employed by the needy folks at home, 
but also by persons in higher stations who did not all look upon such 
expenditures with favor. This opposition grew and in consequence 
a petition was presented to the House of Commons. This resulted 
in the appointment of a committee (January 15, 1710) to inquire, 
among other things "upon what invitation or encouragement the 
Palatines came over, and what moneys were expended in bringing 
them here and by whom." A bill was also ordered prepared to repeal 
the act for naturalizing foreign Protestants. But the important 
thing to notice is that the investigation assumes that these Protestants 
were invited or encouraged to come by some one, for otherwise such 
language would hardly have been used in the bill authorizing the 

April 14, 1711, the committee made its report, of which the follow- 
ing extracts directly concern our discussion: 'And upon the examina- 
tion of several of them (Palatines) what were the motives which 
induced them to leave their native country, it appears to the com- 
mittee that there were books and papers dispersed in the Palatinate 
with the Queen's picture before the book (and the title pages in letters 
of gold which from thence was called the Golden Book) to encourage 
them to come to England in order to be sent to Carolina or other of 
her Majesty's Plantations to be settled there. The book is chiefly a 
commendation of that country. 

"What further encouraged them to leave their native country was 
the ravages the French had made and the damages the hard frost 
had done to their vines, and accordingly, one Joshua Kocherthal, a 
Lutheran Minister with some other Palatines to the number of 61 
persons applied to Mr. Davenant at Frankfort for passes, but he re- 
fused them passes, moneys and recommendations for fear of disgusting 
the Elector Palatinate and desired to know her Majesty's pleasure 
therein, how to behave himself, in which Mr. Boyle signifies her 
Majesty's commands that, though the desire of the poor people to 
settle in the plantations is very acceptable and would be for the public 
good, yet she can by no means consent to Mr. Davenant giving in 
any public way encouragement, either by money or passes to the 
Elector Palatine's subjects to leave their country without his con- 
sent. . . . The next year an act for naturalizing Protestants 
being passed a great number of Palatines and some from other parts 
of Germany came into Holland, and from thence into England at 
several times, being upon their first arrival in Holland subsisted by 
the charity of Rotterdam, but afterwards at the Queen's expense 
and transports and other ships at her Majesty's charges provided 
to bring them thither, as also all sorts of necessaries during this voyage 


18 North Carolina Historical Commission 

by Mr. Dayralle, her Majesty's Secretary at the Hague, who had 
received instructions from Mr. Secretary Boyle (in her Majesty's 
name) to that purpose, pursuant to my Lord Duke of Marlborough's 
desire. . . . 

"Palatines still continued to come till the middle of October, 1709, 
although the orders to Mr. Dayralle to hinder their coming were often 
repeated; and the States General had been applied to by the English 
to send instructions to their minister in Germany, to discourage the 
coming of any more of the Elector Palatine's subjects in this manner 
since the Elector was highly offended by their desertion. Upon this 
Mr. Dayralle informed Mr. Secretary Boyle that these people (20 in 
August, 1709) were encouraged to emigrate by somebody in England, 
and that since the Prohibition, a Gentleman with a servant who came 
over in the Packet boat had gone amongst the Palatines at the Brill 
and distributed money and printed Tickets to encourage them to 
come over, and that many of these tickets were sent to their friends 
in Germany to persuade them to do the like. 

"Mr. Dayralle could never discover who this gentleman was though 
he endeavored it all he could, and the committee could come to no cer- 
tain knowledge therein, but find by two letters that Mr. Henry Torne 
a Quaker at Rotterdam, who in all this matter acted under Mr. Day- 
ralle, forced a great many to embark for England after they had pro- 
vided themselves a passage to go back to their own country, which 
the Palatines owned upon their arrival, was the only reason that 
induced them to come." 12 

A report of the various attempted settlements follows, and then is 
given the results of an investigation into the expenses incurred. The 
total is 135,775£ 18s O^d. Of this there had been paid in two 
different transactions a total of 6,289£ Is 9d in bringing Palatines 
to England. The report closes with the following resolutions: 

Resolved, that the House doth agree with the Committee that the petitioners 
have fully proved the allegations of their petition and had just reason to complain. 

Resolved, that the inviting and bringing over into this kingdom of the poor Pala- 
tines of all religions at the public expense was an extravagant and miserable charge 
to the kingdom, and a scandalous misapplication of the public money to the in- 
crease and oppression of the poor of this kingdom and of dangerous consequences 
to the constitution in church and state. 

Resolved, that whosoever advised the bringing over of the poor Palatines into 
this kingdom was an enemy to the Queen and to this Kingdom. 

This investigation after all did not lead to any definite conclusion, 
the reason for which may perhaps be inferred from a few sentences 
taken from a pamphlet which was styled A Letter to a Gentleman in 

i 2 Eccl. Rec, vol. Ill, page 1724 ff. 


the Country 13 in which it is written that "the committee having sate 
die in diam for a considerable time and searched into papers from the 
Commissioners of Trade, etc., among which there is said to be a letter 
from the E. of S. (Earl of Sunderland) that lets them into the whole 
mystery of the affair, they made their report to the House and their 
resolutions in manner and form following which was agreed to by 
those noble patriots." (The records omit the report which had been 
given before.) The author then quotes the resolutions which have 
been given in the preceding paragraphs. 

The inference is, of course, that the Earl of Sunderland's letter 
involved persons whom it would have been impolitic to expose, and 
that, as a result, the committees chose to save their own reputations 
by launching brave sounding resolutions at no one in particular, even 
though they left the matter in a state of official uncertainty. And this 
was, perhaps, the wisest, if not the most courageous course. 

The following extract from a letter which was written from London, 
July 13, 1708, and which appears as the third appendix to Kocher- 
thal's 1709 edition of his Berichte shows that there was official help 
given in transporting Germans from the Continent to England. . . . 

"SBtr fjaben alter Driven/ burdj ©otte§ @nabe/ iibercmfj guttfjatige uitb 
fjutffreidje Seuttje cmgetroffett. Stuff bem 9xr)emftror)m fjaben un§ unter- 
fct)iebtict)e £eutfje etfoaS an @etb unb 93rob/ 311m ttjeit aud) ^letftf)/ Gutter/ 
$cife/ unb einigemal ettt>a§ an .ftteibungen oerefjrt/ in 9?oterbatn fdjenrte unS 
ein Sftann atlein 40. -ipottanbtfcf'ie ©iilben/ etltcfie anbere gute £eutt)e gaben 
un£ aud) unterfd)iebltd)e3 an ©elb. £)er ©tabt-9?att) in 9?otterbam berefjrte 
unS 25ft. unb lief? un6 auf ifyren Soften/ in etnent ber ©tabt jugeljorigen 
©cfjiff nad) £ettet>otfd)tutft bringen. $m £>aag tjaben totr don bem (Snget- 
tanbifdjen (SnbotyS ertjalten/ baft un3 fretyer ^aft bift gngellanb gegeben hmrbe/ 
unb alfo fettnb nnr aufe ^etleDotfdjtutft in Doltanb/ bife nad) £>arnrid) in 
(Sngeltanb/ ofjne eintgen fetters $o3ten gebradjt toorben.,, x 4 

Another statement written after the great movement had subsided 
shows the same thing. This is quoted from Sauer in the Pennsyl- 
vanische Berichte of December 1, 1754 — not so long after the event 
but that he could get the accurate information. "2tt3 im Stofjre 1704 
Me frantjofifdje SSolfer tn§ 9?eid) etngejogen, unb bie ^eicfjS-^urften bie 2Inna 
$onigin in (Sngtanb um §ulff anrieffen, unb btefe ben £)uc be SJfotborougf) 

I'Eccl. Rec, vol. Ill, page 1754. 

14 " Through God's grace we have found everywhere exceedingly benevolent and helpful people. 
Upon the Rhine different people presented us with something in the way of money and bread, in 
part also with meat, butter, and cheese, and a few times with some clothing. In Rotterdam one 
man alone gave us 40 Holland Guldens; some other good people also gave us varying amounts of 
money. The city council in Rotterdam gave us 25 florins and had us brought to Hellevotschluiss 
at their own cost in a ship belonging to the city. At the Hague we obtained from the English envoy 
that a free pass was given us to England and so we were brought from Hellevotschluiss in Holland 
clear to Harwich in England without a penny's cost." — Kocherthal, page 77. 

20 Nobth Carolina Historical Commission 

mit ciner grofjen Slrmec engliftfier 93b1fer in8 9?etdj gefanbt, burdj beren 
£apferfeit am 2. ^uli bie grantjofen bet) ©djeltenberg gefd)lagen toorben, 
fjatte er bcr ^aijfer unb bie 9?eidj3-8;urften bie $onigin Stnna fragen laffen, 
toaS fie ifyr jur 3)anFbarfeit bor biefen grofeen £>ienft tt)un fonnen? £)arauff 
fyat bie $onigm 5lnna fagen laffen, bafj fie toon ifjren Dffisieren unb ©olbaten 
erfaljren fjabe, bafe fie fo btcle Slrme £eutt)e im SMd) angetroffen, bie tin* SBrobt 
unb notigen unterfjalt nidjt fjaben; e3 follen bie ^eidjS-^urften, tt)ren armen 
£eutt)en erlauben, nad) America ju atetjen, too Sanb genug tft, toorauf fie fid) 
ernefjren fonnten. SDiefeS t)aben fie nebft grower @f)r-53eseugung unb ©anfbar- 
feit eingenrilliget, unb boeil ba% arme SSoW feine moglid)feit gefefjen bal)in ju 
fommen, fo t)at bie $onigm auf ifyren eignen Soften biele £aufenbe nadj 
(Sngellanb bringen laffen, unb bie ba loollten nad) America sieljen, bie hmrben 
grad)tfreb, t)erubergebrad)t unb mit ^robtant, SBerfjeug unb ©eratt)fd)aften 
berfet)en.„ 1 5 

15 When in the year 1704 the French people invaded the Empire and the princes of the realm ap- 
pealed to Queen Anne in England for help, and she had sent the Duke of Marlborough with a great 
army of English people into the Empire, through the bravery of whom the French were defeated on 
July 2, at Schellenberg, he, the Kaiser and the princes of the realm, had a request presented to Queen 
Anne to know what they could do for her out of gratitude for this great service. Thereupon the 
Queen sent word that she had learned from her officers and soldiers that they had met so many poor 
people in the Empire who cannot get their bread and necessary support, that the princes of the realm 
ought to let their poor people go to America, where there is plenty of land upon which they could sup- 
port themselves. To this they agreed, evidencing great respect and gratitude, and because the poor 
people saw no possibility of getting there, the Queen had many thousands brought to England at her 
own cost and whosoever wished to go to America was brought over, passage free, and provided with 
provisions, tools, and utensils. — Der Deutsche Pionier, XIV Jahrgang, page 295. 


Survey of the Final Disposal of the Palatines — The English 
Settle Great Numbers of Them in America under Condi- 
tions Which Reveal Such Mercenary Motives as to Rob 
the Act of Most of its Claim to Charity — Contempt for 
the Germans Shown to be Characteristic Both in England 
and in America 

Whoever may have been responsible for the coming of the Pala- 
tines, there is no doubt about their welcome during the first year of 
the movement. Besides the public expenditure of 135,775£, 1 private 
persons contributed freely both of their time and money for the relief of 
these poor strangers, and in fact it became the correct thing to have 
one's name on a subscription list, and the camps at Blackheath and 
Camberwell became popular promenades for the elite of London. 
When the Mohawk chiefs visited London, the Palatines were shown 
them among other sights. Their evident wretchedness touched the 
hearts of these red men and afforded them an opportunity later to 
show what true generosity is. 

But this charity, excited partly by gratitude for kindnesses shown 
the English reformers by the Germans, 2 partly bj r religious sympathy 3 
and political ties, partly by the warm feelings of an impulsive woman 
and in the case of some, probably, by a desire 4 to be on the popular 
side, soon began to be burdensome and annoying when the first 
pleasure and the novelty of it passed. The Palatines could not camp 
indefinitely in Camberwell and Blackheath, or live in the barns pro- 
vided for them, and various were the schemes proposed for perma- 
nently settling them. Beaumont in his letter, which has a very sensible 
and a kindly tone, would keep them in England and allow them to 
settle on land that was lacking in tenants, and thus retain them in 
England to the advantage of all. His plan, however, was never suc- 
cessfully carried out. 

About 3000 were settled in one body in Ireland and these for the 
most part stayed; others were scattered about over England wher- 
ever any parish was willing to receive them for 5£ per head. But 
after the 5£ was received, the refugees were left to shift for them- 
selves among a people who considered them intruders; and most of 
them came back to London, more wretched if anything than before. 5 
The best plan, after all, seemed to be to settle them in America. 

lEccl. Rec, vol. Ill, page 1732. 
2Eccl. Rec, vol. Ill, page 1777. 
3 Eccl. Rec, vol. HI, 1620. 
4 Eccl. Rec, vol. Ill, page 1753. 
5 Penn. Ger. Soc, vol. VII, page 314. 

22 North Carolina Historical Commission 

The English colonies in America at this time occupied a narrow 
strip along the Atlantic coast from Massachusetts to the Spanish set- 
tlements in Florida, while the interior from the St. Lawrence river to 
the Gulf of Mexico was claimed, and to some extent settled, by the 
French, who came closest to the English in New York and New Eng- 
land, and there offered a real menace. The French, moreover, being 
mostly traders, were on better terms with the Indians; they also inter- 
married with them and adopted many of their habits, while the 
English held themselves more aloof and as fast as they acquired land 
cleared it and so spoiled the hunting. But while the Indians beyond the 
Great Lakes and in the Mississippi favored the French, the Iroquois 
of the New York colony, an important exception in this, were friendly 
with the English. The French traders, however, were among the Iro- 
quois; their allegiance could not, therefore, be counted on, and one of 
the most heartless proposals 6 for disposing of the Palatines was "to set- 
tle them along the Hudson river in the province of New York where 
they may be useful to this Kingdom, particularly in the production of 
naval stores and as a frontier against the French and their Indians." 
There can be no possible offense taken to the statement that "Her 
Majesty was convinced that it would be more for the advantage of 
Her Kingdom if a method could be found to settle them here (in 
America) in such a manner that they might get a comfortable liveli- 
hood instead of sending them to the West Indies; that it would be a 
great encouragement to others to follow their example; that the addi- 
tion to the number of her subjects would in all probability produce a 
proportional increase of their trade and manufactures. " 7 But the 
proposal made by the council to take these protestant refugees, who 
could have no choice in the matter, and use them as a buffer against 
the savages, certainly robs the act of much of its claim to generosity. 

The Reverend Mr. Kocherthal went first with a small party. He 
was followed in 1710 by over 3000 under Governor Hunter. They 
were treated more like slaves than fellow Christians, for they were 
forced to sign a contract by which they were put under a sort of mili- 
tary discipline and set at the fruitless task of trying to make tar in • 
commercial quantities from northern pines. Their whole time was to 
be devoted to this industry and they were to be fed and maintained 
at the Queen's expense. The well meaning but incompetent Gover- 
nor Hunter had the supervision of the colony. Compelled to work 
under task masters, who themselves knew nothing of the business, 
defrauded of their provisions by the contractors, when petition and 
resistance failed, like the brick makers of Egypt, some of them re- 
membered a promised land, and in the depth of winter (1711-12) 

«Eccl. Rec, vol. Ill, page 1703. 
'Eccl. Rec, vol. Ill, page 1738, 1818. 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Been 23 

fifty families journeyed to Schoharie and were given the land prom- 
ised by the generous Mohawk chiefs years before in London. 8 Re- 
lieved by these Indians, without whose assistance they must all have 
perished, the Palatines remained in spite of the. threats of the Gover- 
nor. He "had been the easier under it, upon the consideration that 
by that means the body of that people is kept together within the 
Province; that when it shall please her Majesty to resume the design 
of prosecuting the work, that body at Schoharie may be employed in 
the vast pine woods near Albany, which they must be obliged to do 
having no manner of pretense to ye possession of any lands but by 
performing their part of the contract relating to that manufacture, 
and that in that situation they may serve in some measure as a fron- 
tier to or at least to an increase of the strength of Albany and Sche- 
nectady; but if the war continues or should by any misfortune break 
out again it will neither be possible for them to subsist or safe for them 
to remain there, considering the use they have already made of arms 
where they were intrusted with them." 9 The first of the statement 
is clear; the last refers to the resistance they tried to offer in the tar 
making experiment, and overlooks their loyal services at Louisburg, 1 ° 
where they served without pay and then were deprived of their arms 
at the end of the war. In dismissing these Palatines it may be well 
to add that just as soon as the governors let them alone and gave 
them a chance, they prospered and became, in fact, the best possible 
frontier against the Indians, for they kept the friendship of the red 
men. And certainly Conrad Weiser's activity among the Iroquois 
during the French and Indian war, by which he kept them loyal to 
England, did as much to protect the frontier as though the German 
colony had engaged in hostilities against the Indians and suffered the 
usual hazards of border warfare. The following from Lawson's Jour- 
nal shows that the English and Americans considered these foreigners 
very useful, especially in that they might bear the brunt of the savage 
raids in time of war. 11 Speaking of the projected Swiss colony from 
Bern and Mr. Mitchell who was employed to settle the colonists, he 
says: "This gentleman has been employed by the Canton of Bern to 
find out a Tract of Land in the English America, where that Repub- 
lick might settle some of their people; which Proposal, I believe, is 
now in a fair way towards a Conclusion between her Majesty of Great 
Britain and the Canton. Which must needs be of great advantage to 
both; and as for ourselves, I believe, no Man that is in his Wits, and 
understands the Situation and Affairs of America, but will allow, 
nothing can be done of more security and advantage to the Crown 

s Eccl. Rec, vol. Ill, page 2169. A most interesting document, being the petition presented to the 
Crown in 1720. It reviews the conditions of the Palatines in New York from 1709 to 1720. 
9 Eccl. Rec, vol. Ill, page 1955. 
"Eccl. Rec, vol. Ill, page 2169. 
"Lawson's Journal, page 206. 

24 Worth Carolina Historical Commission 

and subjects of Great Britain, than to have our Frontiers secured by 
a Warlike People, and our Friends, as the Switzers are; especially 
when we have more Indians than we can civilize, and so many Chris- 
tian Enemies lying on the back of us, that we do not know how long 
or short a time it may be, before they visit us." 

Even as late as 1733 according to William Byrd, the Indians were 
a real menace in Virginia; and one of the reasons he gives for encour- 
aging a Swiss colony to settle in his "Land of Eden" was the pro- 
tection they would afford against the Indians and the French. More- 
over, he preferred for his purpose the honest Swiss to the settlers who 
were coming in from Pennsylvania. * 2 

Whether or not such use was made of the particular colony in which 
we are at present interested let the following extracts show. 

"The Governor acquainting the Council that Sundry Germans to 
the number of forty-two men women and children who were invited 
hither by the Baron de Graff enried are now arrived but that the said 
Baron not being here to take care of this Settlement the Governor 
therefore proposed to settle them above the falls of Rappahannock 
River to serve as a barrier to the inhabitants of that part of the Coun- 
try against the Incursions of the Indians and desiring the opinion of 
the Council whether in consideration of their usefulness for that pur- 
pose the Charge of building them a Fort, and clearing a road to their 
settlement and carrying thither two pieces of Canon and some ammu- 
nition may not properly be defrayed by the publick. 

"It is the unanimous opinion of the Board that the settlement, 
tending so much to the security of that part of the Frontiers, it is rea- 
sonable that the expense proposed by the Governor in making thereof 
should be defrayed at the public charge of the Government, and that 
a quantity of powder and ball be delivered for their use out of her 
Majestie's magazine. And because the Sd Germans, arriving so late 
cannot possibly this year cultivate any ground for the(ir) Subsistance, 
much less be able to pay the public Services of the Government. It 
is the opinion of this Board that they be put under the denomination 
of Rangers to exempt them from that charge, and for the better en- 
abling the Sd Germans to supply by hunting the want of other 
provisions. It is also ordered that all other persons be restrained 
from hunting on unpatented Lands near the Settlement." J 3 

July 21st, 1714. 

To the L'ds Comm'rs of Trade. 
My Lords: 

Since my last of the 9th of March, (whereof the enclosed is a Duplicate) I 
have had the hon'r to receive y'r Lo'ps of the 6th of April, with the Treatys of 

i 2 The Writings of Colonel William Byrd, pages 300, 302, 390 ff. 
l3 Virginia Magazine, vol. XIII, page 362. 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Bern 25 

Peace and Comerce, which I have accordingly made public. It is with great sat- 
isfaction that I can acquaint y'r Lo'ps that this Country enjoys a perfect Peace 
and that even the Indians, since the last Treaty made with them, have not of- 
fered the least disturbance, notwithstanding the Tuscaros, induced thereto, (as 
they say) by the people of Carolina, have departed from their agreements with 
this Governm't, and gon(e) to settle once more upon that Province, I continue, 
all resolv'd, to settle out our Tributary Indians as a guard to ye Frontiers, and in 
order to supply that part, w'ch was to have been covered by the Tuscaros, I have 
placed here a number of Protestant Germans, built them a fort and furnished it 
with two pieces of cannon and some ammunition, which will awe the Stragling 
partys of Northern Indians, and be a good Barrier for all that part of the Coun- 
try. These Germans were invited over, some years ago, by the Baron de Graf- 
fenreed, who has her Majesty's Letter to ye Governor of Virginia to furnish them 
with Land upon their arrival. They are generally such as have been employed 
in their own country as Miners, and say they are satisfied. There are divers 
kinds of minerals in those upper parts of the Country where they are settled, and 
even a good appearance of Silver Oar, . . . ' 4 

Virginia, Feb'ry 7, 1715. 
To the L'ds Comm'rs of Trade and Plantation: 

... As to the other Settlement, named Germanna, there are about forty 
Germans, Men, Women, and Children, who, having quitted their native Country 
upon the invitation of the Herr Graffenriedt, and being grievously dissapointed by 
his failure to perform his Engagements to them, and they arriving also here just 
at a time when the Tuscaruro Indians departed from the Treaty they had made 
with this Government to settle upon its Northern Frontiers, I did both in Com- 
passion to those poor Strangers and in regard to the safety of the Country, place 
them together upon a piece of Land, several Miles without the Inhabitants, where 
I built them Habitations, and subsisted them until they were able, by their own 
Labour, to provide for themselves, and I presume I may, without a Crime or Mis- 
demeanor, endeavor to put them in an honest way of paying their Just Debts. . . 15 

This policy, pursued so consistently in New York, Virginia, and 
Carolina, while doubtless a compliment to German courage and 
honesty, points to a contempt for them which has continued, in a 
more or less marked degree, down to the present time. The writer 
of the history of the Germans in Maine found in the state archives 
that those documents relating to the German colony of Waldo alone 
were unprinted, although this colony had had a history as interesting 
and as tragic as Deerfield or Schenectady, and no one can imagine 
documents relating to these two settlements remaining long unprinted 
in the public archives. Happily this attitude is changing, due largely 
to the efforts of the German-Americans themselves, and new chapters 
are constantly being added to the story of their part in the making 
of our country. 

X4 Spotswood, vol. II, page 70. 

15 Spotswood, vol. II, page 196. This refers to his employment of them in building and operating 
his iron furnace. 




Graffenried's Early Life 

Christoph von Graffenried, the eldest of several children, was 
born at Bern, Switzerland, about the first of November, 1661. His 
father, Anton von Graffenried, was a member of the patrician family 
of that name, and while not rich in his younger days, he had claims 
on profitable political position, but, what is more important, he 
possessed the ability to succeed and to keep his wealth on a solid 
and conservative foundation. He was frugal in his expenditures, 
honest in his business relations, but unaffectionate in his family life. 
He could never understand or sympathize with Christoph, who 
had an adventuresome disposition even as a child, and father and 
son were always more or less estranged. Moreover, Christoph's 
mother died when the boy was only a few years old, but her place 
was soon after taken by a stepmother. 

At seven years of age Christoph was one of five little boys sent 
to a Latin teacher who insisted that the pupils speak Latin, and 
punished infractions of the rule with fines. Judging from the Latin 
in the German version of his account, the school was not a success 
in his case, and Anton found the fines he was called upon to pay a 
grievous hardship. Other offenses brought punishments so severe 
that the boy ran away to one of his relatives for protection, through 
whose intercession, however, he was shortly afterwards allowed to re- 
turn home to stay. 

In 1676 Anton von Graffenried went into partnership with the 
foreman and purchased a salt works at Roche. The families were 
so friendly at the start that the plan was made, very agreeably to the 
young people, that Christoph should marry the foreman's daughter. 
But a quarrel arising over the claims of the two fathers in the salt 
works, the relation was broken off, never to be renewed. 

Not long after this, Sir William Waller, a relative of one of the 
regicides, who had come to Bern for protection, saw the boy and was 
so impressed by his appearance and manners, that he encouraged 

28 North Carolina Historical Commission 

him to go to England to try his fortune there, and the father was so 
far persuaded that he was making plans to send him to England when 
a better way seemed to present itself. One of Anton's brothers was 
a chamberlain and captain in the bodyguard of the Elector of Saxony, 
and it was hoped that Christoph would be able to get a place at 
that court through his influence. But the captain died at just this 
time and the hope was shattered. Christoph then went to school 
in Geneva. He was still restless, however, and wanted to travel on 
the 20,000£ which fell to him from his mother. Anton did not approve 
of the plan, but after a violent argument gave his consent for the lad 
to go under the conduct of a theological student who was to super- 
vise the expenditures as well. The two went first to Heidelberg, 
where Christoph was soon in the politest society, thanks to his 
family name and his own engaging appearance. His intercourse in 
the Elector's social circle progressed better than his university studies; 
and when the story of a duel came to Bern, Anton concluded it was 
time for his son to change his location. In Ley den, where he next 
went to study, his law, history and mathematics progressed better, 
and he stayed two years. 

Through Sir William Waller's influence Anton now allowed his son 
to go to England, where he was promised a position with Mr. Roux, 
secretary to the Duke of Carlyle, on his embassy to Constantinople. 
Since the father expected Sir William to advance what money Chris- 
toph would need, no money accompanied the letter of introduction; 
and when the young Switzer landed in London, ten ducats was all he 
had in his pockets. At this time he did not speak English, and it 
was only by chance that he found a German porter who could under- 
stand him. With such directions as this man could give him, he 
found Sir William Waller's house. Lady Waller met him and from 
her manner he could guess that nothing was to be expected from Sir 
William, who was at that time in the Fleet for debt. * Through the 
porter Graffenried learned that the Duke had already gone to Con- 
stantinople, and all hopes of an appointment disappeared. This 
same porter also introduced him to a Swiss locksmith by the name 
of Engel, with whom he stayed until money arrived from Bern. 
Thereupon he took lodging with Pastor Horneg, chaplain to the Duke 
of Marlborough, and not long after was introduced into the society 
of the Duke by a German friend, a trumpet major in the army; and 
from this time he moved in the society of courtiers and was even 
presented to King Charles II himself. 

In 1682, the Duke of Albemarle, chancellor of Cambridge Univer- 
sity, was not able to be present at the conferring of degrees and sent 

iLuttrell, vol. I, pp. 84 and 91. This was between the 11th and 25th of May, 1681. 

Gbaefenbied: Account of the Founding or !New Been 29 

two of his friends, Farwel and Graffenried, to represent him. And 
we may judge of the favor and popularity of the latter when we learn 
that to his astonishment the doctorate was offered him. He refused, 
however, saying that he was not worthy, since he had not studied 
for such a degree, but that he would accept a degree of Master of 
Arts, according to the proverb, In omnibus aliquid, in toto nihil. 

Meanwhile Graffenried had fallen in love with a niece of the Duke 
of Buckingham, a lady of good birth but poor family. Money and 
station were, nevertheless, necessary to succeed in the courtship of 
a lady of rank; and so he planned to buy a vacant commission as cornet 
in the British army. This would cost a thousand pounds, but would 
pay well when secured and would enable him to pursue his courtship 
with some prospect of success. A letter to Bern asking for money and 
for permission to take this place was answered by a summons to start 
for home immediately, with the penalty of losing his prerogatives and 
right to act as his grandfather's substitute in the government at Worb, 
in case he refused. Not even money for the whole journey was 
allowed him, but his way was paid stage by stage through designated 
persons. All this was caused by a false report spread by one of his 
own countrymen, to the effect that he was acting the spendthrift, 
and Anton learned the truth too late to repair the injury entirely. 
It was no use to go back to England now, and with his father's per- 
mission, Christoph stayed a year in France. His social success 
was as great here as it had been in England. Reports of him reached 
Louis XIV and Graffenried had the pleasure of meeting both the 
Dauphin and the great king. After this he spent some time in Lyons 
and finally reached home some time about 1683. Reproaches for the 
wasted time and money were not lacking, and Anton decided it was 
time for the son to marry, and settle down in an office. Christoph 
showed no enthusiasm for marriage and left the choice largely to his 
relatives, with the result that he married Regine Tscharner in 1684. 
On this occasion Anton showed himself so niggardly that the groom 
had to lend him money with which to buy presents and hire the 
carriage himself. 

It was hoped that the grandfather would now assist Christoph to an 
office, but the old gentleman died too soon and it was several years 
before Christoph obtained even a minor appointment. At length, 
however, he became bailiff of Iferton in Neuchatel in 1702. This 
had the reputation of being a lucrative position, but the festivities 
which custom compelled him to give on his induction into office, 
reduced the profits of the first year; and the next year, during the 
religious troubles, Iferton had to support a garrison. The bailiff 
had to keep open house for officers; other officials and friends 

30 JSTokth Carolina Historical Commission 

came to pay him their respects, and these merry, but expensive 
occasions were a heavy drain upon his resources, for out of 200 
doubloons spent, only 50 were repaid him by the state. Graffenried 
also had a feeling for the peasants, and did not wring as much from 
them as he might have done, and as was the usual practice of bailiffs. 
Meanwhile his family was increasing. He made bad speculations, 
gave securities, and contracted debts until prospects of a catastrophe 
began to loom up before him when his term of office should end in 
1708. The strife over Neuchatel, the violation of the peace by the 
war of the Spanish succession, the troubles between the Protestant 
and the Catholic cantons, and the continual persecutions of the 
Anabaptists made his home distasteful to him; the ambitions of his 
youth returned with a renewed force, and now he determined to seek 
in America the fortune which was denied him at home. 

The account of his life thus far, taken mostly from papers in the 
Graffenried family, 2 by one of his descendants, shows that Christoph 
von Graffenried was no ordinary man. He had the ability of making 
friends, and inspired confidence in people. He had an acute mind 
and above all, possessed the love of adventure necessary to the success 
of such an undertaking as that on which he was embarking. The 
failure. of his plans must be laid, not to him, but to circumstances 
over which he had no control, and which he could not, by any possi- 
bility, have foreseen. 

! Neujahrsblatt, page 4 ff. 


Literature Which Graffenried Studied Before Deciding to Go 
to America: — Blome, Hennepin, Kocherthal 

Graffenried, we know, had long been considering the bettering of 
his fortune in America. He had made extensive inquiries about 
mines, agriculture, and the best means of settling there, and the authors 
he read certainly included Blome, Hennepin, and Kocherthal. Blome 
gives a brief description of all the English colonies, and speaks favor- 
ably of them. Hennepin, among other things, has this to say of Caro- 
lina: "So that the Providence of the Almighty God seems to have 
reserved this country for the English, a Patent whereof was granted 
Fifty years ago to the Lords Proprietors of Carolina, who have made 
great discoveries therein, seven hundred Miles Westerly from the 
Mountains, which separate between it Carolina and Virginia, and 
Six hundred Miles from North to South, from the Gulf of Mexico 
to the great Inland Lakes, which are situated behind the Mountains 
of Carolina and Virginia. Besides, they have an account of all the 
Coast, from the Cape of Florida to the River Panuco, the Northerly 
Bounds of the Spaniards on the Gulf of Mexico, together with most 
of the chief Harbours, Rivers, and Islands thereunto appertaining; 
and are about to establish a very considerable Colony on some part 
of the Great River, as soon as they have agreed upon the Boundaries, 
or Limits, which Lords Proprietors of Carolina, who claim by a Patent 
procured long after that of Carolina. But there being space enough 
for both, and the Proprietors generally inclin'd to an amicable 
conclusion, the Success of this undertaking is impatiently expected, 
For considering the Benignity of the Climate, the Healthfulness of 
the Country, the Fruitfulness of the Soil, Ingenuity and Tractableness 
of the Inhabitants, Variety of Productions, if prudently manag'd, it 
cannot, humanely speaking, fail of proving one of the most consider- 
able Colonies on the North-Continent of America, profitable to the 
Publick and to the Undertakers." 1 

Other accounts of Carolina, 2 all favorable, but less entertainingly 
written, by Home, Smith, by one T. A., probably Thomas Ashe, 
and by Archdale had appeared before this; and Graffenried may have 
been acquainted with some or all of these. Kocherthal's Bericht 
was undoubtedly the most influential book among German-speaking 
people, having reached the fourth edition in 1709. It contains a 

*A continuation of the New Discovery of a vast Country in America. Reprinted by Thwaites, 
page 678. 

2 Carrol's Collections, vol. II. 

32 North Carolina Historical Commission 

rather detailed description of the country, plants, animals, and prod- 
ucts, and has little but praise for the new country. On the subject 
of greatest concern, the danger from the Indians, it reads as follows: 

Sftit benen 3nbtanern leben aucb, bie (Snglifdje attba in bolTfommener 
greunbfcfyaft imb guter SSerneljmen in bem fie betbcrfetts cinanber gar niitgltd) 
unb jutrctgtirf) fet)n: unb tragen bie Sorbs/ fo (SigentlmmS £>errn biefeg £anbe§ 
finb/ gute ©orgfaft/ baft iljnen ntdjts unbifligeS gugefiiget toerbe. ©ie fyaben 
jn fotdjem Gmbe ein fonbertidjeS ©eridjte angeorbnet unb beftettet/ luetdjeS auS 
benen 33efd)eibenften unb bem (Sigen^Jiuij am loenigften ergebenen (Stmooljnern 
beftetjet: toorinnen benn all bie ©treitigfeiten beigeleget boerben fallen/ fo 
fid) etroa gbnfdjen benen (gngttfdjen unb trgenb etnem Don ben ^nbtanern 
jutragen modjten toeldjeg fie bloft auft einer Sljrifttidjen unb bernimfttg billtdjen 
33etoegung gettjan/ feinetoegeS aber barum/ at3 ob man fid} etroa eintger 
©efafyr Don ifmen ju be§orgen l)atte. 

@g finb nemltd) bie ^nbianer btftant)ero ftetig untereinanber fo im $riege 
toermicfett gettiefen . . . baft felbige biefem SSolf nid)t jugelaffen fyaben, fid} 
fonberlidj $u bermefyren aber ^ujuneljmen . . . 2)iefe3 berurfadjet bemnad)/ 
baft fie an IJftannfdjafft fo fdjtoad)/ aud) iiber bift fo jerteilet bleiben/ baft bie 
(Snglifdjen bon iljnen nid)t bie allergeringfte gordjt f)aben/ ober fid) einiger 
©efafjr beforgen borffen/ . . . 3 

3 "The English also live with the Indians there in complete friendship and good understanding, 
since they are mutually useful and agreeable. And the Lords who are the owners of this land take 
good care that no ill treatment is given them. They have, to this end, arranged and established for 
them an especial court which consists of the most modest inhabitants and those least given to selfish- 
ness, in which, then, all disputes which may come up between the English and any of the Indians are 
settled. This they have done merely out of a Christian and reasonably proper impulse, but not at 
all as though one had to fear any danger from them. 

"That is to say, the Indians up until now have been engaged so continually in war with each 
other that the same has not allowed this race to increase or grow very much. This brings it about, 
accordingly, that they are so weak in numbers of warriors, and, besides this, remain so divided that 
the English have not the slightest fear of them or need allow themselves to have anxiety about any 
danger whatever."- — Kocherthal, page 57. 


Another Colonization Project — Graffenried Meets the Agent 
— Franz Louis Michel — Fully Persuaded to Go to America — 
Graffenried Leaves for England and Meets John Lawson 

While Graffenried was still in Switzerland the Canton of Bern had 
begun to negotiate through a former citizen of Bern, Franz Louis 
Michel, for land in North Carolina l and Virginia. 2 They requested 
to be allowed to hold whatever tract they should buy independently 
of either the Proprietors of Carolina or the Governor of Virginia. 3 
Since such a request could not, of course, be granted, nothing definite 
was done concerning purchase. An independent colonization project 
was started, however, the chief member of which was a man named 
Bitter. 4 

In 1708 Michel was back in Bern 5 again and from him Graffenried 
informed himself more fully about conditions in America, and Michel's 
favorable reports fully persuaded him to go to the New World. His 
plan had no connection as yet with the colonization schemes of the 
Canton of Bern or the Ritter Company, as will be shown later. All 
he had in mind was to go over to America, and following Michel's 
directions and maps, to find the deposits of silver ore, which he, 
together with Michel, expected to work for their own profit, using 
for this purpose miners from Germany, who should be engaged before 
he left, but who were not to emigrate until he sent for them. 6 Accord- 
ingly, when his term of office ended in 1708, 7 Graffenried left Swit- 
zerland secretly, not even telling his friends of his plans, and went 
first to Holland and then to England. While in Holland, or on his 
way there, he engaged twelve miners to come to him when he should 
send for them. 8 

During his stay in England Graffenried became acquainted with 
Michel's friend John Lawson, who was having the account of his 
travels in Carolina printed. None of the descriptions with which 
Graffenried was acquainted, except Hennepin's, compare in interest 
and freshness with Lawson's Journal. He had been eight j^ears in 
Carolina, and had taken a thousand-mile journey from Charleston 
to a point near the present site of New Bern, making, however, a 
wide circuit in which he ascended the Santee River to its sources, 

•■Lawson's Journal, page 203 ff. 

2 FreDch Version. 

3 Freneh Version. 

4 .\eujahrsblatt, page 21. Bernische Taeufer, page 25S. 

5 French Version, German Version. 

6 Frenoh Version, German Version. 

'Xeujahrsblatt, page 17. 

8 Frenoh Version, German Version. 

34 North Carolina Historical Commission 

and then turned northward, crossing the upper waters of the Congaree, 
Wateree, and Yadkin Rivers, then bearing more to the east until 
he reached the Moratok, now the Roanoke River, some 120 miles 
above its mouth. From this point he went southward, almost to 
Chatoka, now New Bern. This trip gave him a good idea of the 
country and its inhabitants, at least Graffenried must have thought 
so, and furthermore, he confirmed Michel's reports about the presence 
of silver ore. 1 

The passages and abstracts from Lawson's book which follow will 
give an idea of his style and the kind of arguments that doubtless 
influenced Graffenried to go to Carolina rather than to Virginia, as 
he intended at first to do. As copies of the book are very rare and 
not easily accessible, and Lawson was from this time on so intimately 
associated with Graffenried, I have made the quotations and extracts 
rather full. 

^he influence of Lawson and his description of Carolina is attested further by the fact that his 
book was printed so soon in German and published in an edition that was evidently an expensive 
one, as shown by the gilt lettering. The title of the German edition was as follows: 

Allerneuste Beschreibung der Provintz Carolina in West-Indien sammt einem Reise-Journal 
von mehr als Tausend Meilen unter allerhand Indianischen Nationen, auch einer Accuraten Land- 
Carte und andern Kupfer-Stichen. Aus dem Englischen ubersetzt durch M. Vischer. 


Gedruckt und verlegt/ durch seel. Thomas von Wierings Erben bey der Borse/ in guldenen A, 
B, C, Anno 1712 sind auch zu Frankfurt und Leipsig/ bey Zacharias Herlteln zu bekommen. 

Most Recent Description of the Province Carolina in the West Indies, along with a Travel- 
Journal of more than a Thousand Miles among all sorts of Indian Nations, with an Accurate Map 
and other Copper Plates also. Translated out of the English by Mr. Vischer. 


Printed and published by the heirs of the late Thomas von Wiering at the Exchange in golden 
A, B, C, Anno 1712, are also to be had in Frankfort and Leipsig at Zacharias Herldn's. 

John Lawson and His Journal 

Lawson began his journey of exploration December 28, 1700. 
There were six Englishmen, three Indian men and an Indian woman, 
the wife of one of the guides in the party. They canoed from Charles- 
town to the Santee River, up which they rowed several days, and 
as occasion required enjoyed the hospitality of the French settlers 
along the river. The following extracts will show how he livened 
up his description. 

"Monday. The next Morning very early we ferry'd over a Creek 
that runs near the House; and, after an Hour's Travel in the Woods, 
we came to the River-side, where we stay'd for the Indian, who was 
our Guide, and was gone around by Water in a small Canoe, to meet 
us at the Place we rested at. He came after a small time and ferry'd 
us in that little Vessel over Santee River 4 miles, and 84 Miles in the 
Woods, which the overflowing of the Freshes, which then came down, 
had made a perfect Sea of, there running an incredible Current in the 
River, which had cast our small Craft and us away, had we not had 
this Sewee Indian with us; who are excellent Artists in managing 
these small Canoes. 

"Santee River, at this time, (from the usual Depth of Water) was 
risen perpendicular 36 Foot, always making a Breach from her Banks, 
about this Season of the Year. The general Opinion of the cause 
thereof, is suppos'd to proceed from the overflowing of fresh Water- 
Lakes that lie near the Head of this River, and other upon the same 
Continent; But my Opinion is, that these vast Inundations proceed 
from the great and repeated Quantities of Snow that falls upon the 
Mountains, which lie at so great a Distance from the Sea, therefore 
they have no Help of being dissolv'd by those saline, piercing Parti- 
cles, as other adjacent Parts near the Ocean receive: and therefore 
lies and increases to a vast Bulk, until some mild Southerly Breezes 
coming on a sudden, continue to unlock these frozen Bodies, con- 
geal'd by the North-West Wind : dissipating them in Liquids : and com- 
ing down with Impetuosity, fills those branches that feed these Rivers, 
and causes this strange Deluge, which oft-times lays under Water 
for Miles distant from the Banks: tho' the French and Indians 
affirmed to me they never knew such extraordinary Floods there 

"We all by God's Blessing and the Endeavours of our Indian- 
Pilot, pass'd safe over the River, but was lost in the Woods which 

36 North Carolina Historical Commission 

seem'd like some great Lake, except here and there a Knowl of high 
Land, which appeared above water. 

"We intended for Mons. Galliar's, jun; but was lost, none of us 
knowing the Way at that Time, altho' the Indian was born in the 
Country, it having receiv'd so strange a Metamorphosis. We were 
in several Opinions concerning the right way, the Indian and myself, 
suppos'd the House to bear one Way, the rest thought to the con- 
trary; we differing, it was agreed amongst us that one half should 
go with the Indian to find the House and the other part to stay upon 
one of these dry Spots, until some of them returned to us, and inform'd 
us where it lay. 

" Myself and two more were left behind, by Reason the Canoe would 
not carry us all; we had but one Gun amongst us, one Load of 
Ammunition, and no Provision. Had our Men in the Canoe mis- 
carry'd, we must (in all Probability) there have perish'd. 

"In about six Hour's Time, from our Mens Departure, the Indian 
came back to us in the Same Canoe he went in, being half drunk, 
which assur'd us they had found some Place of Refreshment. He 
took us three into the canoe, telling us all was well: Paddling our 
Vessel several Miles thro' the Woods, being often half full of water; 
but at length we got safe to the Place we sought for, which prov'd 
to lie the same Way the Indian and I guess'd it did." l 

Another short extract speaking of the Indians: 

"Amongst Women it seems impossible to find a scold; if they are 
provok'd, or affronted, by their Husbands, or some other, they resent 
the Indignity offer'd them in silent Tears, or by refusing their Meat. 
Would some of our European Daughters of Thunder set these Indians 
for a Pattern, there might be more quiet Families found amongst 
them, occasion'd by that unruly Member, the Tongue. 2 

"A Second Settlement of this Country was made about fifty years 
ago, in that part we now call Albemarl County and chiefly in Chuwon 
Precinct, by several substantial Planters from Virginia and other 
Plantations; Who finding mild winters, and a fertile Soil beyond 
expectation, producing that which was planted to a prodigious In- 
crease, their Cattle, Horses, Sheep and Swine breeding very fast, and 
passing the Winter without any assistance from the Planter: so that 
everything seem'd to come by Nature, the Husbandman living almost 
devoid of Care, and free from those Fatigues which are absolutely 
requisite in Winter-Countries, for providing Fodder and other Neces- 
saries; these Encouragements induced them to stand their Ground 
altho' but a handful of People, seated at great Distances one from 

Dawson's Journal, page 4 ff. 
2 Lawson's Journal, page 37. 

Geaffeneied : Account of the Founding of New Been 37 

another, and amidst a vast number of Indians of different Nations, 
who were then in Carolina. Nevertheless, I say, the Fame of this 
new discovered Summer-Country spread through the neighbouring 
Colonies, and in a few Years, drew a considerable number of Families 
thereto, who all found Land enough to settle themselves in (had they 
been many Thousands more) and that which was very good and 
commodiously seated, both for Profit and Pleasure. And indeed, 
most of the Plantations in Carolina naturally enjoy a noble Prospect 
of large and spacious Rivers, pleasant Savannas and fine Meadows 
with their green Liveries, interwoven with beautiful Flowers, of most 
glorious Colours, which the several Seasons afford; hedged in with 
pleasant Groves of the ever-famous Tulip-tree, the stately Laurel, 
and Bays, equalizing the Oak in Bigness and Growth; Myrtles, Jessa- 
mines, Woodbines, Honeysuckles, and several other fragrant Vines 
and Ever-Greens, whose aspiring Branches shadow and interweave 
themselves with the Loftiest Timbers, yielding a pleasant Prospect, 
Shade and Smell, proper Habitations for the Sweet-singing Birds, 
that melodiously entertain such as travel thro' the Woods of Carolina. 

"The Planters possessing all these Blessings, and the Produce of 
great Quantities of Wheat and Indian Corn in which this Country 
is very fruitful as likewise in Beef, Pork, Tallow, Hides, Deer-Skins 
and Furs; for these Commodities the New-England-Men and Ber- 
mudians visited Carolina in their Barks and Sloops, and carry'd out 
what they made, bringing them in exchange Rum, Sugar, Salt, 
Molasses and some Wearing Apparel, tho' the last at very extravagant 

"As the land is very fruitful, so are the Planters kind and hospitable 
to all that come to visit them; there being very few Housekeepers, 
but what live very nobly, and give away more provisions to Coasters 
and Guests who come to see them, than they expend amongst their 
own Families. 3 

"When we consider the Latitude and convenient Situation of Caro- 
lina, had we no farther Confirmation thereof, our Reason would inform 
us, that such a Place lay fairly to be a delicious Country, being placed 
in that Girdle of the World which affords Wine, Oil, Fruit, Grain, 
Silk with other rich Commodities, besides a sweet Air, moderate 
Climate, and fertile Soil; these are the Blessings (under Heaven's 
Protection) that spin out the Thread of life to its utmost Extent, 
and Crown our Days with the Sweets of Health and Plenty, which, 
when join'd with Content, renders the Possessors the happiest Race 
of Men upon Earth. 

3 Lawson's Journal, page 62 ff. 

38 North Carolina Historical Commission 

"The Inhabitants of Carolina, thro' the Richness of the Soil, live 
an easy and pleasant life. The Land being of several sorts of Com- 
post, some stiff, others light, some marl, others rich black Mould; 
here barren of Pine, but affording Pitch, Tar and Masts; there vastly- 
rich, especially on the Freshes of the Rivers, one part bearing great 
Timbers, others being Savannas or natural Meads, where no trees 
grow for several Miles, adorn'd by Nature with a pleasant Verdure, 
and beautiful Flowers, frequent in no other Places, yielding abundance 
of Herbage for Cattle, Sheep and Horse. The Country in general 
affords pleasant Seats, the Land (except in some few Places) being 
dry and high Banks, parcell'd out into most convenient Necks, (by 
the Creeks) easy to be fenced in for securing their Stocks to more 
strict Boundaries, whereby, with a small trouble of fencing, almost 
every man may enjoy, to himself, an entire Plantation, or rather 
Park. These with the other Conveniences which the Summer-Country 
naturally furnishes, has induc'd a great many families to leave the 
more Northerly Plantations, and sit down under one of the mildest 
Governments in the world; in a Country that, with moderate Industry, 
will afford all the Necessaries of Life. We have yearly abundance 
of Strangers come among us, who chiefly strive to the Southerly to 
settle because there is a vast Tract of rich Land betwixt the Place 
we are seated on, and Cape-Fair, and upon that River, and more 
Southerly, which is inhabited by none but a few Indians, who are at 
this time well affected to the English, and very desirous of their coming 
to live among them. The more Southerly, the milder Winters, with 
the advantage of purchasing the Lords Land at the most easy and 
moderate Rate of any Lands in America, nay (allowing all advantages 
thereto annex'd) I may say, the Universe does not afford such another ; 
Besides, Men have a great advantage of choosing good and com- 
modious Tracts of Land at the first Seating of a Country or River, 
whereas the later Settlers are forced to purchase smaller Dividends of 
the old Standers, and sometimes at very considerable Rates; as now 
in Virginia and Maryland, where a thousand Acres of good Land 
cannot be bought under twenty Schillings an Acre, besides two Schil- 
lings yearly Acknowledgement for every hundred Acres; which Sum, 
be it more or less, will serve to put the Merchant or Planter here into 
a good Posture of Buildings, Slaves, and other Necessaries, where 
the Purchase of his Land comes to him on such easy Terms. And 
as our Grain and pulse thrives with us to admiration, no less do our 
Stocks of Cattle, Horses, Sheep, and Swine multiply. 4 

"The Christian Natives of Carolina are a straight, clean-limb'd 
People; the Children being seldom or never troubled with Ricketts, 

4 Lawson's Journal, page 79 ff. 

Geaffeneied : Account of the Founding of New Been 39 

or those other Distempers, that the Europeans are visited withal. 
'Tis next to a miracle to see one of them deformed in Body. The 
Vicinity of the Sun makes Impression on the Men, who labour out 
of doors, or use the Water. As for those Women, that do not expose 
themselves to the Weather, they are often very fair, and generally 
as well featur'd, as you shall see anywhere, and have very brisk charm- 
ing Eyes, which sets them off to Advantage. They marry very young; 
Some at Thirteen or Fourteen; and She that stays 'till Twenty is 
reckoned a stale Maid; which is a very indifferent Character in that 
warm Country. The Women are very fruitful; most Houses being 
full of Little Ones. It has been observ'd that Women long marry'd 
and without Children, in other Places, have remov'd to Carolina and 
become joyful Mothers. They have very easy Travail in their Child- 
bearing, in which they are so happy, as seldom to miscarry. Both 
Sexes are generally spare of Body, and not Cholerick, nor easily cast 
down at Disappointments and Losses, seldom immoderately grieving 
at Misfortunes, unless for the Loss of their nearest Relations and 
Friends, which seems to make a more than ordinary Impression upon 
them. Many of the Women are very handy in Canoes, and will 
manage them with great Dexterity and Skill, which they become 
accustomed to in this Watery Country. They are ready to help their 
Husbands in any servile Work, as Planting, when the Season of the 
Weather requires Expedition; Pride seldom banishing good Hous- 
wifery. The Girls are not bred up to the Wheel and Sewing only; 
but the Dairy and affairs of the House they are very well acquainted 
withal; so that you shall see them, whilst very young, manage their 
Business with a great deal of Conduct and Alacrity. The Children 
of both Sexes are very docile, and learn anything with a great deal 
of Ease and Method; and those that have the Advantages of Educa- 
tion, write good Hands, and prove good accountants, which is most 
coveted, and indeed most necessary in these Parts. The young Men 
are commonly of a bashful, sober Behaviour; few proving Prodigals, 
to consume what the Industry of their Parents has left them, but 
commonly improve it. 5 

"I shall add this: That with prudent Management, I can affirm, 
by experience, not by Hear-say, that any Person, with a small Begin- 
ning, may live very comfortably, and not only provide for the Neces- 
saries of Life but likewise for those that are to succeed him. 6 

"Moreover it is remarkable, that no place on the Continent of 
America has seated an English Colony so free from Bloodshed as 
Carolina; but all the others, have been more damag'd and disturb'd 

5 Lawsoa's Journal, page 84. 
6 Lawson's Journal, page 86. 

40 North Carolina Historical Commission 

by the Indians than they have, which is worthy Notice, when one 
considers how oddly it was first planted with Inhabitants. 7 

"Great Plenty is generally the Ruin of Industry. Thus our Mer- 
chants are not many, nor have those few there be, apply'd themselves 
to the European Trade. The Planter sits contented at home, whilst 
his Oxen thrive and grow fat, and his Stocks daily increase; the fatted 
Porkets and Poultry are easily raised to his Table, and his Orchard 
affords him Liquor so that he eats, and drinks away the Cares of the 
World and desires no greater Happiness, than that which he daily 
enjoys. Whereas, not only the European, but also the Indian-Trade 
might be carried on to great profit, because we lie as fairly for the 
Body of Indians, as any Settlement in English-America; and for the 
small trade that has been carried on in the Way, the Dealers therein 
have throve as fast as any Men, and the soonest raised themselves 
of any People I have known in Carolina. 8 

"One great Advantage of North-Carolina is that we are not a Fron- 
tier, and near the Enemy; which proves very chargeable and trouble- 
some, in time of War, to those Colonies that are so seated. Another 
great Advantage comes from its being near Virginia, where we come 
often to a good Market, at the Return of the Guinea-Ships for Ne- 
gro's, and the Remnant of their Stores, which is very commodious for 
the Indian trade. 9 

"Therefore as my Intent was, I proceed to what remains of the Present 
State of Carolina, having already accounted for the Animals, and Veg- 
etables, as far as this Volume, would allow of; whereby the Remainder, 
though not exactly known, may yet be guess'd at, if we consider what 
Latitude Carolina lies in, which reaches from 29 to 36 degrees, 30 
minutes, Northern Latitude, as I have before observ'd. Which Lati- 
tude is as fertile and pleasant, as any in the World, as well as for the 
Produce of Minerals, Fruit, Grain, and Wine, as other rich Commodi- 
ties. And indeed, all the Experiments that have been made in Caro- 
lina, of the Fertility and natural Advantages of the Country, have 
exceeded all Expectation, as affording some Commodities, which other 
Places, in the same Latitude, do not. As for Minerals, as they are 
subterraneous Products, so, in all new Countries, they are the Species 
that are last discover'd; and especially in Carolina, where the Indians 
never look for any thing lower than the Superficies of the Earth, being 
a Race of Men the least addicted to delving of any People that in- 
habit so fine a Country as Carolina is. As good if not better Mines 
than those of the Spaniards in America, lie full West from us; and I 
am certain, we have Mountainous Land, and as great Probability of 

'Lawson's Journal, page 86. 
8 Lawson's Journal, page 86 ff. 
'Lawson's Journal, page 88 ff. 

Graffenefed : Account of the Founding of New Been 41 

having rich Minerals in Carolina, as any of those Parts that are al- 
ready found to be so rich therein. But, waving this subject, till some 
other Opportunity, I shall now give you some Observations in gen- 
eral, concerning Carolina; which are, first, that it lies as convenient for 
trade as any of the Plantations in America." x ° 

The Healthfulness of the Country is lauded next. He says that 
gout is rare and consumption they are wholly strangers to. * 1 

"The trade with Virginia is good, for ships visiting there provision 
themselves from the products of Carolina and give bills of exchange for 
England which are as good as Sterling money, and while Tobacco may 
be very cheap at times provisions are always in demand. Besides the 
Carolinians can get to market when the northern colonies are frozen 
up. The Sand banks protect the coast from enemies, yet allow trad- 
ing vessels to approach. 

"If a Man be a Botanist, here is a plentiful Field of Plants to divert 
him in; if he be a Gardner, and delight in that pleasant and happy 
Life, he will meet with a Climate and Soil, that will further and pro- 
mote his Designs, in as great a Measure, as any Man can wish for; 
and as for the Constitution of this Government, it is so mild and easy, 
in respect to the Properties and Liberties of a Subject, that without 
rehearsing the Particulars, I say once for all, it is the mildest and 
best established Government in the World, and the Place where any 
Man may peaceably enjoy his Justice and Equity which is the Golden 
Rule that every Government ought to be built upon, and regulated by. 
Besides, it is worthy our Notice, that this Province has been settled, 
and continued the most free from the Insults and Barbarities of the 
Indians, of any Colony that was ever yet seated in America; which 
must be esteemed as a particular Providence of God handed down 
from Heaven, to these People; especially when we consider, how ir- 
regularly they settled North Carolina, and yet how undisturb'd they 
have ever remain'd, free from any Foreign Danger or Loss, even to 
this very Day. And what may well be looked upon for as great a 
Miracle, this is a Place, where no Malefactors are found, deserving 
Death, or even a Prison for Debtors; there being no more than two 
Persons, that, so far as I have been able to learn, ever suffer'd as 
Criminals, although it has been a Settlement near sixty years; One 
of whom was a Turk that committed Murder; the other, an old wo- 
man, for Witchcraft. These, 'tis true were on the Stage and acted 
many Years, before I knew the Place; but as for the last, I wish it had 
been undone to this Day; although they give a great many Arguments 
to justifie the Deed, which I should rather they should have a hand 

10 Lawson's Journal, page 163. 

uLawson's Journal, page 164. A summary. 

42 North Carolina Historical Commission 

in, than myself; feeling I could never approve of taking Life away 
upon such Accusations, the Justice whereof I could never yet under- 
stand. 1 2 

"But to return to the Subject in Hand; we there make extraordinary 
good Bricks throughout the Settlement. All sorts of Handicrafts, as 
Carpenters, Joiners, Masons, Plaisterers, Shooemakers, Tanners, Tay- 
lors, Weavers, and most others may, with small Beginnings, and God's 
Blessing, thrive very well in this Place, and provide Estates for their 
Children, Land being sold at a much cheaper Rate there, than in any 
other Place in America, and may, as I suppose, be purchased of the 
Lords-Proprietors here in England, or of the Governor there for the 
time being, by any that shall have a mind to transport themselves 
to that Country. The Farmers that go thither (for which sort of men 
it is a very thriving place) should take some particular Seeds of Grass, 
as Trefoil, Clover-grass all sort, Sanfoin, and Common Grass . . . 
Hoes of all sorts, Axes, Saws, Wedges, Augurs, Nails, Hammers, Tools 
for Brick and Stonework. " 1 3 

He compares the price of land which is 1-50 in Carolina of what it 
is in Virginia with a lower quit rent. 

"And as there is a free Exercise of all Persuasions amongst Christians, 
the Lords Proprietors, to encourage Ministers of the Church of Eng- 
land, have given free Land towards the Maintenance of a Church, 
and especially, for the Parish of S. Thomas in Pampticough, over 
against the Town, is already laid out for a Glebe of two hundred and 
twenty-three Acres of rich well-situated Land, that a Parsonage House 
may be built upon. " 1 4 

It is noticeable, in view of what followed that none of the accounts 
referred to show any apprehension of immediate danger from the In- 
dians, though Spotswood's correspondance and Byrd's writings prove 
that they recognized that such a menace existed, and one cannot but 
believe that these accounts glossed over the danger in the attempt to 
attract settlers. 

This is sufficient to show why Graffenried decided to turn towards 
North Carolina when occasion afforded him the chance. As yet he 
had no other colonists engaged than his few miners and their families. 
It was not long, though, before he had prospect of a considerable in- 
crease in the size and dignity of his undertaking. 

12 Lawson's Journal, page 166. 

13 Lawson's Journal, page 167 ff. 

14 Lawson's Journal, page 167 ff. In part, a summary. 


Graffenried and Michel Unite Their Mining Project to the 
Bern-Ritter Colonization Company, of Which Michel is 
Agent — Graffenreid Made Landgrave — Negotiations for 
Land and Settlers — 650 Palatines Secured — They Start in 
January, 1710 — Difficulties in Getting the Bern Convicts 
Through Holland — Graffenried and Michel Secure Min- 
ing Concessions — Discussion of the Contract with the 
Georg Ritter Company — Assistance Promised by the Pro- 
prietors — Swiss Colony Starts in the Summer of 1710 

The early part of the year 1709 found Graffenried in London, 
waiting to see what could be done about his intended mines. To a 
man of active temperament, burdened with debts, and anxious to get 
something started that would enable him to clear them, the delays 
of this year must have been most exasperating. His plans so far 
were only tentative and he was waiting for any better offer that might 
be made him by any of his friends in England. 

His partner, Franz Louis Michel, as has been stated in Chapter III, 
was meanwhile conducting negotiations for the Ritter Company. This 
company was also to bring over religious convicts for the Canton of 
Bern; and so had a semi-official character. x On the 28th of April, 
1709 "Mr. Mitchells Proposals in the name of some of the Swiss Can- 
tons of Bern were read (at Craven House) and it was then agreed 
that 10,000 Acres of Land on or betwixt News or Cape Fear or their 
branches in North Carolina should be set out for the Proposers or 
their heirs they paying to the Lords Proprietors £10 purchase money 
for each thousand acres to the Lords Proprietors and their Heirs 

"Agreed further that 100,000 Acres be reserved to the proposers 
for 12 years during which term no other person shall purchase any of 
the same, which said 100,000 Acres are to be set out by the Surveyor 
General and may be purchased by any of the Proposers at the rate 
above mentioned during the term of seven years but after that time 
is expired they are to pay according to the custome of that part of the 

"And lastly that one of their number be made a Landgrave he 
paying for 5000 acres the usuall purchase money for each 1000 acres 
the customary quitrent for every 100 acres to the Lords Proprietors 
for the same." 2 

*E. Mueller, Bernische Taeufer, page 258. 
2 Col. Rec, vol. I, page 707. 

44 JSToeth Carolina Historical Commission 

Meanwhile the influx of Germans into England, treated of in Chap- 
ters I and II, was beginning. On the 28th of April, the day that 
Michel's proposals were read, Luttrell mentions that, "the elector 
Palatine, upon many protestant families leaving his domains, and 
gone for England to be transported to Pennsylvania, has publish'd 
an order, making it death and confiscation of goods for any of his 
subjects to quit their native country." 3 Some time after this they 
arrived in England. From this passage, as well as from the encour- 
agement the people themselves received, it is clear that the general 
notion was that these Germans were to be sent to America. But 
now a greater number of people on their hands than they expected, 
there was difficulty in executing the plan. Schemes were proposed; 
some suggested Reya de la Plata, Jamaica, the sugar islands, the 
Canary Islands, New England, Pennsylvania, Virginia, the Jerseys, 
Maryland, and England itself. 4 The Proprietors also wanted to 
share in any advantage that might be reaped from the foreigners; 
and on July 11 "detailed proposals were made for the encouragement 
of the palatinate's transportation into the province of Carolina. " 6 
What these proposals were is given in part by Luttrell, July 16, 1709. 
"The Lords Proprietors of Carolina have made proposals to a com- 
mittee of council to take all the Palatines here from 15 to 45 years 
old, and send them to their plantations; but her majestie to be at the 
charge of transporting them, which will be above 10£, a head." 6 

While this was under consideration, the proprietors, apparently 
fully confident of the success of their plan, wished the persons im- 
mediately concerned to know about it and on July 28, they "ordered, 
that the advertisement printed in the gazette for the palatinates' 
transportation, be printed in High Dutch, for the use of the poor 
palatines and the rest of the Germans." 7 

Graffenried could hardly have been a member of the Swiss coloni- 
zation company at the time the proposals were made [April 28] or 
his name would have been given. He was then in London, and well 
known from his previous life in the court circles of Charles II. The 
proprietors were, as ever, anxious to sell an extra 5000 acres of land; 
and if they could persuade any of the company to buy with such an 
inducement as a title thrown in, they would gladly do so. It is not 
strange, then, that shortly after this Graffenried did become a mem- 
ber of the company, for Michel who was interested with him in the 
mining project, was also interested in the Bern-Ritter colonization 
scheme; and a community of interests in one direction would natur- 

3 Luttrell, vol. VI, page 435. 

4 Eccl. Rec, vol. 3, page 1790. 

5 Hist. Soc. S. Carolina, vol. I, page 179. 

6 Luttrell, vol. VI, page 465. 

7 Hist. Soc. S. Carolina, vol. I, page 179. 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of Xeav Been 45 

ally bring the two men together in any other scheme where one was 
involved. Thus, before anything definite about the Proprietors' pro- 
posals for settling the Germans on their land had been made by the 
committee, Graffenried paid 50£ for 5000 acres [August 4, 1709] and 
was made a Landgrave. 8 Of the 5000 acres, 1250 had belonged to 
Lawson, but what arrangements Lawson had with the Proprietors is 
nowhere given. But the important thing is that from this time on 
Graffenried, who had not been mentioned in "the preceding proposals, 
is the most prominent member in the company. 

The committee, having considered the proposals made on July 11th 
were still unable to make any decision ; and on the 1 1th of August the 
Proprietors gave a few more details of their plan. At that time they 
had decided to give the poor Palatines who should have a mind to 
settle in Carolina, whether man, woman, or child, 100 acres of land 
each, free from quitrent for ten years, after which they were to pay 
one penny per acre yearly; or if they should settle in towns, they were 
to have lands to build upon for three lives, or 99 years, with oppor- 
tunity for renewal. 9 

These proposals from the Proprietors had not borne any fruit as 
yet, when arrangements were made between Graffenried, Michel, and 
the Proprietors to take the place of Michel's arrangement of April 28. 
On the 3rd of September, 100,000 acres were granted to Graffenried and 
his heirs, and it was agreed to sell Michel 3500 acres. 1 ° From the 
contract with Georg Bitter and Company we know, however, that the 
10,000, mentioned on page 43, paragraph 2, were for the society and 
Graffenried himself owned but 5,000 acres in his own private right. 

On the 22 of September, 1709, a warrant was signed at Craven 
House for only 2,500 acres to Michel, 1 * and this is the amount he is 
credited with in the contract. In the French version Graffenried 
claims to have paid for 15,000 acres on the Neuse and Trent Rivers 
and 2,500 on the Weetock. The delays Michel's negotiations had 
suffered, and the statement in the contract that Ritter had advanced 
considerable sums, 1 2 along with Graffenried's statement above, make 
it seem probable that Ritter advanced the money to Graffenried for 
all but Graffenried's own 5,000 acres, and that Graffenried actually 
paid it over to the Duke of Beaufort at Craven House. However 
this may be, he appears to have been responsible for the full 17,500 
after the settlement was made. 

Later in the year the propositions of the Proprietors to take charge 
of the Palatines found a better reception, for on the 10th of October it 

8 Col. Rec, vol. I, page 717. 

9 Hist. Soc. S. Carolina, vol. I, page 157. 

i°Col. Rec, vol. I, page 171S. 

"Col. Rec, vol. I, page 718 ff. 

I2 German Version, Contract. 

46 North Carolina Historical Commission 

was allowed to Graffenried and Michel to take 600 of them, making 
about 92 families. Eleven days later 50 more persons were added. x 3 
Graffenried had the choosing of these and he picked out young, 
healthy, and industrious persons of various trades. The only lack, 
then, was a minister, and Graffenried was empowered by the Bishop 
of London to exercise the two important functions for a young colony, 
marriage and baptism. 1 4 The Queen promised 5£ 10 shillings for 
each emigrant to pay for their passage and gave each 20 shillings 
worth of clothes as a present. 1 5 

The colonists were secured against fraud by a bond for 5,000£ 
which Graffenried was required to give to the commissioners for the 
faithful performance of his obligations. 1 6 But for some reason there 
was a long delay in sending the colony after the contract with the 
committee had been signed, and it was not until January, 1710, that 
they finally departed for America. 1 7 

Things were not moving any more rapidly for the Swiss portion of 
the settlers. The first company of these, numbering about one hun- 
dred persons, left Bern, March 8, 1710. 18 To them there was to have 
been added at some stage of the journey, the 56 convicts, men who 
had been in prison now two years because of their Anabaptist views. 
Passes through England had already been secured, but it was not 
until March 12 that the Swiss Ambassador to Holland, St. Saphorin, 
was instructed to get the consent and assistance of the Dutch author- 
ities in bringing the prisoners on their way. 1 9 On March 18 the 
little band of convicts started by boat from Bern under Michel's care. 
The States General had not yet given their consent and showed no 
signs of doing so, as they had no sympathy with the Anabaptist per- 
secutions, for in Holland people of this sect were welcomed on account 
of their industry and orderly lives. 

Difficulties arose, however, to prevent the execution of the design. 
On the way down the Rhine just one half of the number became too 
sick to proceed further, and had to be left in the Palatinate. The 
most tactful diplomacy the Ambassador could use failed to effect aid 
from, the States General, for by the laws of Holland these prisoners 
on reaching Dutch territory would thereby become free. And the 
Dutch authorities determined to see the law enforced. If these peo- 
ple of their free will wished to go to America, nothing would be laid 
in the way, but they could not be brought through Holland as pris- 
oners. An attempt to have the English Ambassador Townshend use 

13 Ool. Rec, vol. I, 986. 

"German Version, French Version. 

15 Col. Rec, vol. I, page 9S6. 

1 "German Version, Report. 

1 'French Version, German Version. 

18 German Version, Letters. 

l9 Bernische Taeufer, page 259. 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of ISTew Bern 47 

his influence in favor of the deportation failed also, for he asserted the 
Queen wished to have only voluntary colonists in her provinces. 

Michel, who had this expedition in charge, finally got his twenty- 
eight remaining prisoners as far as Nimwegen, a town a short distance 
across the border of Holland, and hoped to be able to send them the 
rest of the way to England. But the vigilance of the Dutch Ana- 
baptists discovered the prisoners; complaint was made; and they were 
immediately released and allowed to go back to their friends in the 
Palatinate, or wherever they would, in search of their families from 
whom they had been so long separated. 2 ° From one of the letters in 
which the writer claims to have started from Bern March 18 2 1 it 
would appear that one, at least, kept on to America. 

On May 18, 1710, while the Swiss were on the way, Graffenried and 
Michel signed the contract with Georg Bitter and Peter Isot, by 
which they became, legally, members of the Georg Ritter Company. 
The foundation of the enterprise was the 17,000 acres actually pur- 
chased and the twelve years' option on the 100,000 acres. 2 2 They 
also had permission to take up land above the falls of the Potomac, 
which would, however, be held of the Crown, subject to the Governor 
of Virginia. The amount actually paid for land was 175£. Besides 
these land grants they had mining rights in Carolina, Virginia, Mary- 
land, and Pennsylvania. 2 3 Those rights in Carolina are defined as 
follows : 

"Agreed that Baron de Graffenried and Mr. Lewis Michel shall 
have a lease of all royal mines and minerals in the Province of Caro- 
lina that they shall discover and work for a term of 30 years, they 
being at the entire charge. The produce of it to be divided into eight 
parts whereof four eights are to be paid to the Lords Proprietors the 
other four eights to the said Baron de Graffenried and Mr. Lewis 
Michel for the term of 5 years after any such Mines shall be found 
and opened. But after the aforesaid term of five years then the 
Lords to have five eights, the said Baron de Graffenried and Mr. 
Lewis Michel three eights the Lords being to pay the Crown the fourth 
part according to the Words of the Charter. " 2 4 [Apparently this was 
to be the fourth part of the half which for the first five years should 
go to the two operators, or one eighth of the whole.] 

In their contracts with the Georg Bitter Company, however, Michel, 
who had done all of the exploration and claimed to have found mines, 
was to have all the product for three years after the opening of the 
mines, except what belonged to the Proprietors. In the fourth year 

20 Bemische Taeufer, page 25S ff. 
21 German Version. Letters. 
22 German Version, Contract. 
23 GermaD Version, Contract. 
24 Col. Rec, vol. I, page 728. 

48 Nokth Carolina Historical Commission 

Ritter and Graffenried were to draw from the produce according to 
the amount they had subscribed, and the surplus, for the seventeen 
years the society was to continue, was to go to the members, and they 
were to pay Ritter for the capital he advanced out of the production 
of the first year of the mine in case it turned out well. 2 5 The con- 
tract between the Company and the other provinces is not given; in 
fact the claims of the Crown were not settled as far as Virginia was 
concerned, and a year or two later the uncertainty caused Spotswood 
considerable anxiety. 2 6 

The stock of the company consisted of 7,200£ divided into twenty- 
four shares of 300£, no one person holding more than one share; but 
it was not all paid in, for Michel was credited with a share to pay 
him for his discoveries which he claimed to have made and for the 
2,500 acres which he turned into the society. Graffenried had a share 
credited to him for his 5,000 acres and his labors with the Palatines; 
and Georg Ritter had a share for expenses already incurred, leaving 
only 6,300£ to be paid in. Albrecht von Graffenried had paid in 
his share, but when the contarct was signed others had not contributed 
their amounts; and since they had until September, 1711, to do so, 27 
it is impossible to tell how much Graffenried had on hand to support 
himself and his colonists. The report written months afterwards [in 
May, 1711] indicates a lack of 2,400£ which should have been raised 
in some way. At that time he had spent 2,228£, a part or all of which 
he had borrowed; 28 and the 2,400£ would have paid this and left a 
little besides, and so very likely the keeping of the contract would 
have saved the colony. 

The amount of help he might expect from the Proprietors is not 
definitely stated. But from the following resolutions passed at Craven 
House September 3, 1709, at the time the 10,000 acres were bought, 
it would appear that there was a possibility of Graffenried's being dis- 
appointed, even if the promise had been kept, for "To the 2nd Pro- 
posal relating to the poor Palatines that shall be transported into 
North Carolina, It was resolv'd that their Lordships will not under- 
take to provide them with all provisions they shall want but they will 
give directions to their Receiver General to supply the Palatines with 
such provisions as may be spared from the necessary use of the gov- 
ernment at the same rates he received them the sd Christopher de 
Graffenried and Lewis Michel paying their Lordships for the same in 
Sterling money in London at the end of two years after the arrivals 
of the Palatines in North Carolina at £50 per Cent discount." 29 In 

25 German Version, Contract. 

26Spotswood, vol. I, page 161. June 11, 1712. 

"German Versionm Contract. 

"German Version. 

"Col. Rec, vol. I, page 718. 

Graffenrfed : Account of the Founding of Xew Bern 49 

a letter by Urmstone, quoted in part, in Chapter X, it is stated that 
Graffenried was to expect 1,500£ colonial money. This statement may 
be somewhat exaggerated as are other statements in the letter; but taken 
in connection with the fact that Cary, as we shall see, promised to 
give him 500£ on the proprietors' account, it showed conclusively 
that Graffenried had reason to expect substantial assistance from 
them. And yet as it turned out (see Chapters VIII and X) this pro- 
vision saved the Lords Proprietors from giving any assistance to the 
colony and became a powerful contributing cause to the ruin of the 
enterprise, a circumstance which Graffenried could not be expected to 
have forseen from the glowing accounts he had received, of the land 
and its government, in London. 

After a pleasant voyage Graffenried and his Switzers came in sight 
of land September 10th, and the 11th they came ashore. 30 The news 
which he then received of his first shiploads must have been a ter- 
rible disappointment, for despite the fact that he had Had the Royal 
Commissioners inspect the ships and had sent the emigrants under the 
care of Surveyor General Lawson, Receiver General Gale, and another 
official going to Carolina, many of them had died on the voyage be- 
cause of the overcrowding of the ships and the salt food which did 
not agree with them. 

3 "German Version, Letters; French Version. 


Discussion of the Transportation Facilities Provided for the 
Palatines by the Commissioners — The Colony Plundered 
by a French Privateer — Graffenried and his Colony Ar- 
rive September 10; They Learn of the Distress of the First 
Shiploads — Graffenried and His Swiss Start for North 
Carolina as Soon as Possible After Landing 

It was certainly not to the credit of the commissioners that these 
people endured such hardships. Graffenried had them make a par- 
ticular inspection before the ships started to be sure all was right, 
for his own experience in shipping was limited; but since the same 
crowding of the passengers, the same bad food, and the same appall- 
ing mortality prevailed on the ships which were carrying the Pala- 
tines to New York, the only conclusion is that the commissioners 
were either shamefully careless of the lives of these people, or totally 
unfitted by their ignorance to have charge of the transportation of 
so many. When the proprietors first asked to have some of the Pala- 
tines sent to their colonies at the government's expense, Luttrell 1 
estimated that it would require over 10£ for each person. In the 
case of Graffenried's colonists this figure was cut down to 5£ 10 shill- 
ings by the commissioners. Graffenried himself, later, estimated that 
100 persons could be carried on a ship of 120 tons burden from Holland 
to America for 700£ at 7£ per person. Boehme 2 in 1711 estimated 
the cost of transportation from England to America as 7£ for adults 
and half of that for children. 

The committee fixed on the lowest amount possible and paid the 
ship captains in advance for each passenger. The following passage 
written at the time of the emigration to New York shows how wretched 
the management really was, though, of course, the ship captains must 
bear their share in this disgrace. 

"%Jlan t)at stoctr ben $apttcmen, bte bte UberfitJjrung bafjtn iibernafymen, cmf 
ben $obf etnen getoiffen 93etrag bergiitet, aber bet ber groften SWenge mufsten 
bie Seute bermaffen etngebfercfjt ttierben, baft biele babon, nod) efje bte engltfdje 
®iifte aufcer ©tdjt tarn, fetjr nnter ©eftani? unb Ungejtefer gelttten fjaben, 
gang abgefeljen babon, baft bte ju nnterft £tegenben toeber frtfdje Suft 
fdjobfen Fonnten, nocf) bad StageSltdjt fafjen. ^amentttdj ftnb unter btefen 
Umftanben bte $tnber jafylretd) bafjtngeftorben, boftenbS ber) fturmtfcfjer ©ee. 

'Luttrell, page 465. 

2 Pennsylvanien im 17. Jahrhundert, page 67. 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of Xew Berx 51 

3o Don meljreren gfmmlten btetb niemanb iibrtg, toeber $inber, nod) hie <2(tern 
felbft. 3n 33riefen bon ^ortjmoutt), too bte (Sinfcfjiffung ftatt fanb, tft tm Stpril 
1710 rjierfyer nadj Sonbon mttgetetft toorben, baft auf eirtem emjtgen ber 
©djtffe nod) Dor ber SIbfafjrt a^tjtg ber 2tu§tt>anberer geftorben finb. ©unbert 
anbere tctgen noct) frcmf barm unb fd)tenen ben ©eftorbenen nadjfolgen m molten. 
SDie Urfadje ber ©terblidjfeit roare tetls in ber engen Sinpferdjung, tetlS barm 
gu fudjen, baft ber ©djtffgfyerr bte 9#enfdjen ntcfjt mit guter unb gefunber s Dtarjrung 
Derfefje. 2tber eben ber Xob ber 2Iu(tt>anberer bebeute ®elomn fiir ben Spiffs* 
r)errn, ba er bann auf ber ftafyxt toentger Seute m Derfbftigen braudje.,, 3 

"They had, to be sure, granted the captains who undertook the transport a certain amount per head, 
but because of the great number the people had to be packed in so that many of them, even before 
they got out of sight of the English coast suffered from the foul odor and vermin, entirely apart from 
the fact that those lying below could neither get fresh air nor see the light of day. And so under these 
circumstances many children died, especially with a stormy sea. Indeed, of many families no one 
survived, neither children nor the parents themselves. In letters from Portsmouth, where the em- 
barkation took place, it was reported to London that upon one single ship even before the departure 
eighty of the emigrants died. Hundreds of the others lay sick therein and seemed to want to follow 
the dead. The cause of the mortality could be sought partly in the close crowding and partly in 
the fact that the shipmaster did not provide the people with good and wholesome food. But even 
the death of the emigrants meant gain for the shipmaster, for then upon the voyage he had to feed 
less people." 

Sickness and death was not all the Palatines had to endure; for 
just at the mouth of the James River in full view of shore and of an 
English warship, they were overhauled by a French privateer and one 
of the ships plundered. The people on board were deprived of even 
their clothes, and when they came ashore several more died from 
eating fruit and drinking water. In all, the losses amounted to about- 
half the number which set out. Those who had finally recovered 
and were left alive had now been in their new home in Carolina sev- 
eral months, when Graffenried and the Switzers landed on Septem- 
ber 10th. 

He had doubtless been informed immediately of the disasters which 
had attended his first shiploads of colonists on their voyage and after 
landing; and their urgent letters were not needed to make him see 
that his presence was required in Carolina at once. As a Landgrave 
and head of an important colony he had some obligations to the Gov- 
ernor of Virginia, and therefore could not go immediately into Caro- 
lina, but had first to call and pay his respects to the head of the col- 
ony. As Spotswood himself was not at home, he called upon the 
Lieutenant-Governor, and also met Edward Hyde, who had been sent 
by the Proprietors to be governor of North Carolina; and through 
them he was made acquainted with the political situation in Carolina. 
He made his visit as short as he decently could and before long he 

3 Pennsylvanien im 17. Jahrundert, page 66 ff . The author is here quoting a German writer, Hoen, 
but with orthographic changes and modern expressions in the German where the original is not easily 

52 North Carolina Historical Commission 

and his people set out over land for the Chowan River, where they 
expected to rind boats to take them to their tract on the Neuse and 

Leaving them at this point for a time we must now recall some of 
the events of the years preceding, in order better to appreciate 
what Graffenried encountered on his arrival in America. 


The Earliest Settlement — Early Government — Development of 
Self-government — -Imposition of Locke's Fundamentals — 
Confusions Resulting from Attempts to Enforce Certain 
Provisions and Navigation Laws — Trouble Growing out of 
Test Oaths — Cary in Open Opposition to Edward Hyde, the 
Proprietors' Appointee — Graffenried Met by a Delegation 
and Offered the Presidency of the Council — He Refuses a 
Tempting Offer for the Sake of His Colony 

The first immigrants into the Carolinas were wealthy Virginians 
who were attracted by the opportunity to better their condition, and 
not religious refugees as has generally been supposed. They pur- 
chased land of the Indians and settled themselves about Albemarle 
Sound as early as 1659, 1 without asking permission of anyone. In 
1662 Governor Berkeley of Virginia gave them patents and required 
of them the quit rents usual in Virginia, that is one farthing per acre. 
They did not form compact towns, but each planter had his own 
wharf to which trading vessels came. No very serious Indian trou- 
bles drove them to continuously concerted action; and as they had 
no ministers for a long time, although many of them doubtless be- 
longed to the established church, there grew up a reckless sort of 
independence which was strengthened by the arrival of new colonists, 
from the attempted settlements of New Englanders at Cape Fear, 
which had failed, partly because the colonists had stubbornly resisted 
the purpose of the proprietors to appoint governors over them rather 
than let them elect their own. 

These proprietors were eight favorites of Charles II whom he wished 
to reward for their assistance in helping him to his throne after the 
downfall of the Protectorate. They were given almost absolute power, 
holding all the rights which the Bishop of Durham held. Besides they 
had the power to create an order of nobility among the inhabitants 
of their domains, but the titles were not to be the same as those used in 
England and the laws they should make were not to be opposed to 
those of England. The grant took in a strip from ocean to ocean 
between 31° and 36° north latitude, the same grant which Charles I 
had made to Robert Heath in 1629. 

Later, in 1665, the grant made to Robert Heath was formally set 
aside and the proprietors were given an increase, the new grant ex- 
tending from 29° to 36° 30', north latitude. They were allowed also 

'Johns Hopkins Historical Studies, May-June, 1892; Ashe, vol. I, page 59. 

54 North Carolina Historical Commission 

discretionary powers with regard to freedom of conscience, and could 
grant religious liberty and toleration as they chose. 

Another provision of the charter is so important in this later history 
that I shall quote verbatim so much of it as applies. "And also to 
ordain, make and enact, and under their seals, to publish any laws 
and constitutions whatsoever, either appertaining to the publick state 
of the said whole province or territory, or of any district or particular 
county, barony or colony, of or within the same, or to the private 
utility of particular persons, according to their best discretion, by and 
with the advice, assent and approbation of the freemen of the said prov- 
ince or territory, or of the freemen of the county, barony or colony, for 
which such law or constitution shall be made, or the greater part of them, 
or their delegation or deputies, whom for enacting of the said laws, when, 
and as often as need shall require, 2 we will that the said Edward Earle 
of Clarendon, George Duke of Albemarle, William Earl of Craven, 
John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord Ashley, Sir George Cartaret, 
Sir John Colleton, and Sir William Berkeley, and their heirs or assigns, 
shall from time to time assemble in such manner and form as to them 
shall seem best; etc." 3 A saving clause permitted laws to be passed 
on an emergency, which had not received the sanction of the people. 

In 1664 a man named Drummond was sent out with six councilors 
to be governor of the province. With them was sent the Concessions, 
under which all this territory of Carolina was to be governed. By 
this document the freemen were either to meet in one body or to elect 
twelve representatives to act with the six councilors. The first assem- 
bly which met not later than 1665 was composed of all the freemen, 
and was in this respect a democratic body. Full liberty of conscience 
was established with this exception that the General Assembly might 
appoint as many ministers as it pleased, thus giving a preference to 
the Church of England. Officers were either to swear allegiance or 
to sign a declaration in a book, and no tax was to be- levied without 
the consent of the Assembly. The Assembly might choose a presi- 
dent in place of an absent governor or deputy governor. Quit rents 
were made a halfpenny per acre. Until 1667 the governor, six coun- 
cilors, and the twelve deputies (for the meeting of all the freemen 
was not continued) sat in one body. In the general meeting of 1665 
a petition had been sent to the proprietors that the quit rent be 
reduced to the rate which prevailed in Virginia of one farthing per 
acre payable in commodities. In 1668 this was granted in an instru- 
ment called ever since the "Great Deed," and any encroachments 
upon its provisions by the proprietors were bitterly resented. 

2 The italics are mine, V. H. T. 
3 Carrol's Collections, vol. II, page 43 ff. 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of JSTew Bern 55 

After these years of self-government there came an unwelcome 
change, which in Carolina marks the beginning of that unrest which 
finally ended with the Revolution, for never after this was there any 
extended period of satisfaction with the government from England, 
whether administered by the proprietors or the royal governors. One 
of the proprietors, the Earl of Shaftesbury, had his friend, the philoso- 
pher John Locke, draw up a system of government for the colony; 
and in 1669, what was considered the most perfect system ever de- 
vised was sent out to be tried on the few scattered settlers in this 
vast woods. No stretch of the imagination can make this seem like 
emergency legislation, and there is not the slightest ground for think- 
ing the proprietors considered it as such; the freemen never unquali- 
fiedly sanctioned it; and therefore, by the provision of the charter 
above quoted, this Grand Model of government was not legally binding 
upon the people. The resistance, however, was not entirely consistent . 
For example, they objected to the requirement of an oath to support 
the constitution, and in this degree, they may be said to have ob- 
jected to the whole plan; but nevertheless they accepted the provision 
for regularly holding elections for their representatives, and for having 
meetings every two years whether the governor called one or not. 
There is no evidence that they were opposed to the theoretical 
founding of high sounding courts, or an actual establishing of a 
hereditary nobility. Their great complaint was against a raise of the 
quit rents from a farthing to a penny per acre, payable in silver. 

Further trouble was caused by attempts to enforce the navigation 
laws. In 1673 Carteret tired of trying to enforce the enactments, 
resigned the governorship, and from that time till 1707 there were 
six open revolts leading to the deposition or suspension of governors 
and collectors. The people had never been trained in the obedience 
presupposed in the constitutions, and resisted every attempt to invade 
their previous liberties. 

To these economic and political disturbances were added religious 
difficulties. The proprietors had allowed people of dissenting opinions 
to settle in their dominions and practice their religious worship as 
they wished, so long as they refrained from disturbing others. But 
the idea, nevertheless, had always been to establish the Church of 
England in the colonies in Carolina. The first missionaries sent out 
by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel were unfortunate 
choices. They antagonized many of their own faith as well as the 
dissenters, for the very idea of having a church supported by the 
state was repugnant to many of them. After the visit of Edmundson 
and Fox in 1672 the Quakers, too, had become rather numerous; and, 
of course, they objected to being compelled to pay for the support 

56 North Carolina Historical Commission 

of other ministers than their own, and in particular, to the support 
of Church of England ministers. 

In 1698, by act of Parliament, oaths of office were required of the 
governors of colonies; and in 1701, Governor Walker had the 
Assembly pass an act to establish parishes and churches and maintain 
ministers. The Quakers, Presbyterians, and some members of the 
Established Church objected very strongly to this. But the trouble 
calmed down without being finally settled when the bill was vetoed 
by the proprietors because they considered it inadequate. In 1704 
Daniel became governor, and he required the oath of allegiance to 
Queen Anne, in accordance with an act of Parliament, and denied 
the right of any to sign a declaration in a book, in lieu of the oath, 
a privilege which had been expressly granted in the instructions of 
1670. 4 The governor was technically in the right in his demand, 
for such oaths were required very strictly in England at this time 
and for years afterwards; but the laws had always been dead letters 
in Carolina, and might just as well have been treated as such at this 
time if Governor Daniel had desired to have it so. The measure 
seems to have been aimed at the Quakers, since this effectually ex- 
cluded them from the Assembly, weakened the opposition to the strict 
Church party to this degree and allowed the establishing of the Church 
of England by law, as Lord Granville, the most influential of the 
proprietors, desired. This was so distasteful to the Presbyterians and 
other dissenters who might ordinarily be expected to favor the exclu- 
sion of the Quakers, that they united with them and secured Daniel's 
removal by order of the proprietors. This compliance of the pro- 
prietors shows that there was no need of applying the act of Parliament 
regarding oaths very rigidly in the colonies. 

Thomas Cary, who before this had been a merchant in South Caro- 
lina, was next appointed. He shared the general feeling against the 
Quakers, and not only had them excluded by this same test oath, 
but also imposed a fine upon those who should enter upon an office 
without first taking the oath. He also secured the passage of another 
law by which the election of any one who promoted his own candidacy 
was declared void. By the application of this measure he could keep 
out anyone he chose, by merely having it shown that the person in 
question had in some way promoted his own interests in the election. 
These enactments gave him control over Presbyterians as well as 
Quakers, but the measures were too thorough, and Mr. John Porter 
was sent to England to petition the proprietors for relief; and in 1707 
he returned bringing an instrument by which the laws regarding oaths 
were suspended and Cary removed from the government. At the 

4Col. Rec, vol I, page 181. 

Geaffeneied: Account of the Founding of New Been 57 

time of his arrival, however, Cary was absent, and William Glover, 
President of the Council, was acting in his place. Porter, therefore, did 
not at once enforce his new instrument; but left Glover in power, 
and held in abeyance the action against Cary. Yet, since Glover 
was still keeping the Quakers out by the test oaths, discontent grew 
until Cary, Porter, Pollock and Foster, heads of various factions, in 
1708 unitedly issued a proclamation to the people to obey the existing 
government. But the coming of two Church of England missionaries, 
Adams and Gordon, at this time, was the signal for another outbreak 
on the part of the different dissenting bodies, who saw in the actions 
of the government a menace to their religious liberty, and an attempt 
to saddle the established church on the colony. 

Porter next broke with Glover, and Cary was elected. Since Lord 
Granville was now dead, there was no need for Cary to still hold high 
church views; and while there is no record of such an agreement, it 
appears that Cary promised to give up the requirement of the test 
oaths and other restrictions. And it was probably for this reason 
that he was chosen president of the council. Glover also claimed to 
be president since his incumbency had not been disturbed by Porter's 
instructions from the proprietors, while they had said specifically that 
Cary should be removed. Glover certainly had some right on his 
side as well as did Cary, for by the Constitutions and by precedent 
the president of the council was to be governor in the absence of a 
governor or his deputy, approved by the proprietors. Thus we find 
two governors, and the country in turmoil. The principals agreed 
to leave the decision to an assembly, and each issued writs for an elec- 
tion. Cary had the majority of votes if the Quakers were admitted. 
Glover, however, insisted upon the exclusion of the Quakers, but 
without avail, and he with Pollock and Gale, went over into Virginia, 
leaving Cary in charge. But still a large faction, composed of those 
who had been trained in public affairs during the time that the others 
had been kept out by the exclusion laws, was dissatisfied, and the 
government was not very efficient. 

In 1708 Tynte had been appointed governor of South Carolina 
with instructions to deputize Edward Hyde over the northern colony, 
and until Hyde should come Tynte left Cary in charge. Unfortu- 
nately for affairs in North Carolina, Tynte died during the summer of 
1710 without signing Hyde's commission and administering the oath, 
and since under the circumstances Hyde did not care to come into the 
colony, he was still in Virginia when Graffenried landed with his 
Switzers in September, 1710, and after a short delay started for Carolina. 

At Somerton a delegation of Quakers and other persons met him, 
and desired him by virtue of his title of Landgrave to take the 

58 JNTorth Carolina Historical Commission 

presidency of the council, which, in the absence of the governor, as had 
been noticed, carried with it the executive function. If Graffenried 
had been ambitious for himself he might well have been tempted by 
the offer. He was the friend of Hyde, whose appointment lacked only 
a signature and an oath to make it valid, and as such might have felt 
sure of the support of Hyde's adherents and of many of Cary's dis- 
senters. Moreover, since Glover's departure for Virginia, his followers 
were looking forward to Hyde's coming, and these men, too, would 
probably have supported him. His favor with the Queen and the 
proprietors, which must have been well known in the colony, since 
he had been made Landgrave and his Palatines had been provided for 
over a year before, might have led him to hope that a goodly number 
from the contending parties could be brought to recognize him as 
their executive officer, for Hyde had no patents and was, in addition, 
afraid to trust himself in the province. If Graffenried had been 
acquainted with the previous history of the colony at all, he would 
have known that there was not much to fear from the proprietors, 
so long as he could keep the factions united. Their weakness in deal- 
ing with their colonies was well recognized, 5 and just as in the case 
of Cary, they could be expected to leave the matter in statu quo so 
long as no complaint was made to them. That the factions were 
tiring of the struggle is shown by the fact that after Graffenried 
refused to be led astray by such brilliant prospects, they united in 
an address to Hyde to take the presidency until his commission should 
arrive. Cary himself was one of the signers, 6 persuaded, to be sure, 
by Graffenried. 7 For Graffenried, although his refusal was not 
accepted by the delegation, had resolved to devote his time and 
energies to his settlement, and to avoid the difficulties of politics. 

6 Col. Rcc, vol. I, page 725. 
6 Col. Rec, vol. I, page 725. 
'German Version. 


Graffenried's Precarious Position — The Palatines' Pitiful Con- 
dition — Graffenried Defrauded — No Help to be Obtained 
from the Proprietors — Makes Peace with the Indians — 
Lawson's Humane Sentiments not Borne out in His Treat- 
ment of the Indians — Michel Disturbs the Proceedings — 
Graffenried Compelled by Circumstances as Well as Incli- 
nation to Join Hyde's Faction 

Graffenried's position was now a peculiar one. On the one hand, 
he had, immediately on his arrival, become one of the most influential 
men in the province. His title of Landgrave, the fame of his under- 
taking, and his friendship with eminent persons in England made him 
very much respected, and yet of the actual necessaries of life he had 
almost nothing with which to support his dignity. When he reached 
the settlement he found conditions worse than he expected. Lawson 
had not sold all the land on the point between the Neuse and the 
Trent Rivers to Graffenried, and in order to further his own interests, 
he had settled those under his charge on his own land to gain the 
benefit of any clearing they might do. Thus when Graffenried came, 
the Palatines found their summer's work had gone for nothing. The 
directors had also exploited them by taking their goods in return 
for their services in looking after them on the way over, and what 
was left after this had gone to the English settlers in return for food 
to keep them alive. Moreover, the place where Lawson had settled 
them was on a southern exposure where the heat was very oppressive, 
and as a result, sickness was added to starvation. To make matters 
worse, instead of finding the land free of Indians as he had been led 
to believe it was, he discovered that King Taylor with a small tribe 
of twenty families was still living there, and that they were none too 
well pleased to have their lands taken up in this way, for they had 
never as yet been paid for the tract. If in this situation the Germans 
did not supply their wants by hunting, supposing they had the strength 
and equipment, one cannot blame them. As for living on fish, oysters, 
and crabs, such a diet in the heat of summer after they had been 
weakened by their illness on the long voyage across the Atlantic and 
after landing in Virginia would have been almost impossible. 

But Graffenried's coming changed all this, for he brought supplies 
for their present needs, and began immediately to see what could be 
done on the account of the Lords Proprietors with the province. 
His treatment of the Indians on this and later occasions is more a 

60 North Carolina Historical Commission 

credit to his heart than to his business sagacity, perhaps, if one may 
judge his actions by the standard set by most of the whites who have 
had dealings with the Indians. The result justified him in his peculiar 
notions, however, when it came to be a life and death matter with 
him. He had previously paid for the particular piece of ground 
where the settlement was then being made, supposing that the original 
owners had been satisfied for it and had moved off leaving it per- 
fectly free for white settlers. Likewise it was scarcely to be expected 
that Lawson would work a fraud on him and an injustice to the 
Indians after such generous expressions as the following, chosen from 
several such to be found in his book: 

"These are them that wear the English Dress. Whether they have 
Cattle now or no, I am not certain; but I am of the Opinion that such 
Inclinations in the Savages should meet with Encouragement, and 
every Englishman ought to do them Justice and not defraud them 
of their Land, which has been allotted them formerly by the Govern- 
ment; for if we do not shew them Examples of Justice and Vertue, 
we can never bring them to believe us to be a worthier Race of Men 
than themselves. 

"They are really better to us than we are to them; they always 
give us Victuals at their Quarters, and take Care we are armed 
against Hunger and Thirst; we do not so by them (generally speak- 
ing) but let them walk by our Doors hungry, and do not often relieve 
them. We look upon them with Scorn and Disdain and think them 
little better than Beasts in humane Shape, though if well examined, 
we shall find that for all our Religion and Education, we possess more 
moral Deformities and Evils than these Savages do, or are acquainted 
withal." 1 

It appears, though, that an opportunity to enrich himself overcame 
his scruples and he did as others had done before him, disposed 
of land which by rights was not yet his to dispose of. When Graffen- 
ried came and found the savages still claimed the land, rightfully 
as he looked at it, Lawson's advice to chase them off did not appeal 
to him, although it would have been possible, perhaps, to do so. 
Rather, he paid them for the tract and established friendly relations 
with them. Then finding that his people and the Indians were not 
likely to live together harmoniously, he had a very solemn pow-wow 
with the red-men, paid them again for the land where the first settle- 
ment had been made, probably bought what other land he needed 
to parcel out to his settlers and made the Indians satisfied to move 
out of the neighborhood of his people. His influence over the Indians 
and their confidence in him comes out indirectly in this conference. 

l Lawson's Journal, pages 192 5. 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of jSTew Bern 61 

The Indians, seventeen heads of families and their chief, took their 
places in a circle on the ground, dressed in their finery, the chief 
looking to Graff enried more like an ape than a man. Graff enried 
sat on a chair and also wore whatever ornaments he had that would 
glitter most. He could not help but be convinced that their arguments 
for staying were better than any he could present to induce them 
to leave, but yet they finally agreed to go. Michel, his business part- 
ner, was not far away during the conference, making himself drunk 
with some English friends. In this condition he suddenly broke in 
on the assembly, snatched off the king's headdress and threw it as 
far as he could, then seizing the orator beat him and dragged him 
out of the circle. Graff enried had difficulty restoring order and peace; 
finally, however, Michel was taken away and put in charge of his 
friends, and the negotiations went on to a happy termination for 
Graffenried. That night, Michel, still under the influence of liquor, 
broke into the Indian camp while Graffenried was asleep, and again 
beat and insulted the orator; and again Graffenried had to be peace- 
maker. 2 The fact that he succeeded at all is sufficient evidence of 
the regard in which he was held by the savages. 

The need of separating the Indians from the settlers is illustrated 
by the story he tells of one of his workmen. This man, a Berner, 
coming home from wood chopping happened to pass by an idol repre- 
senting the evil divinity. This image was painted red and black, 
the colors of the wood chopper's native city. He could not endure 
seeing these colors misused in such a manner, and destroyed the ugly 
representation of the Devil with his ax. On reaching home he boasted 
that he had split the Devil with one blow. 3 The Indians were horri- 
fied at such a sacrilege and peace was with difficulty restored. Never- 
theless they were finally persuaded to forego hostilities when Graffen- 
ried promised to see that no further injury was done them. Partly 
for their sake he sent Michel on surveying expeditions and into Penn- 
sylvania to look for silver. 4 The settlers, thus, could not appreciate 
the Indians' point of view although they speak kindly of them in their 
letters, wherever they mention them at all, and so, it was better to 
keep them apart. 5 

Having reached the province and provided for the immediate needs 
of his people, Graffenried now felt his next duty to be the securing 
of the continuation of supplies. As a landgrave he would be com- 
pelled to take sides in the political quarrel in the colony, and the 
question was with whom should he cast in his fortune. He and his 

2 French Version. 

3 French and German Versions. 

4 French Version. 

5 German Version, Letters. 

62 North Carolina Historical Commission 

colony were dependent upon the favor of the Proprietors for their 
very existence, and he could not hope for their favor while supporting 
one who was defying their authority. Yet the principles for which 
the dissenting faction had contended in the beginning, before Cary 
took sides with them — freedom from the domination of the Church 
of England — must have appealed to him, even though he and his 
colonists were under the spiritual protection of the Bishop of London 
and had become members of that church. 6 Moreover, among 650 
Palatines there must have been a goodly number of Anabaptists, and 
some of the letters of his settlers which he copied for the German 
version seem to have been written by people of this sect. One of 
their fundamental tenets was freedom of conscience, and both in 
framing the contract for the society and in the agreement with the 
settlers, Graffenried and the company did not depend upon the charter 
of Carolina nor upon the Fundamental Constitutions alone, but made 
special provision for religious liberty. The distractions produced in the 
province in the efforts to secure it, however, could not have impressed 
the colonists favorably, and as a matter of self-defense Graffenried 
had to espouse Hyde's cause. And yet Hyde was not technically 
governor, lacking Tynte's signature, and was afraid to come into the 

The very numbers of people Graffenried brought with him was a 
disadvantage, because whichever side he joined, he would be sure 
to gain the ill-will of the opposition. But as Cary, who had been 
deposed once, was governing a second time with a legality which 
was questioned by the first people with whom Graffenried had become 
acquainted, 7 and as it was the will of the Lords Proprietors that Hyde 
should be governor, he did not hesitate to declare himself against 
Cary. And again the situation was complicated, for Cary had in 
his possession all the funds of the province, and it was necessary for 
Graffenried to look to him for what the Proprietors had promised 
on their account with the province. When the demand was made 
of him, he promised well, but kept evading fulfillment until Graffen- 
ried lost hope at last and sent to Virginia where he had made arrange- 
ments for flour before leaving England. Only thus were the people 
enabled to proceed with the building of their town. 

6 Col. Rec, vol. I, pp. 756, 734. French Version. 
'Col. Rec, vol. I, page 731. 


Founding of the City — Leet Court System — Articles in the 
Fundamentals Relating to Leet Courts — Discussion of 
Baronies and Manors, Showing Irregularities in Appoint- 
ments — Articles in Fundamentals Referring to Baronies, 
Manors, etc. — Ideal Once Given up Revived in Modified 
Form for Graffenried's Colony — Reasons for This— Con- 
tracts with Proprietors and Colonists — Evidences from 
Manuscripts — Evidences of a Paternal Government — 
Evidences of Popular Assemblies 

The little city was placed on a point of land between the Neuse 
River and the Trent, and was laid out in the form of a cross, one arm 
extending from river to river, and the other, from the point, back 
indefinitely. At a reasonable distance Graffenried built a line of 
fortifications from one river to the other and had his coast line well 
defended also. These fortifications were doubtless frail enough, but 
would have been of service in case of an Indian attack if all the people 
were inside and acted in concert. He planned to have a church at 
the four corners. Market was to be held once a week, and a fair 
yearly. His best contribution was his water mill for grinding grain. 
There was only one other mill in the whole province and it was a 
poor one, and the only way the people had of getting flour or meal was 
to beat their grain in a wooden mortar with a wooden pestle and sift 
it through a basket. When the little town was completed, a solemn 
assembly gave it the name of New Bern. It had such a favorable 
beginning that people in Virginia and Pennsylvania bought lots there, 
and Graffenried could say that his town made more progress in a year 
than some other towns had made in several. l A plan to live at one 
common expense, but in separate households was formulated, but 
was given up as impracticable. 2 

The form of government at New Bern is nowhere definitely given, 
yet we can get some general idea of it from the few references in the 
writings Graffenried left. One is tempted to see in it the attempt 
to introduce the leet court system of the Fundamental Constitution, 
though in a modified form, despite the fact that the revised funda- 
mentals of 1698 had omitted the provision relating to such courts. 
If this is the case, we have the only such attempt so far as I am able 
to discover, to put the system into practice in the province. The 

'German Version; French Version. 
2 German Version, Report. 

64 North: Carolina Historical Commission 

omission of many of the articles in the revised Constitution need not 
imply a change of conviction on the part of the proprietors, but only 
a concession to the conditions in America. In Graffenried's case, 
also, such a system would, perhaps, seem more practicable and thus 
the old idea would, naturally, be revived. 

The following articles of the Fundamentals refer to this sort of 
serfdom, and show the ideals which the proprietors had. 

"16th. In every signiory, barony, and manor, the respective Lord 
shall have power in his own name to hold court leet there, for trying 
of all causes, both civil and criminal; but where it shall concern any 
person being no inhabitant, vassal, or leet man, of the said signiory, 
barony or manor, he upon paying down of forty shillings, for the 
Lords Proprietors' use, shall have an appeal from the signiory, or 
barony court, to the county court, and from the manor court to the 
precinct court. 

"19th. Any Lord of a manor, may alienate, sell, or dispose to any 
other person and his heirs forever, his manor all intirely together, 
with all the priviledges and leet men, thereunto belonging, so far 
forth as any colony lands; but no grant of any part thereof, either 
in fee or for any longer term than three lives, or for one and twenty 
years, shall be good against the next heir. 

"22d. In every signiory, barony and manor, all the leet men shall 
be under the jurisdiction of the respective Lords of the said signiory, 
barony or manor, without appeal from him. Nor shall any leet man, 
or leet woman have liberty to go off from the land of their particular 
Lord and live anywhere else without license obtained from their said 
Lord, under hand and seal. 

"23d. All the children of leet men, shall be leet men, and so to 
all generations. 

"24th. No man shall be capable of having a court leet, or leet men, 
but a Proprietor, Landgrave, Casique, or Lord of a manor. 

"25th. Whoever shall voluntarily enter himself a leet man, in the 
registry of the county court, shall be a leet man. 

"26th. Whoever is Lord of Leet men, shall upon the marriage of 
a leet man, or leet woman of his, give them ten acres of land for their 
lives, they paying to him therefore, not more than one eighth part 
of all the yearly produce and growth of the said ten acres. 3 

In the application of their "unalterable Constitutions" relative to 
the German colony, as in other matters, the proprietors allowed them- 
selves a considerable latitude, and so we find several variations from 
their ideals expressed in the articles quoted above. In the first place, 
the appointment of landgraves had always been irregular. According 

3Col. Rec, vol. I, page 187 ff. 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Bern 65 

to their charter they could confer their title "upon such of the in- 
habitants of the said province as they shall think do or shall merit 
the same," 4 and yet of twenty-five appointees eleven never lived in 
America, and several of those who did live in America were appointed 
before they ever came to this country. 5 Locke was' the first to receive 
the title, and in his case it appears to have been merely honorary, 
and if the four baronies of 12,000 acres each was ever assigned to him 
there is no record of it left. Nevertheless it was intended at first 
to have the title always associated with land and in the amounts 
presented in the articles, as an act passed by the Assembly of Albe- 
marle and approved by the proprietors in 1669 shows. By this act 
it is decreed that "noe person or persons whatsoever he be within 
this County under the degree of Proprietor, Landgrave or Cassique 
shall have Liberty for the space of five yeares next ensueing to sur- 
vey or lay out above six hundred and sixty acres of Land in one devi- 
dend that soe the County may be the speedier seated, without express 
leave obtained from the Lords Proprietors. 

"And it is hereby further enacted that there shall not be granted 
in any warrent any quantity of Land but what is allowed according 
to the Quality of the right and is exprest in the Proprietors Instruc- 
tions, concessions or Fundamental Constitutions or forms of Govern- 
ment." 6 

This intention on the part of the assembly was not always carried 
out, for it was ordered by the Proprietors near the beginning of this 
new form of government that the Proprietors should have but three 
signiories, and each landgrave and cacique but one barony. 7 Never- 
theless, John Price, 8 another of those who never lived in America, 
was made a landgrave in 1687 and "four baronies of 12,000 acres" 
were annexed to the title. In 1698 a new plan was hit upon, 9 and 
instead of conferring the title and the domains which belonged to it 
as a mark of the high regard in which the person was held by the Pro- 
prietors, blanks were sent out for six landgraves and eight caciques. 
These were to be sold to whomsoever would buy, provided they were 
considered worthy by Major Robert Daniel and Landgrave Morton, 
who had the disposal of them. The sale was not very rapid, for only 
two purchased. One of these, Captain Edmund Bellinger, was in 
England at the time of the purchase but paid in America, and John 
Bayley took another but paid in Ireland. After this another change 
was allowed, for in 1709 Abel Ketelby, who also became a nonresident 

*Col. Rec, vol. I, page 29. 
6 McCrady, page 717. 
eCol. Rec, vol. I, page 186. 
'McCrady, page 141. 
8 McCrady, page 719. 
9 McCrady, page 292. 

66 North Carolina Historical Commission 

landgrave, purchased 5,000 acres. x ° And after this fashion the title 
had lost in dignity until it was offered for sale with few takers, while 
the amount of land which went with it was reduced from a vast tract 
to a moderate-sized manor, the lords of which strips were originally in- 
tended to be of the lowest order of nobility. 

Graffenried's appointment was no exception to the others in irregu- 
larities. He was a foreigner, but probably naturalized, x l for he was 
in England when the naturalization laws were made and in his Memorial 
he advises it. He was required to buy and actually did buy but 
5,000 acres to secure the title, and the 10,000 additional which he 
purchased for the company and Michel's 2,500 acres over which he 
appears to have had the disposal for the company had nothing to do 
with the bestowal of the highest dignity in the power of the Pro- 

Fortunately, the Carolinians seem not to have been disturbed by all 
these irregularities in his appointment and he thought the title an 
advantage to him, as it seemed to help him keep the respect of his 
own settlers and the other colonists. 

The following articles relate to the order of nobility which was to 
be established. 

"4th. Each signory, barony, and colony, shall consist of twelve 
thousand acres, the eight signories being the share of the eight pro- 
prietors, and the eight baronies of the nobility; both which shares, 
being each of them one fifth of the whole, are to be perpetually annexed, 
the one to the proprietors and the other to the hereditary nobility; 
leaving the colonies, being three fifths, amongst the people; so that 
in setting out and planting the lands, the balance of the government 
may be preserved. 

"9th. There shall be just as many Landgraves as there are counties, 
and twice as many Casiques, and no more. These shall be the heredi- 
tary nobility of the Province, and by right of their dignity be mem- 
bers of parliament. Each Landgrave shall have four baronies, and 
each Casique two baronies, hereditarily and unalterably annexed to 
and settled upon the said dignity. 

"17th. Every manor shall consist of not less than three thousand, 
and not above twelve thousand acres in one piece and colony; but 
any three thousand acres or more in one piece and the possession of 
one man, shall not be a manor, unless it be constituted a manor by 
the grant of the Palatine's court. 

"21st. Every Lord of a manor, within his own manor, shall have 
all the powers, jurisdictions and privileges which a Landgrave or 
Casique hath in his baronies." x 2 

i°Col. Rec, vol. I, page 705. 
"German Version, Memorial. 
12 Col. Rec., vol. I, page 187. 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of 'New Bern 67 

In the provisions for a continuance of the proprietary government 
with its almost regal powers in the hands of a hereditary and self- 
perpetuating body of eight persons; and a limited proportion of land- 
graves and casiques, with lords of manors below them, and last of 
all leet men — four classes likewise hereditary — the proprietors at- 
tempted to establish a feudal system more perfect in its working than 
any in Europe. For the systems with which they were familiar were 
the results of development or accident, while this was to be carefully 
thought out and the results calculated beforehand with almost mathe- 
matical accuracy, and applied arbitrarily to a new state which was 
just forming. 

In the new nobility the amount of land belonging to a certain title 
had been fixed with the exception of manors, the size of which might 
vary from 3,000 to 12,000 acres. The obligations of the leet men, 
whether subject to lords of manors, caciques, or landgraves, were to 
be the same in all parts of the province. As has been shown, the 
theory could not be put into practice as originally intended in the case 
of the nobility, and it turned out to be even more impracticable to 
put the articles relating to leetmen into operation. There is not 
the slightest evidence that the offer of ten acres with its feudal acknowl- 
edgment, which might amount to an eighth of the proceeds there- 
from yearly, tempted any one to put himself and his children into bond- 
age to an overlord, when land was in abundance near by and free from 
burdensome obligations. It was so manifestly impossible to carry out 
these promises, that in the instructions to Colonel Philip Ludwell 
sent out in 1791, which were in reality a revision of the Fundamentals 
from 120 to 43 articles, x 3 there is no mention of leetmen or leetcourts, 
although landgraves and caciques are mentioned as if they were still 
to exist as before. In place of leetcourts there were to be representa- 
tives chosen by the freemen, and the criminal courts were to be 
administered by the governor or by commissioners appointed by him. 

But when Graffenried brought out his colony, the old idea seems to 
have been revived for him and his settlers, for he would hardly have 
made an arrangement which removed his colonists from the jurisdic- 
tion of the officers of the province without the advice of the proprietors. 
The conditions under which the settlement was being made would 
favor such a government as they had originally planned, but would 
not make it essential. His people were coming out together, all spoke 
the same langauge and would naturally be somewhat cut off from the 
rest of the inhabitants of the province because of this; but since the 
French colonists, * 4 though living somewhat segregated from the rest, 
held their lands just as did the English settlers and were subject to the 

13 Col. Rec, vol. I, pa?e 373 ff. 
"McCrady, page 319 ff. 

68 North Carolina Historical Commission 

same government, Graffenried's arrangement was not made necessary 
by the fact that his people spoke a different language from those 
about them. By his contract with the Swiss and Palatines they were 
to pay a higher quit-rent than was charged elsewhere in the province, 
but in return for it they were to receive material help in getting set- 
tled, which would offset the disadvantage of the higher rate. The 
proprietors had trouble over quit-rents continually. Penn in Penn- 
sjdvania complained that the people did not appreciate what he was 
doing for them and that his revenues were not as large as they should 
be, and it was perhaps in hopes that if the people could be brought 
into a modified feudal relation with the proprietors there would be 
less trouble over quit-rents than if they were allowed to live as free 
as the English colonists, a condition which could be more easily main- 
tained with a group of people speaking a different language from the 
main body of inhabitants. 

The agreement which Graffenried and Michel entered into with the 
Commissioners has only an indication of some such arrangement in 
the words, "that some number of the said poor Palatines may be 
disposed of and settled in the said tract in North Carolina aforesaid, 
as well for the benefit of the said Christopher de Graffenried and Lewis 
Michel as for the relief and support of the poor Palatines." 15 

In the abstract of the treaty 1 6 with the proprietors we find, further- 
more, that Graffenried was to be the judge of all disputes arising among 
the Germans, but in cases where the English were involved the juris- 
diction was in the hands of the courts. But all cases of capital crimes 
were reserved for the proprietors themselves. This is not as complete 

"Col. Rec, vol. I, page 987 ff. The italics are mine. V. H. T. 

16 1. Us m'ont vendu 15000 arpents terre choisie que j'ay fait arpenter Sur la Riviere de News et 
Trent et 2500 acres Sur Weetock River, a 10 livres Sterlins le 1000, ou une livre Sterl: p cent acres, et 
6 Sols par 100 arpendts. cen ce fonciere, ce qui fait la Somme de 175£ Sterl: ce que j'ay d'abord paye 
content. 2. II y a eu une reserve de 100 mille acres a ehoisir entre ces Rivieres cy nomees et Clarendon 
R. pour le meme prix, et pour cela j'ay eu 7 ans de terme pour faire le premier payement et des la 7e: 
jusques a la 12e: le tout devoit etre paye\ 3e. Les differents qu'auroient mon Peuple avec les Anglois 
ce devoient terminer devant les juges Anglois mais ce que mes Colonists auroient de dificulte' entre 
Eux cela ce termineroit entre Eux ou par devant moy: La haute Jurisdiction au faits criminels a mort 
reservez zux Seigrs. Prop: ie. Liberte de Religion, et d'avoir un ministre de notre Pays quipour- 
roit precher en notre langue — . 5e. Droit de Ville et marche ou faire a Neuberne. 6e. francs de 
toutee taille et impots dimes et Cences hormi les 6 Sols p 100 acres annullement come susdit. 7e. Les 
Seigrs Prop: ou la Province par leurs ordres me devoint fournir pour 2 ou 3 ans de provision de viv- 
res et betail pour moy et toutte la Colonie moyenant restitution apres le terme prescrit. 

"1st. They sold me 15,000 acres of choice land which I had surveyed upon the Ri ver Neuse and the 
River Trent and 2,500 acres upon the Weetock River at 10 pounds sterling per 1,000, or one pound 
sterling per hundred acres, and six pence per 100 acres, quit-rent rent, which makes the sum of 175£ 
sterling which I payed down. 2d. There was a reserve of 100 thousand acres to choose between these 
rivers here named and Clarendon River for the same price, and for that I had a period of seven years 
for the first payment and between the 7th and 12th the whole was to be paid. 3d. The differences 
which my people might have with the English were to be settled before the English judges, but the 
difficulties which my colonist s might have among themselves were to be settled either among them- 
selves or before me, the final jurisdiction in capital crimes reserved to the Lords Proprietors. 4th. Re- 
ligious liberty and the right to have a minister of our own country to preach in our language. 
5th. Rights of city and market or fair at New Bern. 6th. Freedom from all taxes and imposts, 
tithes and hundredths except the 6 pence per 100 acres annually as above said. 7th. The Lords Pro- 
prietors or the province by their orders were to furnish me and all my colony with food and live 
stock for 2 or 3 years with reimbursement after the prescribed time." 

Graffenrfed : Account of the Founding of !NVvy Bern 69 

a jurisdiction as the Fundamental Constitutions had originally given 
to Landgraves and others who should have leetmen; but it neverthe- 
less put a very considerable authority into Graffenried's hands and 
where his own settlers alone were concerned in any but capital crimes 
is just as great. That he actually exercised authority is proved by 
the fact that he incurred the enmity of the Palatine blacksmith by 
sentencing him to a day's log sawing for using foul language. 

In the abstract of his treaty 1 7 with the Palatines he was to give 
each family 300 acres of land, for which they should pay a quit rent 
of two-pence per acre, while he took for himself the payment of the 
Lords Proprietors' six pence per 100 acres. Thus, as has been said 
before, the colonists paid a higher rent than was customary in the 
other provinces and dealt with Graffenried and not with the officers 
of the province who usually attended to the collection of quit-rents. 
The Swiss who wrote the letters home, when referring to their farms, 
used the word "Lechen" (Lehen) which carries with it the idea of an 
estate held of another, while "Gut," which is used but once, usually 
has the meaning of a freehold, but not necessarily so. The frequency 
of the use of Lechen indicates that the colonists themselves recog- 
nized a sort of feudal relationship. His own language in character- 
izing the actions of his colonists in following Brice, when he speaks 
of them as abtruennig (disloyal), verraeterisch (traitorous) would 
not have been used except in the case of subjects; and later when the 
distress became more pressing he exercised one of the rights expressly 
given in the Constitution to landgraves, caciques, and lords of manor, 
when he gave his people permission to leave their farms. In this 
case he gave them leave to go away for two years to look for work, 
the implication being at the end of that time they should come back. 
Referring again to the articles on leetmen, we find that they were not 
allowed to leave their land without the express permission of their lord. 
And lastly, his agreement with the colonists says that they owed him 
fidelity, obedience and respect, and that he owed them protection — 
certainly a rather feudal-like expression. This is the relationship 

17 J'avois aussi un Traitte partioulier et bien exact avec les Palatins lequell fust projeote examine 
et arrete, devant et par la Commission Royale trop ample a inserrer icy, seulement en Substance ce 
qui suit le. mes Colonistes me devoient fidelite obeysance et Respect, et moi la Protection, au 2e. 
Je devois fournir chaque famille de provision pour la premiere annee, d'une Vache de deux Coehons 
et de quelques utensils, moyenant restitution apres 3 ans. 3e. Je devois doner a chaque famille 300 
arp: de Terre et ils devoient me livrer pour Cence fonciere 2 Sols par acre, en contre ie devois Sup- 
porter les 6 sols p 100 acres de reconnoissance envers le3 Seigrs. Prop, come desia Susdit. 

"I also had a private and very exact treaty with the Palatines which was projected, examined 
and agreed upon before and by the Royal Commission, too ample to be inserted here more than in 
substance, as follows. 1st. My colonists owed me fidelity, obedience and respect, and I owed them 
protection. 2d. I was to furnish each family for the first year a cow and two swine and some 
utensils, reimbursement to be made after 3 years. 3d. I was to give to each family 300 acres of land 
and they were to give me for quit-rent two pence per acre, and I on the other hand was to be respon- 
sible for the 6 pence per 100 acres acknowledgment toward the Lords Proprietors as already men- 
tioned above." 

70 North Carolina Historical Commission 

planned for at least one generation. How far the system might have 
been planned to extend cannot be determined. We only know that the 
landgraveship was hereditary, and, that these estates may have been 
planned to descend likewise in the same family from father to son. 
From these considerations, then, it seems to me that this colony was 
the nearest approach to Locke's ideal ever established in this coun- 
try — the only one founded on the Grand Model. 

In the report to the Georg Ritter Company, also, it is expressly 
stated that purchasers of land shall have the right to sell their hold- 
ings; but under the proprietary government buying and selling of 
land did not alter the fact that each acre of ground owed its half penny 
quit-rent to the proprietors, and it is to be supposed that if any one 
should buy one of these farms owned by a Palatine, he would assume 
the responisbilities of rent, obedience, and respect to the landgrave. 
In the end when the scheme failed, we find that Graffenried made 
over the whole tract to Colonel Pollock and the people lost their hold- 
ings; a result which could not have happened had they held of the 
proprietors as others did, for the system of registration of deeds was 
very perfect in Carolina at this time, and there couM have been no 
mistake about ownership. 

It would be too much to expect Graffenried, a member of one of the 
few patrician families of Bern, an ex-bailiff of an important city, com- 
ing to America as the head of the colonizing project, to show an en- 
tirely democratic spirit or to be very favorable to such democracy as 
he saw in those around him. The disorders attendant upon Cary's 
and Glover's rivalry; and Cary's refusal to submit to Governor Hyde, 
were menacing the very existence of the colony, and one might expect 
a stronger expression of what must have been his sentiments, when, 
in speaking of the help asked for from Spotswood, he says, "Seeing 
that these Virginians were not disposed to help us, perhaps themselves 
having a little of that free and democratic spirit." 18 All the assist- 
ance from the proprietors and from the company in Bern on which 
the continuance of the colony depended, were to come through him, 
and it is natural that we should find evidences of a paternal govern- 
ment in the little colony at New Bern. Nevertheless, patrician though 
he was, Graffenried had the welfare of the colony at heart. The let- 
ters from the settlers express satisfaction with his administration and 
he seems to have regarded the title as of value only as it made the 
Carolinians respect him, and so benefited his colony and company. * 9 

It is unfortunate that the colony was broken up so early in its his- 
tory, before the system of government had had time to become some- 

18 French Version. 
19 German Version. 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of JSTew Bern 71 

thing more than a mere paper scheme of the proprietors, and before 
it had time to develop, as it most certainly would have done, into 
something suited to the needs of the people. It has been seen that 
the modified system of leetmen actually put into operation was much 
more workable than the scheme as laid out in the Unalterable Con- 
stitutions. When we remember that besides the Palatines who were 
seeking liberty as well as freedom of conscience, there were some Swiss 
country people who had belonged to the religious brotherhood where 
they had a voice in matters that concerned the community, that in 
Switzerland in general there had always been a tradition of liberty, 
that in Bern, from whence most of them had come, popular assem- 
blies had been held as late as 1653, and that shortly after this, as- 
semblies were to be tried again (1713) showing that the sentiment was 
still strong among the common people, 2 ° it is not surprising to see in- 
dications of such an assembly in New Bern, when the town was to be 
named. 2 1 On later occasions his people showed a spirit which, while 
distressing to Graff enried and perhaps of actual harm to themselves, 
proves very conclusively that where they considered it necessary they 
showed their ' idependence by leaving Graff enried without permission, 
and seeking /ith Brice the protection the Baron appeared unable to 
afford. Whatever may have been planned, it is reasonably sure that 
a feudal government would not have endured long with these liberty 
loving Germans and Swiss. As it is, there appears to have been a 
paternal government with indications of concerted and independent 
action of the people. 

2 "Cambridge History, vol. VI, page 623 ff. 

2 The sentence, French Version, in which this occasion is mentioned reads as follows: 

II s'agissoit de doner un nom a la ville ce que nous fumes en grande Solemnity, et nous joignimes 
au nom de Neuws celuy de Berne, ainsi la ville fust baptisee Neuberne. 

Compare with the above the following passages: 

... et je fis meme une espece d'aillance avec ce Roitelet nom6 Taylor et Son Monde, cela ce fist 

. . . Us commencerent de gouter mes raisons et on tient pour cela une assemblee Solenelle. 

Die Indianer nun betrefend, so sind sie nicht zu beforchten, so man einen Bund mit Ihnen macht, 
welches schon Sollenisch. 

"It was a question of giving a name to the city, which we did in great solemnity; and we joined 
to the name of Neuws that of Berne, and so the city was christened Xewbern. 

" . . . and I even made a sort of alliance with this kinglet named Taylor and his people. 
This was done solemnly. 

"... They commenced to appreciate my reasons, and there was held for that purpose a 
solemn assembly. 

"As far as the Indians are concerned, they are not to be feared if one makes a league with them,. 
which we have already solemnly done." 

This use of some form of the word meaning solemn in the last three cases, evidently referring to an 
assembly for free discussion, argues that it is used in the first case with the same connotation, espe- 
cially since he does Dot use the word elsewhere in the manuscripts. 


Hyde Comes to North Carolina in January, 1711 — Graffenried 
Made a Colonel-^-Hopes to Receive Assistance from the 
Province — Cary Preparing for Open Rebellion — Condition 
of the Town — Graffenried Sends a Report to Bern — Ap- 
pearance of Prosperity Deceptive — Letter by Urmstone 
Shows the Condition to be as Graffenried Describes — 
Gary's Attack and Retreat — Peace of Short Duration — 
The Governor of Virginia Sends Help — Effect of the War 
on the German Colony — An Exploring Trip— Lawson and 
Graffenried Captured by the Indians 

Taking up the story again from where it was left in Part II, chapter 
VIII: Hyde entered upon his duties some time in January, 1711, 1 
and shortly after sent Graffenried a Colonel's commission along with 
a summons to attend the assembly. Graffenried could ill afford the 
time from his own affairs, but hoped the opportunity had now come 
to obtain the needed assistance for his people. The Governor's will 
in the matter was good, but the treasury was empty, for Cary still 
held the funds of the province, and was, moreover, making prepara- 
tion for active resistance. Graffenried now had to take one side or 
the other, for the situation was growing more tense, and the question 
of colonial support for the Palatines had to be brought to an issue 
and decided as soon as possible. His only hope was in Hyde, for 
Cary's promises had proved unreliable; and he threw himself into 
Hyde's cause with all his might, although he and his people would 
have preferred to stay out of the trouble. In the report 2 to the Georg 
Ritter Company he says that he and his people took Hyde's part, 
but in the accounts he says that they remained neutral, because they 
were intimidated by Cary. Most likely Hyde had their sympathy 
and half hearted support, but they took no active part in the "war." 
Some time during the spring the Hyde and Graffenried forces took 
Cary into custody, but he made his escape. 

Meanwhile the colony was prospering, the settlers were contented 
and there were excellent prospects, for people as far away as Penn- 
sylvania had taken lots. 3 Graffenried had expended 2,228£ in pro- 
visions of one sort or another, though not in the amount specified in 
the contract with the commissioners, regarding cattle for the Pala- 
tines. However, the settlers were apparently satisfied and there was 

•Col. Rec, vol. I, page 751. 
2 German Version, Report. 
8 German Version, Report. 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Bern 73 

still time to supply them completely. There were two boats 4 belong- 
ing to the colony which he and Michel had bought to save transporta- 
tion charges. Their town had one of the few schoolmasters in the 
province, for Graffenried had provided for this need before leaving 
London, and the trades were also well represented. Graffenried took 
charge of the ordinary religious services, which consisted in reading 
of prayers in the houses of his colonists, using the Episcopal forms, 
and vary rarely a sermon was preached to them by the Church of 
England missionary. During the lull in the Cary troubles, while he 
was preparing for his next attempt on the government, Graffenried 
used the occasion of one of his settler's going home to write to his 
Company a circumstantial account of the situtation, and several of 
his settlers, likewise wrote to their friends or relatives, and from these 
letters one can gather that the future was full of hope, and they had 
no doubt of Graffenried's ability to continue to supply them what 
was needed, or even to take charge of more who might wish to come. 

But in spite of the appearance of prosperity, ruin was imminent, 
though of all the Newbern colony Graffenried alone gives evidence of 
seeing it. Persons on the outside soon began to notice that something 
was wrong, for his difficulties were known to Missionary Urmstone 
who mentions them in his letter to the Secretary of the Society for the 
Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. This letter though evi- 
dently intended to discredit the Quaker Proprietor, Danson, and ex- 
aggerated, at any rate, as to the number of Palatines who had come 
to the colony, must have had some foundation in fact. The letter 
was written July 17, 1711, and the following postscript was added, one 
item of which has been alluded to before. 

"P. S. As for the Rebels, I am not much concerned, but 'tis griev- 
ous to here the complaints of the poor men & families, who have been 
so long in arms that they have lost their crops & will want bread, 
the ravage & plunder of the enemies have committed has ruined 
others, — another instance of the Quakers Knavery I cannot omit which 
concerns you to Knowe as having been commissioner for the Palatines. 
Baron Graffenried with his people must have starved, if not supplied 
by others here, He had an order from the proprietors, i. e. Danson, 
for the rest never concern themselves, to receive 1,500£ here for which 
he was to pay 1,000£ sterling; a great cheat, for £1,000 sterling is 
worth £3,000 here in our pay. Danson in his Letter to his friends 
here bragged they should get an Estate by these Foreigners. Cary 
the late ursurper of this government, & now head of the Rebel was 
to pay it out of the proprietors dues which he had received he was 
arrested & made his escape what reason then have they to protect him 

'French Version. 

74 North Carolina Historical Commission 

to prevent others from supplying the Baron in his great distress. 
Roach & the Quakers reported that the Baron had no credit in Eng- 
land, nor had he any money anywhere, through ill usage in their 
way hither & since their arrival of 900 palatines there are but 300 
nowe alive, & those ready to starve, through the instigation of the 
English, who live near them the neighboring Indians are very trou- 
blesome to them in the beginning of this present Rebellion the Baron 
with the Swiss & palatines would have joined the Governor but were 
threatened with fire & sword, the Engld & Indians designed to de- 
stroy them & all they had such encouragement do the proprietors 
give people to come into their colony. I have written a very tart 
letter to Sir John Colleton a proprietor concerning all matters whether 
pleased or displeased, it matters not the proprietors promised me all 
friendship & favor, but as yet never shewed me any & I believe 
never will." 5 

With Cary and a considerable faction in active opposition to the 
government, something had to be done immediately in self defense, 
and a council was held at Colonel Pollock's. This was Cary's chance, 
if he ever had one, to succeed, and on June 30, 6 while the Governor, 
Graffenried, and Colonel Pollock were in session, consulting how to 
meet the emergency, the rebels as they are always called, came up in 
their brigantine and fired a shot which damaged the roof. The Col- 
onel returned an answer and followed it with another. The ship then 
withdrew, having suffered an injury to one of her masts, and sent out 
a landing party, thinking the defenders were but few in number. But 
when they saw the yellow livery of Graffenried's servant they thought 
the whole Palatine colony present under arms, and this so alarmed 
them that they immediately steered back for the ship. The Colonel 
seized the strategic moment and launched a boat in pursuit. The 
attacking party boarded their vessel again and tried to escape. But 
unable to outdistance their pursuers the crew were seized with a 
panic, ran ashore, and took to the woods. This victory gave Hyde 
the advantage, for with the brigantine in his power, the Governor 
was able to make terms; offering a free pardon to all except the ring- 
leaders. Graffenried used this opportunity to have the council recog- 
nize Hyde — over a year after his appointment and about seven months 
after his arrival in the colony. 

The peace was of short duration, however. Cary fortified himself 
on an island; and efforts to dislodge him proving unsuccessful in what 
may be called the second battle of the war, Graffenried was sent to 
Virginia for help. After a long and tedious journey, he arrived at 

6 Col. Rec, vol. I, page 774. 
eCol. Rec, vol. I, page 802. 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of ]STew Been 75 

Williamsburg and presented his petition. There was still the diffi- 
culty that Hyde lacked the signature of the Governor of South Caro- 
lina and Spotswood, therefore, scarcely dared send troops. 7 But fi- 
nally in his position as Admiral of the Virginia coasts he sent a vessel 
with marines. He had hoped to send a fleet which was then in Vir- 
ginia waters on their way home, but the Commander refused to go. 
The Governor also assembled militia troops on the frontier to be 
ready if anything serious should happen. On the 28th of July, 1711, 
he writes that the rebels were so alarmed that they fled at the arrival 
of the marines and so a third battle never took place. 8 Cary was 
caught and taken to England for trial, but the matter was dropped 
and nothing was ever done with him. 

This short and bloodless war marks the beginning of the end for 
Graffenried's colony. Up until April and May of the year 1711, as the 
letters and the report show, the colony prospered and the people had 
enough to live on after the coming of Graffenried with the shipload of 
Swiss in September, 1710. Immediately after the dispersal of the rebels 
an assembly was held, and Hyde was received as governor. Graffen- 
ried was present and hoped to receive help, but failed again. A 
proposition to borrow from the province on two or three year's time 
was also refused, for the whole northern province of Carolina was 
suffering from the confusion, and crops were bad because of neglect. 
When, finally, Graffenried was permitted to return from the assem- 
bly, having accomplished nothing for their relief, he found his people 
without food, many of them sick, and several of them dead, because 
of their neglect of his very sensible order to boil all their drinking 
water. The disease which took so many of them away at this time, 
from Graffenried's description, seems to have been typhoid fever, and 
the injunction to use plenty of boiled water was the best remedy that 
could have been prescribed for them. 

In some way or other Graffenried and his colony managed to get 
along till about the first of September. At that time, since the 
weather seemed suitable, and the Indians well disposed, he had no 
great fear of making a fifteen days exploring expedition up the river 
with Surveyor Lawson. The plan was to see how far the river was 
navigable, and to find out if a better road to Virginia might not be 
made on the higher ground and thus save the dangerous voyages by 
way of the Albemarle Sound, which was very treacherous on account 
of the numerous shoals and shifting sand bars. They went in a canoe 
with two negro servants and two friendly Indians, one of whom rode 
Graffenried's horse along the bank. On the second day from home 

7 Col. Rec, vol. I, page 779 ff. 
8 Col. Rec, vol. I, page 783. 

76 Worth Carolina Historical Commission 

the Indian who was riding the horse was halted by one of King Han- 
cock's men, and the whole party taken before that chief. Only a 
few days before this Graffenried had been very hospitably used, when 
he had lost his way in the woods, for they kept him over night and 
even took some cider from a sick woman in order to give to him, and 
the next day guided him home. He in turn had paid their gener- 
osity with presents, not forgetting a little brandy for the invalid, and 
consequently he hardly expected this treatment. But since he had 
last seen them, the Indians had begun to plan a revenge for some of 
their wrongs. Graffenried gives Cary credit for having before this 
slandered him to them, by making them believe that he, Graffenried, 
intended to rob them of their lands. Other Carolinians had robbed 
them in trade and disturbed them in their hunting, and the exploring 
party, which, at least looked suspicious to them, had the misfortune 
to come just as the Indians were assembling for the attack. 


Documents to Prove That the Indians Had Cause for Resent- 
ment at Their Treatment by the English. 

In view of the idea people generally have of the Indians as descend- 
ing without provocation upon helpless frontier settlements and satis- 
fying an inhuman thirst for blood on innocent victims, it has seemed 
well to quote a few extracts from Lawson's Journal, Spotswood's 
letters, the memoirs of Sir William Byrd, and the Colonial Records, 
to show that the Indians in Carolina had, at least, reason to be 
alarmed at the encroachments on their territories, and dissatisfied at 
their treatment by their English neighbors. 

"The next day, early, came two Tuskeruru Indians to the other 
side of the River, but could not get over. They talked much to us, 
but we understood them not. In the Afternoon, Will (the Indian 
Guide) came with the Mare and had some discourse with them; they 
told him the English, to whom he was going, were very wicked 
People; and, That they threatened the Indians for hunting near their 
Plantations." 1 

"Thus you have an account of the Latitude, Soil, and Advantages 
of Cape Fear, or Clarendon-River, which was settled in the Year 
1661, or thereabouts; and had it not been for the irregular Practices 
of some of that Colony against the Indians, by sending away 2 some 
of their Children, (as I have been told) under Pretence of instructing 
'em in Learning and the Principles of the Christian Religion; which 
so disgusted the Indians that tho' they had then no Guns, yet they 
never gave over, till they rid themselves of the English by their Bows 
and Arrows; with which they did not only take off themselves, but 
also their Stocks of Cattle. And this was so much the more ruinous 
to them, in that they could have no Assistance from South Carolina 
which was not then planted; and the other Plantations were but in 
their Infancy. Were it not for such ill Practices, I say, it might, 
in all Probability have been, at this day, the best Settlement in their 
Lordships great Province of Carolina." 3 

The next is an extract of a letter from Governor Spotswood to the 
Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, April 5, 1717. 

"The Inhabitants of our frontiers are composed generally of such 
as have been transported hither as Servants, and being out of their 
time, and settle themselves where Land is to be taken up and that 

1 Lawson's Journal, page 53. 

2 He means selling them into slavery. 

3 Lawson's Journal, page 73. 

78 North Carolina Historical Commission 

will produce the necessarys of Life with little Labor. It is pretty 
well known what Morals such people bring with them hither, which 
are not like to be mended by their Scituation, remote from all places 
of worship; they are so little concerned about Religion, that the 
Children of many of the Inhabitants of those frontier Settlements 
are 20, and some 30 years of age before they are baptized, and some 
not at all. 

"Those who are nearest Neighbors to the Indians, by whose prin- 
ciples and practices they are not like to be most improved; but this 
is not all, for these people, knowing the Indians to be lovers of strong 
liquors, make no scruple of first making them drunk and then cheat- 
ing them of their skins, and even of beating them in the bargain; on 
the other hand, the Indians, being unacquainted with the methods 
of obtaining reparation by law, frequently revenge themselves by 
the murder of the persons who thus treated them, or, (according to 
their notions of Satisfaction) of the next Englishmen they could most 
easily cutt off. And it is a very generall observation, both here and 
the neighboring Provinces, that no murders or hostility have ever 
been committed by the Indians unless where the English have given 
the first provocation." 4 

Colonel Byrd has this to say with reference to the troubles under 
consideration: "There are generally some Carolina Traders that con- 
stantly live among the Catawbas and Pretend to Exercise a dicta- 
torial Authority among them. These petty Rulers don't only teach 
the honester Savages all sorts of Debauchery, but are unfair in their 
dealings, and use them with all kinds of Oppression. Nor has their 
Behavior been at all better to the rest of the Indian Nations, among 
whom they reside, by abusing their Women and Evil-Entreating 
their Men; and, by the way, this was the true Reason of the fatal 
war which the Nations roundabout made upon Carolina in the year 
1713. 5 

"Then it was that the Neighboring Indians grown weary of the 
Tyranny and Injustice with which they had been abused for many 
Years, resolved to endure their bondage no longer, but enter'd into 
General Confederacy against their Oppressors of Carolina. 

"The Indians open'd the War by knocking most of those little 
Tyrants on the Head that dwelt amongst them under pretence of 
regulating their Commerce, and from thence Carry'd their Resentment 
so far as to endanger both North and South Carolina." 6 

An actual instance of oppression had occurred a few years before. 
In 1707 the Maherine Indians had been assigned lands for their use 

4 Spotswood, vol. II, page 227. 

5 The time of their final defeat. Their massacres were made in the fall of 1711 and the summer of 

eByrd, page 239. 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Bern 79 

by the government of Virginia; and since they were living in peace 
with the English in both Virginia and Carolina, no complaints of 
depredations were ever made against them. Their lands, however, 
were the subject of dispute between the two provinces, and as the 
line had not been run yet the quarrel could not be settled. Thomas 
Pollock wanted these lands for his own use and attempted to drive 
the Indians off with armed force. He captured 36 of them, kept 
them for two days in a fort, without water, in the meantime he broke 
down their cabins and threatened to destroy their corn crop if they 
did not move off the reservation. As the Indians could have had 
no very clear notion of the dispute between Carolina and Virginia, 
and had been promised the peaceful possession of their land by the 
Virginia government, this encroachment by Pollock must have shaken 
their faith in the honesty of the white men. Even if the lands lay 
in territory south of 36° 30' (a matter which was not settled till years 
after) 7 it was unjust and impolitic to make them suffer for the mistake 
of the Virginia government. The Virginians naturally expected the 
Indians to call on other Indians to help them retaliate. In 1710 
complaints were sent by the assembly of North Carolina to Virginia 
that these Maherines were committing depredations. 8 Spotswood did 
nothing about it and expressed no sympathy because, he says, the 
whites had been the aggressors. 9 

7 Byrd, page 3. The line was run in 172S. 
8 Col. Rec, vol. I, page 754. 
s Col. Rec, vol. I, page 667 ff. 


Graffenried a Prisoner — Lawson Killed — Graffenried Kept a 
Prisoner — The Indians Plan to Massacre English and Ger- 
mans — Discussion of the Cause of the Massacre — -The 
Blame Laid on the Late Rebels — Documents Proving That 
Others Besides Graffenried Believed Them Guilty — Graf- 
fenried's Truce — Attack by the English and Palatines — 
Graffenried Agrees to a Ransom and is Allowed to Go 
Home— Spotswood Approves of the Truce — English and 
Palatines Disapprove and Plot Against His Life 

Had Graffenried been alone it would have been better for him on 
this exploring expedition, for the Indians knew he had never done 
them any harm, but they disliked Lawson because of his having 
cheated them. 1 At first the Indians were disposed to let both of 
them go when they found who they were. But at a second examina- 
tion, Lawson could not refrain from quarreling with one of his captors, 
and this destroyed all possibility of a release. The Indians in anger 
prepared to execute both men. Bound hand and foot, the victims 
sat on the ground and watched the preparations, not the least fright- 
ful of which was the great heap of burning wood. Graffenried, how- 
ever, managed to speak to one of the Indians who understood a little 
English, explained his innocence and also threatened them with the 
Queen's displeasure and the vengeance she would take if they harmed 
him, but his arguments did not seem to have much effect at first; 
so in expectation of immediate torture and death he fortified himself 
and his negro slave with prayer and exhortation and found peace of 
mind in these exercises. About three or four o'clock in the morning 
he was unbound and led away, as he supposed, to his death, but the 
Indian signified to him that his life was to be spared and only Lawson 
would have to die, and so it proved. Just what the manner of his 
death was Graffenried never learned, for the Indians steadfastly 
refused to divulge it; but he had heard them threaten to cut Lawson's 
throat with a razor. 2 Yet while Graffenried's life was spared, they 

iByrd, page 228. 

"It was on that Provocation they resented their wrongs a little too severely upon Mr. Lawson, who 
under Colour of being Surveyor gen'l had encroached too much upon their territories at which they 
were so much enraged that they waylaid him and cut his throat from ear to ear, but at the same time 
released the Baron de Graffenried, whom they had seized for Company, because it appeared plainly 
he had done them no wrong." 

2C0I. Rec, vol. I, page 836. 

From a letter of Christopher Gale, November 3, 1711: 

"But the fate of Mr. Lawson (if our Indian information be true) was much more tragical, for we 
are informed that they stuck him full of fine small splinters of torch wood like hog's bristles and so 
set thern gradually afire." 

The following from Lawson's Journal (197) in this connection has a grewsome interest: 

"Their cruelty to their Prisoneis of War is what they are seemingly guilty of an error in, (I mean 
as to a natural Failing) because they strive to invent the most Inhumane Butcheries for them that 


did not let him go home immediately, but kept him a prisoner for 
six weeks. 

During this time the indirect consequences of the civil difficulties 
were felt by the Colony. The violence of the feeling in the later Cary 
disturbances make it manifestly impossible for the partisans of either 
side to be fair to the others, and unfortunately, since the record of the 
quarrel was written by strong partisans of Hyde, statements must be 
accepted with caution. Graffenried 3 occasionally, and Spotswood 4 
repeatedly, state that Cary and the other opponents of Hyde tried 
to bring down the Indians to aid them in their resistance. Such a 
crime is hard to believe, and Weeks 5 does not credit these statements, 
because the district of Bath, which was friendly to Cary, suffered 
as severely as New Bern, which favored Hyde. Nevertheless, the 
Indians somehow had gotten the notion that Hyde was their enemy, 
and it does not seem unlikely that Cary and others might have gone 
among them to enlist help. For on July 28, 1711, Governor Spotswood 
writes : 

"There are several affidavits sent me to prove that one Porter who 
is one of Cary's pretended Council was with the Tuscaruro Indians 
promising great Rewards to incite them to cut off all the Inhabitants 
of that part of Carolina that adhered to Mr. Hyde. The Indians 
own that the proposal was accepted by their young men, but that 
their old men (who bare great Sway in all their Councils) being by 
their own nature Suspitious of some trick or else directed by Superior 
providence, refused to be concerned in that barbarous design." 6 Such 
positive statements and the fact that Graffenried' s death was deter- 
mined when the Indians supposed him to be Governor Hyde, and that 
they let him go when they found who he really was, help to confirm 
the report. 7 Moreover, the crime, though great, of using the savages 
as allies was duplicated by the English Government as late as during 
the Revolution and the War of 1812, so that the mere repulsiveness 
of the thought does not disprove the fact. 

Although at the time of the Cary troubles, the Indians did not 
make any moves against the white settlers, such invitations, if one 
may trust reports like the above, certainly showed them the colony's 

the Devils themselves could invent, or hammer out of Hell; they exteeming Death no Punishment, 
but rather an Advantage to him, that is exported out of this into another World. Therefore they in- 
flict on them Torments in which they prolong Life in that miserable state as long as they can, and 
never miss skulping of them, as they call it which is, to cut off the Skin from the Temples, and taking 
the whole Head of Hair along with it, as it were a Night-cap, Sometimes they take the Top of the Skull 
along with it; all which they preserve; and carefully keep by them, for a Trophy of their Conquest 
over their Enemies. Others keep their Enemies Teeth, which are taken in War, whilst others split 
the Pitch pine into Splinters and stick them into the Prisoner's Body yet alive. Thus they light them , 
which burn like so many torches; and in this Manner they make him dance around a great Fire, every 
one buffeting and deriding him till he expires, when every one strives to get a Bone or some Relick of 
this unfortunate Captive." 

3 German Version. 

*Col. Rec, vol. I, page 776. Spotswood, pp. 84, 94, 103. 

"Johns Hopkins Studies, vol. X, page 300 ff . 

6 Col. Rec, page 797; see also page 802 for statement by Hyde. 

'German Version. 


82 North Carolina Historical Commission 

weakness. And it is but natural that they determined to profit by 
it. Notwithstanding their personal friendship for Graffenried, they 
were still savages and acted the part by massacring all the whites 
in the Bath County they could reach, whether Swiss, Palatines or 

Spotswood thus describes one of these massacres: "On the 22nd of 
the last month some towns of the Tuscaruro Indians and other Nations 
bordering on Carolina, made an incursion upon the head of the Neuse 
and Pamlico Rivers, in that province, without any previous declara- 
tion of War or show of discontent, and having divided themselves 
into partys at Sun rise (which was the Signal for their bloody design) 
began a barbarous Massacre on the Inhabitants of the Frontier planta- 
tions, killing without distinction of age or Sex, 60 English and upwards 
of that number of Swiss and Palatines, besides a great many left 
dangerously wounded. The Baron de Graffenried, Chief of the Swiss 
and Palatines' Settlement there, is also fallen into their hands and 
carryed away Prisoner. Since which they have continued their Rav- 
ages in burning those plantations and others deserted by the Inhabit- 
ants for fear of the like Crueltys. The Governor, Mr. Hyde, has 
raised what men he can to oppose the further Invasion of the 
heathen and protect the rest of the Country, but that Spirit of dis- 
obedience to which they have long been accustomed, still prevails 
so much that he can hardly persuade them to unite for their common 
Safety. I will not affirm that the Invitation given those Savages 
some time ago by Collo. Cary and his party to cutt off their fellow 
Subjects has been the only occasion of this Tragedy, tho' that heavy 
charge is proved by divers Testimonys and firmly believed in Carolina. 
Yet it appears very reasonable to believe that they have been greatly 
encouraged in this attempt by the unnatural Divisions and Animosi- 
ties among the Inhabitants, and I very much fear their mutinous 
and Cowardly behavior in some late Shirmishes will Embolden the 
Indians to continue their Insolences." 

The plan of this massacre was perfected while Graffenried was 
still a prisoner among the Indians. He knew of their design and 
was in anxiety for his people, of course, but although the red men 
promised that they would spare such of the Palatines as were in the 
city, he was not much comforted, for he had no way of warning his 
people to retire from their farms to the village. In a few days the 
warriors with the prisoners and the booty returned. Among these 
prisoners was a Palatine boy, and from him he learned that many 
of the Palatines as well as English had been slaughtered. 

Graffenried now saw no hopes of getting back home except by 
making a treaty of neutrality between himself and the Indians. By 

Graffexried : Account of the Eouxdtxg of X"ew Ber>- 83 

this he was to give a ransom for his own life and help neither the 
English nor the Indians during the war, and in return all his colonists' 
houses marked with a big N were to be safe from harm. 

Another important clause provided that the Indians should be 
allowed to buy goods at reasonable rates. The colonists had not 
gone into the Indian trade as yet, but by the report, memorial and 
letters 8 we learn they were intending to do so, and in April had sent in 
orders for goods, knives, brass rings, and pipes, but had not yet had 
time to get them back, when Urmstone writes July 17 that the Indians 
incited by jealous traders, had been annoying the colony. 9 One can- 
not suppose the Germans, knowing that the Indians were unfriendly, 
would go among them later if their goods should have come. Graffen- 
ried himself seems to have felt that all was not well when Lawson 
persuaded him to go up the river to explore; and so the clause can 
scarcely be directed against him or his colony, but rather shows that 
there was dissatisfaction with the professional traders and their extor- 
tions, against which the Indians intended to secure themselves before- 
hand by a treaty, in case they and the Germans should have dealings 

After Graffenried had been some time among them Spotswood 
wrote a letter ordering the Indians to release their prisoner, with no 
better result than to anger them the more. Spotswood had gone 
to a village called Xotaway, and Graffenried meanwhile was taken 
to a village called Tasqui which lay in the direction of Xotaway; but 
he was disappointed in his hopes of meeting the Governor, and soon 
after was taken to Catechna for security, because the Indians were 
afraid of losing the ransom. While he was here, the English and 
Palatines made an attack which angered the Indians very much in 
view of Graffenried's treaty, though, of course, his people knew 
nothing of such an agreement as yet. The attack, furthermore, 
hampered Graffenried's negotiations for liberty, and it was with diffi- 
culty that he deceived the Indians into believing that his people had 
not been among the assailants. This attack also alarmed the Indians 
to such an extent that they moved their wives, children and old men 
to their fortified stronghold near Catechna, and the Carolinians, unable 
to capture the position, were forced to retreat with some loss in killed 
and captured. When they had gone the Indians returned to Catechna 
and Graffenried was set at liberty under promise of sending back 
the ransom. After two days hard traveling and sleeping at night 
on the ground, in constant danger of wild beasts and hostile Indians, 
he reached home about October 30. 

8 German Version. 
9 See page 81. 

84 North Carolina Historical Commission 

Graff enried expected, as far as possible, to keep the truce he had 
made, and greatly angered 1 ° some of the English and Palatines when 
he refused to allow them to kill the Indian who came for the ransom. 
But he also delayed giving the ransom in hopes of inducing the 
Indians to free the other prisoners whom they still held. He also 
gave much valuable information concerning the situation to the 
English. It was on this account, he says, that a man Brice, who 
had estranged many of his people including a Palatine blacksmith, 
prepared 20 or 23 articles against him, tried to arrest him, and 
threatened to have him hanged. 

10 Spotswood, vol. I, page 142. (Extract of a letter) February 8, 1711: 

"The Baron de Graffenried being obliged, while he was prisoner among the Indians, to conclude 
a neutrality for himself and his Palatines lives as yet undisturbed by the Heathen, but is sufficiently 
persecuted by the people of Carolina for not breaking with the Indians, tho' they will afford him neither pro- 
visions of War or victuals nor Assistance from them. He has always declared his readiness to enter into 
a war as soon as he should be assisted to prosecute it, but it would be madness in him to expose his 
handful of people to the fury of the Indians, without some better assurance of help than the present 
confusions in that province gives him reason to hope for, and the Indians would soon Either Entirely 
destroy that settlement or starve them out of the place by killing their stocks and hindering them from 
planting corn. In the meantime the people of Carolina receive very great advantage by this Neutral- 
ity, for by that means the Baron has an opportunity of discovering and communicating to them all 
the designs of the Indians, tho' he runs the Risque of paying dear for it if they ever come to know it. 
This makes him so apprehensive of his danger from them, and so diffident of help or even justice from 
the Government under which he is, that he has made some efforts to remove with the Palatines to this 
Colony upon some of her Majesty's Lands: and since such a number of people as he may bring with 
him, with what he proposes to invite over from Swisserland and Germany, will be of great advantage 
to this Country and prove a strong Barier against the incursions of the Indians if they were properly 
disposed above our inhabitants. I pray your Lord'ps' directions what encouragement ought to be 
given to this design," . . . 

(Italics are mine. V. H. T.) 


Discovert of the Plot — Measures Taken for the Defense of 
the Town — Graffenried Begins to Make Plans to Go to 
Virginia — A Letter of Spotswood Showing the Condition 
of the Colonists — Brice's Thoughtless Attack Precipitates 
War — Graffenried's Part in the War — Barnwell's Breach 
of Faith — Indians Prepare for a New Massacre — Graffen- 
ried's Condition — Visit to Governor Hyde — Loss of a 
Boatload of Provisions — Graffenried Goes to Virginia to 
Plan for a New Settlement 

Brice and his friends had plotted well, but their cause was destined 
to ruin by a trivial incident. While the plot was being made, a little 
Palatine boy was in the room, unnoticed by the conspirators. He 
knew something was wrong and told his mother. She, being friendly 
to the Baron, got word to him; and when Brice and his friends came 
to get him they found themselves in a trap. But because of lack of 
direct evidence against them, Graffenried had to let them go. At a 
meeting of the assembly Graffenried justified himself in an impassioned 
speech, answering the series of complaints which had been made 
against him, but could get no satisfactory decision. The truce with 
the Indians was acceptable to no one, because the people, Germans 
and English, were angered against the Indians and anxious for a 
revenge. It appears that Graffenried would have had the truce 
include the whole province, but no one would hear to such a proposi- 
tion in their eagerness for retaliation. The situation among the 
Palatines, too, was far from favorable, for after the first massacre 
Brice had drawn off with him a large number of the settlers; and 
this not only left the outlying homes of the disaffected ones unpro- 
tected, but also materially reduced the defending force of the town. 
With the situation as it was on his return, Graffenried was too prudent 
to trust to the truce, and immediately began to fortify his town and 
to collect supplies and munitions of war. 

In the meantime although no large marauding parties took the 
warpath, many smaller bands of Indians harassed the outlying dis- 
tricts, and kept the colonists in suspense for fear of an extensive and 
concerted attack. Just at this unfortunate moment the new disturb- 
ing element again asserted itself. Brice and his followers began a 
campaign, with most of the able-bodied men in the Palatine settle- 
ment in their following. The exact time of this unofficial expedition 
is uncertain, but it was probably just before the general attack in 

86 North Carolina Historical Commission 

January. Their most atrocious act of violence was the roasting alive 
of an innocent Indian chief, which, while not particularly barbaric 
compared with the Indian massacres of the autumn before, was suf- 
ficient to arouse the savage wrath. Moreover, the campaign had other 
and more far-reaching effects. The Indians, not only attacked and 
destroyed more outlying homes, but chiefly they lost confidence in 
Graff enried, who previously had been the one man who could act 
as a mediator between them and the whites. 

But Graff enried was in sore straits in other ways. Added to the dan- 
ger of sure attack and possible siege was the danger of starvation, 
for the stores were running short. One alternative was thought of 
only to be abandoned— it was to send away all the families whose 
men had followed Brice; but they begged so hard to be allowed to 
remain, promising valiant aid in case of need, that Graffenried was 
touched and acquiesced. But neither courage nor the promise of cour- 
age availed to create foodstuffs, and starvation became imminent. Pos- 
sibilities of making a new settlement in Virginia were discussed, but 
all such plans were for the time being abandoned for they still hoped 
to save the settlement at New Bern. With insufficient food supplies 
and ammunition for an extended campaign, without forts or stockades 
of sufficient strength to resist attack, the province awaited war with 
a cunning, cruel, and savage people. It was an awful time. The 
situation is nowhere better described than in the following extract 
of a letter written by Spotswood on December 28, 1711: "The 
shortness of their crops, occasioned by their Civil Dissensions last 
Summer and an unusual Drowth that succeeded, together with the 
Ravages made by the Indians among their Corn and Stocks, gives 
a dreadful prospect of a Famine, Insomuch that the Baron de Graffen- 
ried writes he shall be constrained to abandon the Swiss and Palatines' 
Settlement, without speedy Succours, the people being already in such 
despair that they have burnt their own houses rather than be obliged 
to stay in a place exposed to so many hardships." 

The Indians, on the other hand, were well equipped, and in addition, 
capable of mustering large numbers almost at their very doors. And 
here was Brice with a small force of English and Palatines declaring 
war before any preparation could be made, and thereby destroying 
the only thing, slight as it was, which stood between the province 
and the Indians — Graffenried's truce. With the truce broken thus, 
Graffenried realized that the only safety lay in prosecuting the war 
as vigorously as possible; and when 50 white men and 800 tributary 
Indians under Colonel Barnwell came from South Carolina, he sent 
50 Palatines under Michel to assist in the attack of the Indian fort. 
These hostilities took place in January, 1712. In the first battle the 

Gbaffeneied : Account of the Founding of New Been 87 

Indians had the advantage, and then Graffenried suggested that two 
small cannon belonging to the province be used. These he had slung 
on poles and transported to the place of battle. Two shots from 
them were sufficient to frighten the Indians into submission, and a 
truce was arranged, leading to a release of the captives which the 
Indians still held. Thus ended the first hostilities. 

The end of the Indian troubles, however, brought the Germans 
little relief, and at this time Graffenried exercised one of the rights 
of a lord over his leetmen, in permitting such of his settlers as wished 
to work for the English planters, to leave their own colony for two 
years, during which time they should be free from their quit-rents. 

Concerning Graffenried's part in this war there seems to be some 
difference of opinion, for Spotswood's letter previously quoted con- 
tradicts Graffenried's statement. But this is probably due to the fact 
that the former's letter was written before he received information 
concerning the battle in which the Indians were defeated through 
the use of the cannon which Graffenried had sent to be of assistance 
to the attacking party. But he was acquainted with the Baron's 
attitude towards the Indians and knew about his treaty with them. 
He knew, probably, of the unpopularity of Graffenried's truce and 
from such indications concluded that he was not taking part in the 
efforts to subdue the savages. 

But the close of hostilities did not bring security. The Indians 
were far from subdued, even after this battle, for a piece of barbarous 
injustice practiced on them by Barnwell enraged them more than 
ever. His men were not paid the salary due them and to reimburse 
themselves they treacherously took a great many of the Core Indians 
prisoner to sell for slaves, and people with reason began to fear 
another outbreak. 

Renewal of the war was not, however, the greatest danger to the 
New Bern adventurers, for not long after the treaty of peace was 
made, Graffenried's provisions, except one measure of wheat, were 
consumed, and the ammunition, too, was low, for it had now been 
twenty-two weeks since his return from captivity, and during this 
time he had been compelled to support his little garrison with what 
he had been able to store up during the summer preceding. Graffen- 
ried decided to appeal once again to the Province, hoping in such 
straits to obtain aid. To this end he undertook what proved to be 
a perilous journey, but only to be disappointed. For the Governor 
could do but little for him; he did, however, supply him with a boat- 
load of provisions, which never reached his poor settlers, for at the 
mouth of the Neuse River the crew carelessly let fire get among some 
tobacco leaves and it spread to a cask of gunpowder. The men es- 

88 North Carolina Historical Commission 

caped, but the boat was lost; and with it went the last hope of relief 
for New Bern. 

During this time Graffenried was detained at Hyde's for six weeks 
by governmental affairs. The principal business was how to meet 
and ward off the threatened attacks of the Indians. Graffenried 
advised that the exportation of provisions be forbidden, and that 
new help be secured from Virginia and South Carolina. Governor 
Spotswood in a letter of July 26, writes as follows: "I thereupon made 
extraordinary efforts to assist them with 200 white men and Indians 
as your Lordship will observe in the Journal of the Council the 24th, 
of April last and accordingly directed the Rendevouze of those forces 
on the 10th of May." This in answer to the petition of the assembly 
would fix the date of the Parliament some time before April 24, 
probably in March. The session lasted six weeks, before the end 
of which, Graffenried learned of the ill fate of his boat, and his next 
efforts were to secure other provisions, which he sent in a larger boat, 
in order that as many of his settlers as wished to, might come to him 
in Virginia or Maryland where he now intended to resettle. It 
appears that he went directly from Governor Hyde's to the Governor 
of Virginia after transacting this business, and petitioned for the help 
above mentioned, and then explored along the Potomac for a suitable 
location, and also attempted to find the silver mines which he had 
heard so much about. The results of this trip, however, could not 
have been very encouraging if we are to judge from contemporary 
comment. In a letter of Governor Spotswood written May 8, 1712, 
occurs this passage, "According to what I had the hon'r to write to 
Your Lord'ps in my last, the Baron de Graffenried is come hither 
with a design to settle himself and sev'll Swiss familys in the fforks 
of Potomack but when he expected to have held his Land there of 
her Majesty, he now finds Claims made to it both by the Proprietors 
of Maryland and the Northern Neck," (i. e. Culpepper) ... As a 
result he had to choose a place more on the frontier than he hoped, 
and again as though fated, the Palatines were to become a forepost 
against the Indians. 


The New Location — Prospecting for Silver — Governor Spots- 
wood's Letter Describing the Same Event — Graffenried 
Returns to Carolina — Governor Hyde's Death — Graffen- 
ried Disappointed in Michel, Makes One Last Effort — 
Graffenried in Virginia — Moore Defeats the Indians, 
March 20, 1713 

The places chosen for the new start were just below the falls of 
the Potomac about where Washington now stands and at an island 
which he calls Canavest, further up the river. Graffenried went as 
far as the Shenandoah River, which he writes Senantona, but seems 
to have preferred the location nearer the English settlements, which 
he describes as a most charming location at the head of navigation 
for large vessels. The Governor gave him the necessary patents, 
and several gentlemen from Pennsylvania came to confer with him 
about mines. The soil and situation pleased him, but the best 
search he could give showed no signs of silver (and never has since, 
though a tradition to the effect that silver exists somewhere in the 
mountains thereabouts causes a few people to search for it even to 
this day). The men from Pennsylvania returned to their homes 
very badly satisfied, while he himself was convinced that Michel's 
story was a fabrication. As for Michel, he failed to appear, al- 
though Graffenried waited long and did not return to the Gov- 
ernor until long after his partner was due. From him he learned 
that the Captain whom he had sent to convoy the brigantine had 
waited six days, and then nothing appearing, the mate had gone 
out in the yawl and found the boat stuck fast, and the people gone. 
The Governor was naturally very much disgusted with such treat- 
ment, and at first was inclined to blame Graffenried as well as Michel, 
since the latter was supposed to be acting under orders. Learning, 
however, that Michel had been duping them both, his resentment 
toward Graffenried changed to pity for the chief sufferer. 

A letter written by Spotswood July 26, 1712, reports Graffenried's 
trip up the Potomac as follows, and is self-explanatory of the Gov- 
ernor's attitude. "At present I cannot think of anything of greater 
concernment to this Country, as well as the particular Service of her 
Majesty, than what I hinted to Your Lord'ps in my letter of the loth 
of May, for encouraging the discovery of Silver mines. I have, since 
the return of the Baron de Graffenried from Potomac, discoursed 
him concerning the probability of Mines in these parts, he says, tho' 

90 North Carolina Historical Commission 

he has no doubts of finding such from the accounts he received from 
one Mr. Mitchell, a Swiss Gentleman who went on the like discovery 
some years ago, Yet he finds himself much discouraged from prose- 
cuting his first intentions, not only because of the uncertainty of the 
property of the soil, whether belonging to the Queen or the proprietors, 
but the share which the Crown may claim in those Mines is also uncer- 
tain, and after all his trouble in the discovery he may chance to have 
his labour for his pains. Whereas he would gladly employ his utmost 
diligence in making such discoveries if it were once declared what 
share her Majesty would expect out of the produce of the Mines, 
or if her Majesty would be pleased to take the Mines into her hands, 
promising him the superintending of the works with a hansdome 
Sallary, he says it is a matter not new to him, there having been Mines 
of the like nature found on his father's lands in Switzerland, which 
were at first wrought for the benefit of the State, but turning to small 
account were afterward Yielded to the proprietors of the soil upon 
paying a share out of the produce thereof; that he has some relatives 
now concerned therein, and by their interest can procure skilful work- 
men out of Germany for carrying on the works. I shall submit to 
your Lor'ps better judgment, which of the alternatives proposed by 
the Baron will be best for her Majesty's service, and shall hope for 
a speedy signification of her Majesty's pleasure thereon for promoting 
a design which I can but believe will turn out to the advantage of her 
Majesty and the improvement of this Colony. The Baron has not 
been so far up the Potomac as to discover the head Springs of that 
River nor to make a true draught of their Course, so that I can't 
now send Your Lor'ps the Mapps I promised in my last, nor forme 
a Judgment of the pretentions of the sev'll proprietors." x 

Whatever lingering hopes, as indicated by this letter, Graffenried 
may have had in his ability to find and develop deposits of silver 
ore and to found a new colony in Virginia or Maryland were dissi- 
pated by the failure of the Palatines and Swiss to come to him in Virginia. 
Seeing there was no hope of making a new start in a more favorable 
location, Graffenried went back to North Carolina and stayed some 
time with Governor Hyde. While there they all fell sick and on 
September 9 the Governor died. Graffenried stayed on two weeks 
longer and then returned to Newbern. Again the governorship was 
offered him, but he had to refuse on account of his precarious financial 
condition. The man sent to fix the brigantine found it too much 
damaged to repair, and Graffenried was allowed nothing for either 
of his two boats, although he considered them destroyed in the service 
of the province. Attempts to get satisfaction from Michel brought 

iSpotswood, vol. I, page 168. 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of New Been 91 

nothing better than proposals to settle in Mexico or along the Missis- 
sippi River, and Graffenried was persuaded that his only hope would 
be to take his two slaves and settle at Canavest and gradually draw 
a few people about him. This would be difficult because his credi- 
tors, including Pollock, were suspicious. In fact, when his two slaves, 
who liked him for a master, tried to cross the river to him, they were 
caught and held for their master's debts. In this condition, heavily 
in debt, almost penniless, his pet scheme demolished, his partner 
faithless, he retired to Virginia, September 20, 1712, where he stayed 
until spring among his friends, trying all the time to get help. His 
friends, however, could only advise him to go back to England or 
Bern, as it would not be safe for him to try to stay in Virginia, nor 
to go among the Indians, for the traders would be sure to find him 
out and tell his creditors. This truly disheartening situation was 
cheered a little perhaps by the news that on March 20, 1713, Colonel 
Moore administered a crushing defeat to the Tuscarora Indians with 
the very troops Graffenried had helped to secure. 


The Journey Home — Graffenried Meets his Miners in Lon- 
don — Arranges for Their Passage to America — His Own 
Affairs Do Not Keep Him Long in England — Discussion 
of the Language of His Manuscripts — Efforts to Relieve 
His Colony — Life as a Swiss Official — Death 

Having exhausted all his resources in America, Graffenried had only 
two alternatives — to let the law take its course, or else to try to get 
assistance from abroad. He chose the latter, and on Easter day of 
1713 Graffenried started for New York, traveling on horseback. After 
a short stay there, he left for England, landing at Bristol after a six 
weeks voyage. In London he met Mr. Eden, whom the proprietors 
were sending out to take Hyde's place. He also met Albrecht with 
twelve miners and their families, 40 persons altogether. These were 
the men whom he and Michel had originally engaged to come to 
America when sent for. They had, however, become tired of waiting 
and now were preparing to come anyway. When Graffenried found 
them they were in hard straits, and looked to him for the assistance 
he had contracted with them to furnish, entirely overlooking the 
fact that he had told them to stay in Germany until they should be 
summoned. His only suggestion, so far, of removal to America had 
been that in case the miners so desired, the master and one or two 
men might come to America to inspect the ground; but this was, 
clearly, no invitation or order to begin the trip. The situation was 
further complicated by Graffenried's financial embarrassment, for his 
own resources were slender, as we have seen, and he had still to live 
during the time that his business kept him in London, and moreover, 
he had to retain enough to pay his passage home. He did not desert 
his miners, however, but going from one acquaintance to another, 
he got work for a part of them on a dike which was being repaired, 
and secured other employment to support them through the winter. 
Meantime he wrote to Virginia and arranged with Governor Spots- 
wood for their reception there. Furthermore, he persuaded them to 
put their money into a common fund and persuaded two merchants 
to forward their passage money, and about New Year's day they 
started, and landed in Virginia April 28, 1714, where they were first 
settled as rangers and later put to work in working Spotswood's iron 
mines. l 

'Part I, chapter III. 


Meanwhile Graffenried had not delayed long in England, but had 
traveled incognito to his home. A lack of passports was a serious 
hindrance to him, but finally on St. Martin's day, 1713, he reached 
Bern. The three accounts vary. Professor Goebel's two versions 
very distinctly make his return home St. Martin's day, 1714, while 
the one printed in the Colonial Records of North Carolina makes it 
a year earlier, 1713. This, however, is but one of several items 
which indicate that at the time Graffenried wrote his accounts the 
story was becoming a little confused in some of its details — a not 
uncommon occurrence with any one who tries to tell of events in his 
life a few years after they took place. His language in speaking of 
his stay in London is entirely misleading, as is shown by a quotation 
from Professor Goebel's French version, which probably was written 
last: "A Londre je fis Sejour de quelques Semaines (months in the 
Colonial Records and the German version) esperant de pouvoir pre- 
senter ma Supplication a la Reine Anne par le Due de Beaufort, mon 
Patron, qui estoit le premier Lord Prop; de Caroline et Palatin de 
la Province, mais peu de terns avant qu'il voulust presenter ma sup- 
plication il est mort Subitement encore un coup de mon infortune 
bientost apres la Reine mourust elle meme, il ne faloit que cela pour 
m'oster tout esperance d'aucun retour. La dessus il y eust tant 
d'alterations a la Cour d'Angleterre que ie ne pouvois esperer aucune 
faveur de longtems en cette nouvelle Cour, quand meme on pouvoit 
conjecture qu'avec le terns ce nouveau Roy come Allemande de 
Nation seroit enclin pour ma Colonie allemande." 2 This certainly 
reads as though Graffenried were in London at the time of the death 
of these two personages and the accession of George I. So long a 
stay after his recent disasters in America leaving him almost penni- 
less seems improbable, at least. Other sources, then, will have to be 
called upon to settle the matter. In the Neujahrsblatt there is a 
passage taken from Anton von Graffenried's Diary which says, "Den 
2. December 1713 ist der alt Landvogt von Ifferten aus America durch 
Engelland und Frankreich wieder allhier angelangt und hat mich erst 
den 10. Dezember salutirt." 3 In addition to this evidence we know that 
Pollock received a letter from him written from Bern on April 30, 1714. 

2 "In London I made a sojourn of several weeks (months in the Colonial Records and the German 
version), hoping to be able to present my petition to Queen Anne by the Duke of Beaufort, my 
patron, who is the first Lord Proprietor of Carolina and Palatine of the Province. But a little while 
before he intended to present my petition he suddenly died. One more stroke of my misfortune; the 
Queen herself died soon after, and it needed only that to remove from me all hope of my return. 
Thereupon there were so many alterations at the English Court that I could not hope for any favor 
for a long time at this new court, even though one might conjecture that in time this new king, as a 
German, would be inclined toward my German colony." 

3 "0n the 2d of December, 191?, the old bailiff of Iverton arrived here by way of England and 
France, but did not greet me until the 10th of December." 

94 North Carolina Historical Commission 

These two evidences taken with his own statements in the three ver- 
sions prove that he made only a comparatively short stay in England, 
for he left Virginia at Easter-time, or April 16, 1713, and went to 
New York, where he stayed for about two weeks. His voyage across 
the Atlantic occupied six weeks, and we are told that he rested awhile 
at Bristol before proceeding on horseback to London. He accounts, 
thus, with fair accuracy for eight weeks, but this allows no time for 
his sojourns in New York and Bristol nor for his journeys from Vir- 
ginia to New York and from Bristol to London. But even eight weeks 
would place his arrival in the middle of June. His actual time of 
arrival, however, was much later than this owing to the stops and 
other delays, and can be roughly estimated by the remark when he 
met the newly appointed Governor Eden, that had he (Graffenried) 
come a month earlier, the position had fallen to him. Now since 
Eden was not appointed until August 13, 1713, Graffenried must 
have come later, perhaps about a month, somewhere near Septem- 
ber 13. 4 

His journey to Bern was also rather long, for he was beaten about 
by storms for three weeks in his passage across the channel; and then 
there was the remainder of the way to be covered by coach. Despite 
some further delays for passports and in finding his people when he 
reached Switzerland, he, nevertheless, finally reached his family St. 
Martin's day, November 11, 1713. This would leave him only a 
small part of August, if any, all of September and perhaps a part of 
October in England. 

The most puzzling thing, however, is that any one reading any of 
the three versions would suppose that Graffenried had been present 
at the time of the deaths of the Duke of Beaufort and of Queen Anne, 
and the Accession of George I, and had stayed after that until he 
was sure nothing would be done for his colony. But since Beaufort 5 
died July 25, 1714; and Queen Anne 6 August 1, 1714, and he had 
reached Bern in November of the year before, this is impossible, 
unless he made a second voyage to England, which is nowhere men- 
tioned directly, and alluded to, if at all, in such vague terms that 
no one would suspect it on reading the accounts. 

But his efforts for his colony did not stop even after he reached 
home. Yet the final chapter is brief. Too poor to sue his company 
for their breach of contract, he next tried to have a commission 
appointed to investigate and hear his proposition, but this was refused. 
His efforts to interest others failed, and at last, to his own regret, 
he had to abandon his colony. 

4 Col. Rec., vol II, page 58. 
5 McCrady, page 526. 
6McCrady, page 527. 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Bern 95 

The story of the rest of his life is soon told. He was dependent 
upon his father for a support which was not cheerfully granted. And 
the following letter gives as much light on the father's character as 
on Christoph's. 

"Ayez, Monsieur, la bonte de mettre en oublis le passe, et m'estant 
corrige de depuis, ayez meilleure opinion de moy pour le present et 
advenir; Pourtant quoyque Je vous aye chagrin e par mon evasion et 
mes debts, cependant j'ay deservis mon Balliage avec honneur au 
contentment du Souverain et des Ressortissants, et n'ay rien comis 
d'atroce qui vous aye fait deshonneur, ny ay-je jamais, que je sache, 
manque anvers Vous de Respect ny de Soumission, pardonnez moy 
dont le passe et ne retouchez pas toujours cette corde facheuse, mais 
ayez moy, Monsieur et tres honorable Pere, en recommandation 
puisque je feray touts mes efforts pour vous contenter et vous montrer 
que je suis avec toutte l'obeissance Respect et Soumission U Enfant 
'perdu retrouve, et amandez, regardez moy done aussi en Pere benin 
et faitte moy sentir plus outre les effects de Votre Bienveillance." 7 

"Have, Sir, the kindness to forget the past, and, now that I have corrected myself since then, 
conceive a better opinion of me for the present and the future. But yet, although I have grieved you 
by my evasion and my debts, yet I have served my bailiwick with honor to the satisfaction of the 
Sovereign and the subjects, and have committed nothing atrocious which might have done you 
dishonor, nor have I, so far as I know, failed toward you in respect and submission. Pardon me, 
then, the past and do not keep touching again upon this disagreeable string, but take me unto favor 
again, Sir and honorable Father, since I shall make all effort to satisfy you and show you that I am 
with all obedience, Respect and Submission the Prodigal returned and amended. Look upon me, 
then, as the gracious Father and make me to feel further yet the effects of your benevolence." 

In 1731, after the death of a brother, the Oberherr von Worb, Anton 
secured and sold to Christoph the management of the estate which 
went with the office, reserving for himself the revenues of the office. 
The management of the estate was not very lucrative, but the father 
thought he had made a rather generous expiation for his previous 
treatment. Next, when Anton became Mayor of Murton he wanted 
a representative in Iverton; and although Christoph did not relish 
the place, still to please his wife he ran for it and was elected. In 
1730 at Anton's death the estate of Worb came to Christoph with- 
out encumbrance, and he held it till 1740, when he retired in favor 
of his sons. Three years later he died and was buried in the choir 
of the Church at Worb, ending a life the last years of which, while 
uneventful, were not unpleasant. 

7 Neujahrsblatt, page 89. 


Proof That Graffenried Never Came Back to America to Live — 
Debt to Pollock Unpaid — Last Notices of the German 
Settlers and End of the New Bern Adventurers 

It is improbable that Graffenried ever returned to America, although 
it has been asserted that he did. It appears that the Graffenried 
who lived in this country after 1714, was a son of, but not the Baron 
Christoph von Graffenried who founded the settlement at New Bern. 
According to the Neujahrsblatt, Christoph's eldest son came at the 
time of the settlement and stayed here after his father's departure, 
settling finally in Williamsburg, New York, where he married. The 
Virginia Magazine quotes the following from the files of the Virginia 
Gazette for February 18-25, 1736: "This is to give notice to all Gen- 
tlemen and Ladies that Mrs. Barbara de Graffenried intends to have 
a Ball on Tuesday the 26th of next April and an assembly on the 
27th in Williamsburg: For which tickets will be delivered out at her 
Home." A footnote then states that "This was the wife of Christo- 
pher, Baron von Graffenried of Berne, Switzerland who brought over 
a colony of Swiss and Palatines to North Carolina in 1709." In the 
article to which the note is added in explanation, she is called "la 
Baronne de Graffenriedt." The statement of her being the wife of 
Christopher von Graffenried is made, but no proof is given, and other 
evidence would indicate that the Virginia Magazine is here in error. 

Colonel William Byrd, also, in his memoirs 1 mentions meeting a 
certain Madame de Graffenriedt not far from Williamsburg. This 
lady could hardly be any other than the one named in the Virginia 
Magazine who lived at Williamsburg. According to the Neujahrsblatt 
Christoph's wife is named Regine Tscharner, while in the Virginia 
Magazine her given name is Barbara. The writer in the Neujahrsblatt 
is evidently mistaken about the son settling in Williamsburg, New 
York, but he would have no difficulty learning the name of Graff en- 
ried's wife if other means were lacking when he copied the inscription 
on the Graffenried memorial in the church at Worb. 

The most plausible explanation then is this, that the writer in the 
Virginia Magazine supposed because this lady was called la Baronne 
she must be the wife of Christoph von Graffenried, overlooking 
the fact that the title was hereditary and would belong to the eldest 
son and his wife even during the father's lifetime. The writer in 
the Neujahrsblatt with the means at his disposal could hardly have 

iByrd, page 326. 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of New Bern 97 

gotten the name of Christoph's wife wrong, but the confusion may- 
have arisen between the two Williamsburgs and he wrote New York 
when he should have written Virginia. If all these suppositions are 
correct, Madame de Graffenried, the lady Colonel Byrd speaks of, 
and the wife of the son who stayed in America are all the same per- 
son; and this evidence, which so far as I can learn, is the only evi- 
dence that the Baron ever returned to this country, is destroyed. 
Christoph's own statement that for 20 years no complaint had been 
made of his administration completes the proof if more is needed, 
for his official duties began in 1722 and lasted until 1742, and the 
notices of Madame de Graffenried's ball were printed in 1736. 

One more disputed point concerning Graffenried needs to be settled. 
Careful searching of the Colonial Records down to Graffenried's death 
in 1743 make no mention of Pollock's having received more than the 
assignment of the Palatines' land, for the money due him on the loans. 
As he had lent much more than the 17,500 acres were worth, he had 
reason to feel misused and defrauded, although Graffenried was acting 
in good faith, and fully expected assistance from the Proprietors and 
the Company. And when these sources failed him, he had nothing 
to pay with. Pollock also seems to have lost confidence in his honesty 
because of his failure to deliver letters to the Lords Proprietors as he 
was returning to England. 2 But the attitude is unjust, for Graffen- 
ried complains that a box full of papers and curios was lost on the 
way to Europe, and these letters most likely were in it. 3 In a letter 
of February 10, 1715, Pollock asks him to pay 700£ at London and 
keep this title to the land he had taken up. 4 Graffenried's petition 

2C0I. Rec., page 145. 

Oct. 20th, 1714. 

"My first letter to you dated September 20th, 1712 (a copy whereof is enclosed) I delivered 
myself to Baron Graffenried, who was then (goin)g to Verginia; and he told me that the Gouvernor of 
Verginia took care — his letters to London with his own pacquets, and that there was no — that they 
would come safe to your Lordships hands. — second letters, dated April 2d, 1713 immediately after 
the taking the great Indian Fort I sent into Verginia an I know they came to Baron Graffenreid who 
was then in Verginia I would have sent (your Lord)ship copies of all, but the state of affairs being 
much altered, and they being long, thought it not worth while to trouble your (Lordshi)p with them. 
What reason Baron Graffenried had to conceal (or) keep up my letters, I know not. I took him for a 
man of honour and integrity, but have found the contrary to my great loss." 

'French Version. 

*Col. Rec., vol. II, page 166. 

North Carolina, February 10th, 1715. 
Hond. Sir: 

Yours from Berne dated April, 30th 1714, came to hand and (am glad to) understood you got safe 
to your own country, and I should (be) well satisfied, (if for your advantage and to pay it? your cred- 
itors) (you) could procure a new surety. But I could never have expected Baron Graffenreid, whom 
I always took to be a man of honour and honesty would have proposed to me to give away the matter 
of 900 pounds sterling money of England for nothing. You know how readily and fully (I served) 
you; you cannot but remember your reiterated promises that I should be fully and honestly satisfied. 
And now to propose to put me off with (nothing) is what I never expected of you. Your debt to me 
was 612 pounds, besides some other small debts I (paid) by your desire, after making up accounts: 
your debt to Cap . . . and his brother was fifty-six pounds which makes 668 pounds, the bills being 
pro(tested) the change and re-exchange at 15 per cent is 91 pounds 4 sh(illings) makes with the charge 
in England for the protest near 770 pounds. To (which) will be two if not three years interest due be- 
fore I can have it of you ... at London, which with the other small debts I have paid here for (you) 
and trouble of taking care of what insignificant matters you (left) here, having been forced to pay Mr. 
Graves for the surveying your land, and the heavy charge of a Land tax, will make your debt near 
1000 pounds sterling money of England, of all which have received (but) 312 pounds in our public bills 
for your sloops et eact., which are of no use, seeing I can purchase nothing for them, but lie dead on 


98 North Carolina Historical Commission 

was at this time in the Duke of Beaufort's hands, waiting for an 
opportunity to be presented. Graffenried, also, was doing all that 
could be done to extricate himself from his entanglements. As we 
have seen, however, the Duke died before the petition could be pre- 
sented and only a little while after, the Queen also; so that he received 
no help from England and it is probable that Pollock was never paid 
the money due him, for on March 29, 1743, some Palatines led by 
Jacob Sheets settled by Baron de Graffenried at Neuse showing their 
agreement with the said Baron and praying to have Title made out 
to them "in order that warrants might issue to them respectively 
for laying out their lands to each man his several proportion or other- 
wise to be secure in their possession. 

"Then Cullen Pollock's Council produced a patent to the said 
Pollock's father, Thomas Pollock Esq., deceased, for a large tract of 
land at Neuse which was read and it appearing to the Council that 
the said Patent take in the Palatine Lands," the suit was dismissed. 5 

That the Palatines in the meantime had managed somehow to live 
will appear from the Proclamation of the Council, November 6, 
1714, where "upon petition of the poor Palatines showing that 
they were disappointed of the lands stock and other necessary which 
was to be provided for them and are reduced to great want and 
poverty by the late war and prays that they may have Liberty to 
take up four hundred Acres of land for each family at the rate of ten 
Pounds a thousand acres and that they may have two years day of 
payment for the same." 6 Apparently nothing was done at the 
time, for in 1747 another petition was made by the Palatines, this 
time, to the Right Honorable the Lords of the Committee of Council 
for Plantation Affairs. 7 Redress was slow but at length on March 
16, 1748, His Majesty gave orders to Governor Johnston to give the 
settlers an equivalent of the lands of which they had been dis- 
possessed, free of quit-rent for ten years. After that they were to 
pay the usual rents, "and as the settlement of the said Palatines will be 
a great addition to the strength of our said Province, and be a consider- 

my hand. And as for your goods, if you left any of any value, your friend Mr. Mitchell, the Mayor, 
and others of your people had conveyed an . . .1 haveing got nothing, save a little iron and some 
rusty nails for . . . and other small things of little value. 

You know that you purchased only 15000 acres of land of the Lords Proprietors, which is but 150 
pounds sterling money, whereof at Mill Creek? there is only 85000 acres surveyed; the other 5000 acres 
not being yet taken up, which I intend to take up at White Oak River, as you designed. As for your 
two or three other small tracts, you not having paid the purchase to the Lords Proprietors, they were 
by law made here, with all other lands in Bath County that had not been paid the purchase, lost: so 
I was oblidged to purchase them of the Receiver General. And all the land, and what else is come to 
me of yours, is not really of the value of 200 pounds. And if you will pay me at London, so that I may 
be sure to have the money seven hundred pounds sterling money within this twelve month, you shall 
have what land you purchased of the Lords Proprietors, you shall have the public bills I had on your 
account, and what other small matter of goods I had of yours or the value as they are appraised. 
(From Pollock's Letter Book.) 

•Col. Rec, vol. IV, page 632. 

•Col. Rec, vol. II, page 146. 

7 Col. Rec, vol. IV, page 954 (which gives the text of the petition also); see also pp. 868, 873 ff. 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Bern 99 

able advantage and Security to the Inhabitants whereof 6 we do hereby 
direct and require you to recommend to the Assembly of our said 
Province to make speedy provision in such manner as they shall 
think proper for defraying the Charge of surveying the Land so as 
to be granted to the said Petitioners, and of issuing the Grants for 
the same and all other Charges attending such Survey and Grants." 9 
Two years later they were settled in what are now Craven, Jones, 
Onslow, and Duplin counties. * ° 

This ends the story of the German settlement at Newbern as a 
distinctly German colony. The town had a prosperous growth and 
kept its original name, but as a financial venture it was a complete 
failure, due not to the incompetence of the leader, but to the force 
of circumstances and the niggardliness of those whose duty it was 
to contribute to his support. 

sThe italics are mine, V. H. T. 
9 Col. Rec, vol. vol. IV, page 967. 
"Ashe, page 273. 




The Discovery of New Material Relating to New Bern — Com- 
parison of Manuscripts — New Material in a French Ver- 
sion — Negotiations of Bern for Land — Considered Going 
to Maryland — Graffenried's Titles — Contract with the 
Proprietors — Voyage Across the Atlantic — Illness of the 
Colonists — Treaty with the Indians — Troubles with Michel 
— Description of the City of New Bern — Purchase of Boats 
— Exploration for Silver Along the Potomac in Detail — 
Indications of a Treaty with Penn — Details of Voyage 
to Europe — Details of His Care for the Miners — Addi- 
tional Efforts to Secure Help — A Key to a French Map 
of the Potomac 

When Graffenried returned from America disappointed in all his 
plans, he found plenty of people who blamed him for the misfortune 
"as though he had acted rashly and imprudently." It was to vindi- 
cate himself that he wrote of his adventures in America, and in order 
to allow himself to be more widely understood in Switzerland, he 
wrote in both French and German. For some reason he appears 
to have left two French versions, unless indeed, one is a cop3 r of the 
other, which from comparison seems hardly probable. The French 
version in the library at Iverton, Switzerland, has been copied and 
translated for the Colonial Records of North Carolina where it may 
be found in Volume I, page 905. When Professor Goebel was writing 
his book on the Germans in America, (Das Deutschtum in den Ver- 
einigten Staaten von Nord Amerika) he found that there were other 
versions, and at considerable trouble and expense he had accurate 
copies of these made for his own use, in hopes that if they were pub- 
lished, they might throw some light on this early pioneer. The three 
manuscripts as nearly as can be judged by the translation in the 
Colonial Records which is a literal translation into poor English, are 
in many places word for word translations, or copies, of each other. 
The importance, then, of Professor Goebel's copies is that while they 

102 North Carolina Historical Commission 

contain everything that the other version has, they also have much 
which is entirely lacking in the North Carolina Records. 

It may be worth while to indicate the most important differences 
between Professor Goebel's manuscripts and the others, especially 
where the former contains things not found in the latter, although 
most of the items have been referred to already in Part II. 

The most natural comparison to make is between the two French 
versions, as they are most alike, being each divided into twelve con- 
tretemps, which may be translated misfortunes. Where they treat of 
the same thing, they use the same language, except that Professor 
Goebel's copy often has things interspersed, which the other does 
not have, and occasionally the marginal notes are not placed in the 
same position. Then, again, whole paragraphs are placed in dif- 
ferent relative positions as regards the rest of the account. For 
instance, the chapter on Indian customs which comes at the end 
of the account in the Colonial Records, is placed in the body of the text 
in connection with the account of Graffenried's capture in Professor 
Goebel's French text. The omissions from, or additions to the original 
text must have been made by Graffenried himself or else by some 
one very familiar with the text; for several more attempts made to 
relieve the colony are mentioned in Professor Goebel's French version 
than appear in the other accounts and two items are added in 
marginal notes which do not occur elsewhere, namely, that Cary was 
banished to a distant island and there died, and that Michel died 
among the Indians. These events, if recorded after the accounts had 
been written, would naturally be placed in the finished version, an 
inference borne out by the conclusions of Professor A. B. Faust on 
placing the three originals side by side. 1 

However, the order in which the versions were written is of minor 
importance compared to the contents, since they must have appeared 
within a very few years of each other. The following paragraphs 
are intended to give what seems the most important contributions 
which Professor Goebel's manuscripts make to what is already acces- 
sible in the Colonial Records of North Carolina. Taking the French 
version first: this says that Bern negotiated through Stanian, the 
Envoy Extraordinary, for a place to found a colony which should 
be absolutely independent of any authority except the British sover- 
eign, but was unsuccessful, because the Queen did not wish to work 
to the detriment of the colonial and proprietary governments. He 
received permission to take up land above the falls of the Potomac 
but was persuaded that conditions were more favorable in North 
Carolina where land was cheaper, and where, under the proprietors, 

iGerman American Annals. New Series, Vol. XI. Nos. 5 and 6. 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Bern 103 

he would have more jurisdiction and various additional privileges. 
When he went to Virginia, he found that Culpepper had gotten ahead 
of him on a part of the land, and this would have compelled him to 
settle in Maryland farther from white settlers than he had hoped. 

As a reward for their zeal in bringing him to the throne, Charles 
II gave to several gentlemen a large tract in North America with 
power to create hereditary titles of nobility. According to the French 
version, Graffenried was made Landgrave of Carolina, Baron de Bern- 
berg, and Chevelier du Cordon Bleu, and in addition was given a 
medal. The regalia of his orders he wore whenever he went to the 
assembly, and he found it increased people's deference for him. 

The amount of land he took up and the charges per acre have 
been given already. x Two other very important clauses of this agree- 
ment with the proprietors were the ones providing for religious liberty 
and for the furnishing of provisions and stock by the proprietors, 
the debts so contracted by the colony to be paid in three years. 
Then he says: "Je passe icy sous Silence un Traitte fait avec William 
Penn Proprietaire de Pennsilvanie pour des Terres et des mines." 
This is only one of several passages which show that such an agree- 
ment existed. Then follows a description of the town. 

A description of New Castle, and the voyage across the Atlantic 
occupies several pages and has this of interest to us, that in connection 
with it he states that a box of curiosities, papers, and clothes which 
he had given to the ship's captain, was lost on the return voyage. 
This may explain Governor Pollock's grievance that the letters sent 
by Graffenried were not delivered. 2 The voyage over was without 
unpleasant accidents and has little worthy of mention here, although 
it makes interesting reading. 

When Graffenried returned from Governor Hyde's in the summer 
of 1711, he found many of his people ill. This gives him opportunity 
to tell about the diseases the people were exposed to and the remedies 
to employ in such cases. In all this his good sense and care for his 
colonists is shown most clearly. He mentions, also, the insect and 
reptile pests they have to guard against, and then he discusses the 
building of the town. 

The Colonial Records relate the troubles Graffenried had in treaty 
making, persuading Indians unwilling to sell their lands with rum, 
powder, and shot, while a drunken partner makes merry with some 
English friends and twice brings the negotiations to the verge of ruin 
by insulting and even beating the Indian orator. But they do not 
tell of the pains Graffenried took to keep him at a distance, at one 
time provisioning him to survey along the Weetock River, and again 

iSee Part II, chapter V. 
2 See page 97. 

104 North Carolina Historical Commission 

sending him to Philadelphia to see about the silver mines, regarding 
which they had an express agreement with William Penna and the 
head miner, Justus Albrecht. The Indians naturally supposed that 
he sent him away for their sake, and it helped him afterwards while 
he was in captivity. He also called upon the Indians at Core town 
and promised to be a good neighbor to them. Then he took the 
surveyor and the clerk, and together they made the plan of the town. 
"As the people in America do not like to live crowded," he gave each 
house three acres and the streets were arranged like a cross. His 
artisans, who could do better in the city, had freedom from taxation 
for ten years. Then he enumerates the trades represented, among 
which ought to be particularly noticed the schoolmaster. 

Prosperity seemed so certain that people outside even from as far 
away as Pennsylvania, took lots. The only thing lacking was ready 
money. All accounts agree that this was a serious difficulty. The 
province could not pay him and nothing had been received from 
Europe; but he trusted that if he could only get a message to the 
Georg Bitter Company by some person, they would help him out. 
One of the settlers was just going and was willing to take the message. 
This man, Botschi 3 by name, as the German version shows, abused 
the confidence placed in him by contracting debts in Graffenried's 
name in Philadelphia and Amsterdam. Nevertheless, he delivered 
his message faithfully. But the disasters of the following autumn 
when the Indians captured Graffenried and Lawson, discouraged the 
Company in Bern and the Proprietors so that, even if they had 
intended to assist him, which is more than doubtful, they now refused 
to risk their money. However, while he still believed that help would 
be sent him, he had bought two boats for use in trading and on one 
trip took a cargo of wheat to the Bermudas to exchange for salt. 
But the wheat was damaged in a storm and the profits consequently 
were lessened. 

A considerable space in the book is then filled with his account of 
the trip to Canavest, the chief part of which, however, is a detailed 
description of the Indians shooting the rapids in canoes. 

As an additional reason why he believed in Michel's stories of the 
silver mine, Graffenried states that M. M. had asked the Queen for 
patents, and together they had made a treaty with the miners in 
Europe, and Mr. Penn had made a treaty with them and had made 
M. M. director of minerals in Pennsylvania. 

The return to Europe is enlivened with a description of the won- 
ders by the way, such as the meeting with an iceberg and a storm 
which almost foundered their ship, owing to the negligence of the 

3 German Version, Report. 

Gbaffenried : Account of the Founding of 1STew Been 105 

captain. He tells in addition of how he found work on a dike for his 
miners who were in London when he arrived. 

Along with the account, but not an integral part of it, is a document 
which appears to be a key to the map of the Potomac River. It 
has a number of interesting comments on the country about the 
present site of Washington which consisted of a few plantations and 
had as yet no name. 

These, then, are the principal items which Professor Goebel's French 
copy adds to what has been translated for the Colonial Records of 
North Carolina. 


Important Additions to the German Version are a Report to 
the Ritter Company, the Contract with the Ritter Com- 
pany, a Memorial or Account of Life in the Colony, Let- 
ters from the Colonists — Contents of the Report — Reli- 
ability of the Report and Letters — The Contract with 
Georg Ritter Company — The Memorial 

In the German account there is little that the Colonial Records 
do not have, though it is a satisfaction to read the man's exact 
language. Connected with it, however, are several documents of very 
great importance. The first of these is the report Graffenried sent 
to the company in Bern. Then follow in order the contract with 
the Georg Ritter Company, a Memorial or account, apparently written 
at the time of the report, describing the conditions in America, and 
a number of letters written by Swiss settlers to their friends and 
relatives in the home land. 

This report and these letters do more to clear Graffenried's charac- 
ter than anything else which has come down to us from him or others. 
Taking up the report first; it was written May 6, 1711, just a short 
time after Cary had seized his brigantine, but before he had made 
the attack on the governor. At this time the prospects of making 
the colony succeed were bright, if only help could be secured; and 
as soon as Cary could be reduced to obedience he might hope for help 
from the province. The town had been nicely laid out by this time, 
the people supplied as well as possible with stock, and Graffenried 
was beginning to think about making exploring expeditions to find 
gold and silver. As yet his money affairs had not reached a serious 
condition; he had laid out 2228£ worth of supplies of cattle and grain, 
and had purchased two boats. The supplies had come for the most 
part from one man, Thomas Pollock. He with the rest was now 
becoming suspicious, and refused to sell more. The letters from the 
settlers express no dissatisfaction, but nevertheless it existed, for the 
contract with the commissioners relating to supplies for the people 
had not been fully kept, and there was talk of making complaint to 
them. As Graffenried had given a bond for 500Q£, such a complaint 
might cause him great inconvenience and loss. He and Michel had 
agreed to supply each family with two cows, two calves, five sows 
with their young, two ewes and two lambs, with a male of each 
kind, within two months of their arrival. 1 Repayment was to be 

iCol. Rec, vol. I, page 988. 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of jSTew Bern 107 

made by the colonists after seven years, at which time the same num- 
ber of animals would be returned with one-half the stock on hand. 
The first comers had been in America over a year, and the confusions 
in the province and the distance from other colonists had made it 
impossible to deliver more than ten cows, 30 swine, four horses, and 
eight sheep. The financial difficulties were not yet at a crisis, however, 
and the timeby arrival of money from Switzerland would have allayed 
all fears and have enabled the work of colonization to go on unhin- 
dered. What he wrote then, while he was in the midst of his work, 
knowing the bearer of the letter, Mr. Botschi, would be present to 
confirm or deny the statements contained in it, make it more than 
likely that the information given is reliable. The accounts written 
several years after some of the events occurred, at a time when he 
was smarting under the criticism of his acquaintances, when his plans 
and hopes had all been shattered and when the occurrences had be- 
come somewhat confused in his memory, are, of course, more open 
to question as to their accuracy. The criticism he makes of his 
colonists, in which he accuses them of all kinds of wickedness and 
makes almost no exception, was certainly inspired more by the dis- 
appointment he had suffered than the actual character of the settlers, 
who, to judge from their letters, were pious and well meaning people. 
Moreover, at the time the report was written he seems to have been 
perfectly satisfied with them. 

The contract between Graff enried and Michel on the one hand, 
and other members on the other, by which they became associates 
in the Georg Ritter Company shows that, as far as Graffenried and 
Michel were concerned, the mines were what they and Ritter were 
basing their hopes for returns upon, and that the 17,500 acres were 
merely a foundation to the greater enterprise of mining. 

The "Memorial" which follows was written while Graffenried was 
still in an optimistic mood, and appears to have been taken, in part, 
from some English author. He says it was translated from the English. 
This is not entirely exact, for a portion of it which deals with the pur- 
chase of a ship to be used to transport colonists from Holland to 
America, certainly was not translated from anything. A description 
of the care of swine and the manner of calling them to the house at 
feeding time occurs in Kocherthal in almost the same words. In 
general, though, the Memorial is filled up with the results of his own 
observations, arranged under heads, as the writers of such accounts 
were fond of doing, and some of the details were perhaps taken from 
similar books in English. 

The letters which close the accounts prove conclusively that as 
late as April and May there was no serious discontent among the 

108 North Carolina Historical Commission 

colonists with the treatment they had received. Not a word is said 
about the scarcity of cattle, and Graffenried is always mentioned 
with respect. A hopeful tone pervades all of the letters. The com- 
plaint which occurs oftenest is over the lack of German women folks, 
for all who wished home comfort, washing, and mending, could not 
find wives. They wished their beer also, and one of the men whose 
wife understood brewing, was planning to supply the deficiency by 
ordering the necessary utensils from home. The lack, too, of a 
regular minister was severely felt, and caused some anxiety lest the 
religious fervor should die out for want of pastoral ministrations in 
addition to the Sunday reading of prayers. But nowhere is there 
any reflection on Graffenried's character or conduct. 

Criticism of Graffenried Mortgaging the Settlers' Lands 

The most severe criticism has been made on Graffenried for mortgaging 
the settlers' land to Pollock, and then when the colony was broken 
up, leaving them in their distress and going to Europe. Any one 
reading these contemporary documents with the other accounts will 
certainly be compelled to take a more charitable view. He will see 
that what Graffenried did was not only done in good faith, but was 
really a good business move under the circumstances, and that the 
fault lay with the Company in Bern. 

Referring back to Part II, Chapter V, it will be seen that Georg 
Ritter and Company proposed to buy 10,000 acres of land before the 
Palatines had come to Germany, while they had in prospect only 
their own 156 voluntary emigrants and exiles. Then Graffenried 
and Michel added their small number to that on the condition that 
these miners with their families, numbering about 40 persons, should 
come later if they were sent for. After Graffenried became connected 
with the company, while the proprietors were making propositions 
to the committee, but before anything had been done to give them 
any reason for believing that these Germans would be sent to their 
colony, the Company actually purchased 10,000 acres. Graffenried 
contributed 5,000 which belonged to him personally, and Michel 
added 2,500 acres, making 17,500 acres, to which the Company had 
claims before they were sure of more than 156 persons. A month 
and more after these negotiations were completed the committee 
acted favorably on the Proprietors' propositions to this extent, that 
650 persons were at length allowed to them. These last came at no 
expense to the Georg Ritter Company, and yet the Company was 
to get the benefit of their quit-rents and the increased value of land 
in the colony which would result from the larger number of settlers. 

When sickness and death reduced the 650 to about 300, there were 
still more than enough left to take the place of the 56 prisoners whom 
they were unable to bring, and the nine Swiss who died on the 
journey and after landing in Virginia. 1 Even the massacre of Sep- 
tember, 1711, in which 70 or 80 fell, left more than the Company 
had originally planned to send and had actually purchased land for; 
and besides there were still about 40 persons, the miners, anxious 
to come over. Having had all the summer of 1709 with its delays 
and uncertainties, in which to think over their plans, and plenty of 

1 German Version, Letters. 

110 jSTorth Carolina Historical Commission 

opportunity to change their minds, their action after the colony was 
settled is most contemptible. They never sent Graffenried anything 
more than advice to go ahead on credit. The loss of part of the 
Palatines was no excuse, for as we have seen, they had not reasonably 
counted on them in the first place, and whatever number of them 
should succeed in settling was so much gain. Having made the start, 
then, they should have supported their enterprise until they had 
better evidence than their own fears that nothing would come of it. 
Even after the massacre, it is reasonably certain that with the money 
due him, Graffenried could have held his colony together, and either 
rebuilt at New Bern, or have gone to Virginia and engaged in agri- 
culture and mining there. Silver, to be sure, would never have made 
them rich, but iron was there in abundance, and Spotswood only a 
short time after, as has been shown (Part I, Chapter III), engaged 
Graffenried's miners in a profitable enterprise, the beginning of the 
iron blast furnace industry in America. The profits of this might 
just as well have gone, in part at least, to the Georg Bitter Company, 
and the investment would have paid them. 2 As it was, since Graffen- 
ried had no idea they were actually abandoning him, to tide his 
people over the critical periods of the first year and keep the colony 
intact for the Company, he had mortgaged the land beyond all hope 
of redeeming it by his own efforts. In criticising this action one 
must remember that the people did not own their lands outright 
as other settlers. They were tenants of the Company which was sup- 
posed to support them. Graffenried, therefore, did not sign away 
land belonging to other people; besides, by the strict system of 
recording real estate transactions in use in Carolina this would have 
been impossible. Rather, he signed away a tract for which he was 
agent, which was made out to him, and of which he was the owner 
in the eyes of the law. His position was not an enviable one, for on 
the one hand he was responsible to the company which expected him 
to make the investment profitable, a task that could only be accom- 
plished by keeping the people together and supplied with necessaries; 
on the other hand the people who looked to him for support, advice, 
and protection, were in danger of losing their lands if the Company 
failed to send help. The latter possibility was the more remote. 
Hunger was at their doors, and he chose to mortgage their lands and 
wait for help from Bern. Could he reasonably be expected to have 
done differently? The answer is to be found in his report. For 

2 Byrd, page 333ff. A Progress of the Mines in the Year 1732. This gives a detailed description of 
the mines which Graffenreid's workmen were operating. Spotswood was one of the several who made 
up the Company; the enterprise was self-supporting, in that a part of the operatives tended the farms 
to supply food for the laborers and the oxen and horses employed. The lack of farm laborers was a 
hindrance, and the furnaces could not run full time in consequence. The arrangement actually made 
was just such as Graffenreid would have made with his settlers if he had been assisted by his Company. 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Bern 111 

this report which was written at a time when he foresaw the impend- 
ing disaster unless help should be sent, which begs with the eloquence 
of despair for the assistance that belonged to him, and on which the 
welfare of several hundred colonists depended, speaks more con- 
vincingly for the integrity of his motives than any justification he 
could write afterwards. 

The little settlement did not, however, entirely die out with the 
departure of the leader and the partial disbanding of the inhabitants. 
For many of them continued to live in the neighborhood and other 
settlers were attracted by the location, until in time another nourishing 
town arose from the ruins of the first. 

It is, too, one of the ironies of fate that one of Graffenried's darling 
ambitions for his town was realized only after his death. He had 
hoped to make New Bern the chief city in the province and to move 
the seat of government thither, but the disaster which attended his 
first efforts and forced him to abandon his first colony, destroyed 
this hope also. Nevertheless, although he lived to see a few sessions 
of the assembly held in his town, it was not till 1765, over 20 years 
after his death, that New Bern was officially made the capital of North 
Carolina, a distinction which it held for over twenty-five years. Since 
then, although it has experienced the vicissitudes of the Civil War 
and the Reconstruction, it is today one of the most prosperous towns 
in North Carolina, and an honor to its German founders who builded 
better than they knew. 

Two full centuries have now passed since the little colony of Ger- 
mans established their settlement at New Bern and contributed their 
share towards the religious and political liberty we now enjoy. 
Graffenried's failure, for such he reckoned it, is not all a failure if we 
may in any way learn to appreciate better the blessings we now 
enjoy by considering the cost at which they have been purchased for 
us. Certainly coming years, with their greater fullness of knowl- 
edge, will deal more fairly with Baron von Graffenried than the past 
has done, and the justification he so much desired, though late, will 
be fully rendered. 



Ashe, Samuel A'Court. 

History of North Carolina, Vol. I. 

Charles L. Van Noppen, Publisher, Greensboro, N. C, 1908. 
The Cambridge Modern History, Vol. VI, Cambridge, 1908. 
Channing, Edward. 

A History of the United States. 
The Macmillan Company, 1908. 
Collections of the Historical Society of South Carolina, Vol. I. 
Published by the South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston, 
S. C. 
S. G. Courtenay & Co., 1857. 
The Colonial Records of North Carolina, Vols. I, II, IV. 
Saunders, William L., Editor, Raleigh, N. C. 
P. M. Hale, Printer to the State, 1886. 
£)er 2)eutfd)e Stonier, 33terger;nter ^aljrgang. 

£>erau3gege&en bom "SDeutfcijen $tonter-23erem." (Stnrinnatt, O)to. 
Ecclesiastical Records of the State of New York, Vol. III. 
Published by the State under the supervision of Hugh Hastings, 
State Historian, Albany, N. Y. 
J. B. Lyon Company, State Printers, 1902. 
Faust, Albert Bernhardt. 
The German Element in the United States, Vols. I, II. 
Houghton-Mifflin Company, Boston and New York, 1909. 
Faust, Albert. German-American Annals. New Series, Vol. II, Nos. 
5 and 6; Vol. XII, Nos. 2 and 3. September-December 1913; 
March-October 1914. 
©oebel, 3ultu6. 

£)ie ©riinbnng toon 9foto>53ern in ^ortlj-Sarouna. 
Internationale SBocfyenfdjirtft, ^Berlin, October, 1910. 

Hennepin, Father Louis. 
A Continuation of the New Discovery of a Vast Country in America. 
Reprinted from the second London issue of 1698 by Reuben 

Gold Thwaites. 
A. C. McClurg & Co., Chicago, 1903. 
£eufer, ft. 

^ennftottoamen im 17ten 3af>rf)unbert unb bie HuSgetoanberten ^falser in 
53erlag toon Subtoig fitter, 9ieuftabt a. b. £arbt, 1910. 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Been 113 

Johns Hopkins Studies in Historical and Political Science, Series X. 
The Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore, Md., 1892. 

SfajjfttDrlidj, unb umftimbltdjer 33eridjt boti ber beriifjmtett &mbfdjafft 
(Carolina/ Qn bem ©tigcKanbtfd^en America gelegert, 93iertcr 25racf. 
Sn ftnben bet ©eorg ^peirtrtcfj Sefyrlirt/ ftranffurt am 9ttaf)n 1709. 
Lawson, John, Gent. Surveyor General of North Carolina. 
A New Voyage to Carolina; containing the exact Description and 
Natural History of that Country: Together with the Present 
State thereof. And a Journal of a Thousand Miles, Travel'd 
thro' several Nations of Indians. Giving a particular Account 
of their Customs, Manners, etc. 
London, Printed in the Year 1709. 
Luttrell, Narcissus. 
A Brief Historical Relation of Affairs from September 1678 to 
April 1714, Vol. I-VI. 
Oxford, At the University Press, 1857. 
Manuscripts and Maps in the Possession of Professor Julius Goebel, 

Urbana, 111. 
McCrady, Edward. 
The History of South Carolina under the Proprietary Government, 
The Macmillan Company, New York, 1897. 
Wfflkz, (graft. 

©efdjidjte ber SBemifcfjett Jenifer. 
3. Rubers SBerlag, grauenfelb, 1895. 
Neuj ahrsblatt herausgegeben vom Historischen Verein des Kantons 
Bern fur 1897. 
Christoph von Graff enried Landgraf von Carolina, Grander von 
Neu-Bern. Wolfgang Friedrich von Mulinen. 
Druck und Verlag von K. J. Wyss, Bern, 1896. 
The Official Letters of Alexander Spotswood, Lieutenant-Governor of 
the Colony of Virginia, 1710-1722. 
Published by the Virginia Historical Society, Richmond, Va., 1882. 
The Pennsylvania-German Society Proceedings and Addresses, Vol. 
VII, 1896, Vol. VIII, 1897. 
Published by the Society. 
Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Vol. XVI. 

Boston, 1878. 
Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. XIII. 
Published by the Virginia Historical Society. 
House of the Society, Richmond, Va., 1905-6. 

114 North Carolina Historical Commission 

The Writings of Colonel William Byrd of Westover in Virginia, Esqr. 
Edited by John Spencer Bassett. 

Doubleday, Page & Co., New York, 1901. 
The following works among others, have also been consulted : 
Adams, Sir Francis Ottiwell and Cunningham, C. D. 
Switzerland — Constitution and Government. 
Macmillan & Co., London and New York, 1894. 
Bancroft, George. 

History of the United States of America, from the Discovery of 
the Continent. 
D. Appleton & Co., New York. 
Bernheim, Gotthardt Dellman. 

German Settlements and the Lutheran Church in the Carolinas, 
from the earliest period of the colonization of Dutch, German 
and Swiss settlers to the close of the first half of the present 
Century . . . 
The Lutheran Book Store, Philadelphia, 1872. 
Blome, Richard. 
The present state of His Majesties isles and territories in America, 
viz. Jamaica, Barbados, S. Christophers, Mevis, Antego, S. 
Vincent, Dominica, New Jersey, Pennsilvania, Monserat, An- 
guilla, Bermudas, Carolina, Virginia, New-England, Tobago, 
Newfoundland, Maryland, New- York, etc. . . . from the year 
1686 to 1700. 
D. Newman, London, 1687. 
Carrol, B. R. 

Historical Collections of South Carolina, Vols. I, II. 
Harper & Bros., New York, 1836. 
The American Nation, a History. 
Edited by A. B. Hart. 

Harper & Bros. Co., New York and London. 
Raper, Charles Lee, Ph.D. 

North Carolina, a study in English Colonial Government. 
The Macmillan Co., New York, 1904. 
Rivers, William James. 

A sketch of the history of South Carolina to the close of the pro- 
prietary government by the revolution of 1719. 
McCarter & Co., Charleston, 1856. 
Williamson, Hugh. 

The history of North Carolina. 
T. Dobson, Philadelphia, 1812. 



Diese relation ist in Eyl geschrieben worden, ohne viel Nachsinnes 
nur bei mir meinem schwachen Gedachtniss nach, die Sachen einge- 
fallen, so dass hier kein sonderbahrer Stilus zu observieren, und ist 
eygentlich eingerichtet in 12. Capl: Traverses meiner Societet und 
anderen die etwan widrige Gedanken gehabt, meiner Conduitte halben 
durch mein amerikanisches Unterfangen so ich liecht daher und un- 
versichtig vorgenommen, und meine Zeit in Carolina in Pracht und 
Wohlleben zugebracht, Also hatte ich das Contra gezeigt, Der Ein- 
gang ist auch dahin gerichtet zu zeigen, dass nicht nur Liederlichkeit 
mich zu dieser Noth getrieben, sondern auch bedenkliche Wider- 
wertigkeit, und ungltickhaftige Zufahl. So ich bey mussiger Zeit, 
diese relation refidiren werde, soil ein und anders besser gestelt und 
eingerichtet sein. 

Note: — The references throughout are to the Frenoh Version and show wherein that version varies 
from the German. 



Meines amerikanischen Unterfangens aufgesetzt aus Anlass etlicher 
Klagten, als hatte unversichtiger Wys, solches Colloney Wesen fiir- 
gnommen, zum Nachteil und untergang vieler Leuthen, welches aber 
liecht zu justificieren. — 

Nachdeme hievor in meinen Reisen mich in Engelland bey 2 Jahren 
aufgehalten, an selbigem Ohrt unter Carolo dem II. solche vortheil- 
haftige und ansehenliche Bekanntschaft gemacht, dass so ich da selb- 
sten verblieben, ich eine ziemliche fortun zuwegen gebracht: Da theils 
aus Muntlichen als schriftlichen relationen mich der americanischen 
Landen erkundigen, ohnlangst aber nach genauweren Bericht und 
inbesonders von einem Burger hiesiger Stadt vernahmen, welcher in 
America 5 oder 6 Jahr sich aufgehalten, was herlichen Landes, wie 
wohlfeil, was freyheit, was grossen aufnehmens, gute Handlung, fiir 
riche Bergwerk, und andere gute Sachen mehr, insbesonders aber vor- 
geben, was schonen reichen Silber Mines er entdeckt und erfunden, in 
betrachtung dass ich mit zimlichen Schulden behaftet, welche noch 
vor mein Reisen hab, theils einer Handlung so mir und etlichen an- 
dern H. libel ausgeschlagen, von Biirgschaften, grossen Ausgaben in 
meinen pretensionen, wohlfeillen Zeiten auf dem ambt, denne die armen 
Bauren nicht Schindten mogen, wegen der Neuwgemachten reforma- 
tion, darzu noch die Neunburgischen Troubles geschlagen, hiemit da 
wenig prosperiert, zu einem bessern Ambt der weg abgeschnitten, 
und auch eine gar lange Zeit wegen der neugemachten reformation zu 
einem geringen Ambtli kein Hofnung, indessen mit grosser und 
starker familien bescheert. — 

So haben meine Gedanken gewaltet, was furzunehmen, die Credit- 
oren zu bestellen, und auch meiner Familien fortzuhelfen, da nun in 
dem Vaterland wenig Hofnung, einer solchen grossen Noth zu steuren: 
gaben mir die schonen propositionen obgemelten Burgers, welchen zu 
verschonen hier keinen Nahmen gebe, vast in die Augen, mich auf 
meine alte und neuwe friind, in Engelland so von hohem ansehen, 
trostend und verlassen, habe entlichen eine stife resolution gefasset, 
mein Vaterland zu verlassen, und in Engelland zu sehen, ob die fortun 
da mir gunstiger seyn wolte. Hab aber theils von den Creditoren, 
theils von denn meinigen nicht aufgehalten zu werden, ganz in ge- 
heim meine Reys vorgenommen, meinem H. Vatter, der da ver- 
moglichst gnug, die Sorgen meiner Schulden und geschaften uber- 
lassend. ' — 

120 North Carolina Historical Commission 

Da ich in Holland angelangt, hatten mich gewisse Persohnen schier 
von meinem Vorhaben abwendig gemacht, und wahren mir andre 
Vorschlage gethan, worbey zwar meiner Unterhaltung, und noch etwas 
zu prosperieren hatte, allein funde nicht dass bey diesem gnug meine 
Sach zu retressieren, setzte hiemit meine Reys fort nach Engelland: 
allwo ich alsobald meine Leuth erfahren, und mir von hohen und 
andren persohnen, solcher Lust gemacht worden, ihn meinem unter- 
fangen fortzufahren, neben Versprechung allerly Assistenz, so dass ich 
mich in Tractaten eingelassen laut welchen mir sehr vortheilhafftige 
propositionen, Conditionen und Privilegien von den proprietaris 
absol: Carolina gethan und gegeben worden welches auch zu einem 
Schluss gekommen. — 

Grad zur selbigen Zeit kammen liber 10000 Seelen aus Teusch- 
land in Engelland an, alle unter dem Nahmen Pfeltzer, darunter aber 
viel Schweitzer und aus anderen Provinzen Teuschlands zusammen ge- 
zogenes Volk, dieses verursachet den Koniglichen Hof, sowohl als den 
Particulatoren viel bedenckens ja auch unsagliche Kosten, so dass man 
dieser Leuthen halben embarassiert, desswegen bald eine Edict heraus- 
gieng, womit manniglichem erlaubt, von diesen Leuthen zu nehmen 
und sie zu versorgen, und hatte man einen guten Theil in alle drey 
Konigreich versendt, welche aber theils wegen ihrer tragheit, theils 
wegen Jalousie der armen Unterthanen dess Landes, aber nicht so 
wohl ankommen wie vermeint, so hat man angefangen in America 
dieser Leuthen ein namhafte Zahl zu senden, und hat die Konigin 
darzu grosse Summen ertheilen lassen. — 

Bei solcher Conjunctur unterschiedliche persohnen, von hochem 
und mittelmassigen Standes, wurde denen mein Unterfangen bekannt, 
mir eingerathen ob solte ich so eine giinstige Gelegenheit nicht per- 
fallieren, mir hierbey gute Hofnung machten, dass, so ich eine zimliche 
Quantitet dieser Leuthen nemen wolte, die Konigin mir nicht nur den 
Transport, sondern noch ein Considerable Steur fur diese Leuth grati- 
ficieren wurde, welches auch geschachen, und ist die Summa bey- 
nachen auf 4000£. Sterlin kommen, Neben dem hatte die Konigin der 
Koniglichen Raht noch Land auf der Coutomat 2 rivier vergtinstiget, so 
viel als wir gleichsam nur begehrten, neben starcken Recommanda- 
tionen an H. Gobry ^on Virginien, dieses alles und der H: Proprie- 
tarys von Carolina vortheilhaftigen Versprachung, haben diesem 
Unterfangen ein schones absehen geben, und wahre nicht minder 
Hofnung zu einem so glucklichen Ausgang als der Anfang gut und 
vortheilhaftig schine. — Diese Colloney nun zu versorgen und zu ver- 
senden, habe eine unbeschreibliche Muhe genommen, 1. habe ge- 
trachet zu solchem Vorhaben, gesunde arbeitsame Leuth auszulesen, 
darunter von allerley Nothwenigen Handwerksleuthen. 2 Provision von 

Geaffeneied: Account of the Founding of New Been 121 

allerley Nothwendigen Werkzeug und sachen. 3. Wie auch gnug- 
samme und gute Naming. 4. Gute Schifen mid Matrosen, auch 
iiber diss Volck gewiisse Ober und Unter-Directoren, alles in guter 
Ordnung zu halten. 5. Damit mir nicht einige Negligent oder 
unwtissenheit attribuirt, habe nichts vorgenommen, ohne Wiissen 
Raht und Instruction der Koniglichen Comite. 6. Die Ober Direc- 
toren so wohl auf den Schifen als hernacher zu Land, wahren 3 per- 
sohnen von den Vornemsten aus Carolina selbst, so schon viel Jahr 
dorten sich aufgehalten, und denen alles bekannt der Enden, als da 
wurd der oberste Richter, Justice of beace. Der Oberste oder Gen- 
eralfeltmesser Surveyor general und der oberst Einzieher Receyvers gen- 
eral welche grad zur selbigen Zeit, wegen ihren Geschaften zu Londen 
sich befunden, und von dem Koniglichen Comite so wohl als von den 
Lords propr. Carolina ordiniert, ein exactes getreuwes und gutes auf- 
sehen bey diesen Leuthen zu halten. Die Unteraufseher wahren 
iiber 12. von den ordentlichsten und ehrbahrsten Mannern dess Volckes, 
dem Schein nach. 4 — 

Nachdem nun von den Koniglichen so wohl den Lord proprietarys, 
mir und dem Volck alles ordentlich verglichen, geschlossen und rati- 
ficiert so hatte noch vor der Abreiss, die Konigliche Comite ersucht, 
dass sie etliche ihrer Glider zu den Schifen senden wolten, als in der 
Schiffart Erfahrene 'die Examinierten, ob alles nach Nohtdurft wohl 
eingerichtet, wie dann auch dem Schifcapitain zuzusprechen, welches 
auch geschachen, und die relation in der Comite erstattet worden. 
Den Tag vor der Abfart, gieng ich mit denen zu Londen bliebten 
Pf arher 5 nacher Gravesend allwo/ : weilen die bernische nachkommende 
kleine Colloney neben etlichen H. Associerten erwartete:/ dess wegen 
nicht mitfahren konnte:/ meinen Abschied genommen, mit der noht- 
wendigen Vermahnung, da denn der teutsche Prediger H. Cesaar eine 
schone Predig dem Volk gethan, sie hiemit alle dem Schutz des Aller- 
hochsten anbefahlend, habe sie lassen absaglen, dennoch nicht ohne 
precation wegen den gefahrlichen Kriegs Zeiten, wie dann von den 
Kronadmiral dem Grafen von Pembroke die Gunst erhalten, dass er 
dem Chef Noris vice Admiral befohlen, unsre Leuth oder Schif in das 
weite Meer oder gegen Portugal, mit seiner Escadre zu begleiten, diss 
geschach in dem Winter Im Januario da wegen den rauhen Winden und 
Sturmen diese Schif so getrieben worden, dass Sie erst nach 13. Wochen 
in Virginia angelanget, welches Sambt den gesaltznen Speissen, deren 
dise Leuth nicht gewohnt, und dass sie so eng eingethan, viel con- 
tribuieret dass viel krank worden, und auf dem Meer gestorben, andere 
da sie ans Land kommen, da sie ihr Glust nicht enthalten konnten, 
zu viel siissen Wassers getrunken und sich mit rauwen fruchten iiber- 
lastet, dass Sie an dem Fieber gestorben, so dass diese Colloney ehe 

122 North Carolina Historical Commission 

sie sich recht gesetzt halb ausgestorben. 6 NB : Das Einte Schif so 
mit den besten Giitren angefullt, und wo die vermoglichsten Leuth 
hatte das ungliick in der Embousse des James Rivier im gesicht eines 
anglischen Kriegschifes so aber am Ancker, 7 von einem frechen 
frantzosichen Caper attaquiert und gepliinderet zu werden. Hier ist 
das erste Ungliick. da die iibergebliebene Colloney sich in Virginien, 
wo sie sehr friindlich empfangen, erholt, haben sie sich ... bey 20. 
englischen Mill, nacher Carolinam verfugt, welches alles sambt den 
Giitern viel gekostet. 8 Da sie nun in der Grafschaft Albermarle auf 
einer Rivieren Chouan genannt bey einem Obristen N. Pollock ge- 
nannt dess Rahts und der vermoglichsten in Nord Carolina, so hat er 
diese Leuth aber pro pecunia oder dess Werts versorget, mit Schifen 
dass sie durch den Sund in die Grafschaft Bath auf die rivir Neuss 
sind — gefiihret worden, mit etwas Lebens Mittlen nur zur eussersten 
Noth, und hat sie der generalfeldmesser da auf einen Spitz Landes, 
zwischen der Neuss und Trent Rivier gesetzt. Das orth gennant 
Chatouca woher nacher das stattliche Neuw Bern angefangen worden. 
Hier fangt an die andere fatalite oder traversen. dieser Generalfeld- 
messer mit Nahmen L . _ _ der dann alsobald diese Leuth hatte 
auf ihr bestimmtes Land und ausgetheilte plantationen setzen sollen, um 
Zeit zu gewinnen und ihr Land alsobald auszureuten zu kommen: hat 
sie auf der Mittag Seiten dieser Spitzen Landes an der Trent Rivier 
gesetzt, grad am heissesten und ungesundesten ohrt anstatt dass 
gegen Nord auf der Neuss Rivier besser und gesunder gesassen 
ware: Allein das that er um seines eigenen Nutzens willen, weilen diss 
sein Land wahre, damit es ihm zu Nutzen von diesen Leuthen aus- 
gereutet wiirde: Da doch er eben das Land 9 sambt unsern und 
thiir genug verkauft, ja ohne recht, dan darzu keinen Theil hatte, 
zudeme es noch mit Indianern besetz wahre, da er doch solches uns 
fur frey verkauft, da haben die armen Leuth in grosser Noth sich 
aufhalten miissen, bis in Herbst, da ich ankommen, und hatten aus 
Mangel an gnugsamer provision bald ihre Kleider und was sie hatten 
fur Nahrung den benachtbarten Einwohnern geben miissen; 10 Der 
Jammer und Elend ward schier mit zu beschreiben, dan ich da bey 
meiner ankunft sahe, meistends alle krank, ja in Extrimitet, und die 
gesunde gantz Deforciert; in was labirinth und gefahr, mich dazumahl 
befunden, ja meines Lebens nicht sicher weiss der liebe Gott. — 

Lass jemand gedanken wie meine Bernerleuth, die sonsten mit mir 
eine gliickliche Ueberfahrt gehabt, die Platz genug, wohl versehen, bey 
lustiger und guter Zeit, auch kein Einiche krank worden unterwex, in 
diss traurige Spihl gesehen, wo Krankheit, Desperation, und der 
Mangel am Eussersten, was aber dieses verursachet war theils die 
schlimme Conduite der ober-und unter-aufseher und ihre Untreuw, 

Geaffenbied: Account of the Founding of New Been 123 

die vornembste Ursach aber dess gantzen Ohnheils, daraus meistens 
alle andern entstanden, und meiner und der Coloney Ruin, war die 
Vermessenheit grosse Untreuw und Lieblosigkeit dess Obristen Carys; 
welcher dazumahl auf Absterben dess alten Goub: Sich wider Recht 
und Billichkeit und der Lord Proprietarys in der Regierung eintringen 
wolte, ja wie vernommen gar sein Seckel machen, und mit H. Cary 
bezogenen Einkunfte sich darvon machen, und nach Madagascar be- 
geben wollen, ein Ohrt da allerley Seerauber sich aufhalten, — Dieser 
Colonel Cary da der neuwerwahlte Goub. Hide obwohl der Konigin 
Verwalter, ich und die obermelte 3 Directores sich anmelden wollen, 
und unsre Patent und gewahrsame vor dem Rath procedieren wollen, 
hat uns alle mit Hindansetzung der H. Proprietarys Befelchen frech 
abgewiesen. — So der Lord Prop, mir gethaner Versprechung, auf 
welche mich sondrest, und mein gantzes Unterfangen, beruht, in 
Nichts worden: Hiemit ich mit sambt der gantzen Coloney auf eine 
unversprechliche Manier dargesetzt; welches dann auf alles was wider- 
wartiges bis auf diese Stund widerfahren. So ist diser Cary entlich 
gar zum Rebell worden, und sich mit spendieren einen Anhang ge- 
macht, dass H. Goub. Hide Es anfangs nicht wagen, darflir mit ge- 
walt sich dess Gouver. Inpossess zu setzen: Um so viel desto minder,:/ 
weilen er eigendlich kein Special — Patenten in Handen:/ weilen der 
Goub: von Sud-Carolina denn Befelch hatte ihne zu Installieren, 
wahre desshalben schon Zeit gesetzt und an Rath um Carolina Nord 
geschrieben worden.— Das Ungluck aber hat wollen, dass vermelte 
Goubernt: von Siid Carolina Obrist Tynte in dieser Zeit gestorben, 
welches diese Verwirrung verursachet, in diesem Interregno wurde mir 
aber nicht geholfen, und wahre in solcher grossen und dringender 
Noth, da wegen der entstandenen Rebellion, ein jeder fur sich auch 
sorgende, und das seine behielte die Question ob ich mein Leben 
risquieren und diese gantze Colloney im Stich, ja gar sie vor Hunger 
verrecken lassen solte, oder ob ich mich in Schulden stecken solte, 
diese arme Leuth in solcher Extremitet zu retten, wie einem Christen : 1 
und gut Gemuth war da nicht zu hesitiren, weil dazumahl in gantz 
America meine ankunft erschallet, und ich in grossem Credit wahre, 
so schickte alsobald in Pensilvania fur mahl, da zu allem Gliick schon 
hier Anstalt gethan gegen Virginien, und sonsten hin und her in der 
Prozvintz fur die nothwendigen Lebensmittel :/ welches entlich mit aus- 
ertheilten Wexelbrief en :/ doch langsam genug erfolget: Indessen 
giengen die unsre und der armen Leuthen Gutter und Wahren auf, 
fur das Nothwendigste/ : so wir theur von den benachtbarten Ein- 
wohnern zuwegen gebracht. — Indessen liess ich das Land ausmessen, 
und jeder famillie Ihren bezirk Landes geben, damit sie ausreuten, 
ihre Hiitten bauwen, und Ihr Erdrich zum pflantzen und sayen aus- 

124 North Carolina Historical Commission 

riisten konnten: So langte auch mit grossen Kosten und Miihj pro- 
vision, an Korn, Saltz, Schwein Fett anstatt butter, und gesaltzen 
Fleisch, Item, Raum-und andere Erdgewachs an. Allein mit dem 
Vich gieng es schwar zu, die Leuth wolten es nicht holen, wo ich es 
Ihnen anzeigte, und konnte ich es Ihnen auch nicht grad vor die 
Thiire stellen, doch accommodierte man sich nach und nach, dass 
diese Leuth innert 18 Monathen so wohl gesetzt und ihre Sach so 
wohl angestellt dass sie in dieser kurtzen Zeit mehr avanciert als 
englische Einwohner in 4. jahren, nur Eines, als zum Exempel da in 
der gantzen provintz nur eine schelchte Wasser Miihl, die da bey 
Mittlen haben Hand Miihlen, die armen stossen ihr Korn in einem 
stuck in einer holen Eich; und sieben das Reinste durch ein Korb- 
lein, welches viel Zeit wegnimbt, hingegen hatten unsre Leuth bequeme 
Wasser Bachlin aufgesucht, und darbey nach gelegenheit und sterck 
dess Wassers Lauf, ordentliche Stampfe gemacht, worby das Korn ge- 
mahlt, und der gute Hausvatter Zeit gewunnen andere Werk zu thun. 
Ich aber hatte schon eine Miihli und Sagi an einem sehr bequemen 
Orth zu bauwen angefangen, aber was geschach, da wir Alle verhofen 
nacher grosser Miihi und Sorgen die Fruchte unsrer Arbeit zu genies- 
sen, ohngeacht aller entstandener Widerwertigkeit, und Schones an- 
sehen zu einem guten Etablissement, kame der bewerte Sturm des 
unglucks durch die wilden Indianer von etlichen Jalousen und rach- 
gierigen Rebellen dess Carys anhang geblasen, welcher alles liber 
den Haufen geworfen, die Ergangenheit dieser Tragedie ist in einer 
sonderbahren Relation hiermit unnothig hiervon zu melden, weilen 
aber aus dess Obrist Carys verwegner unfriindlicher und widerspen- 
stigen procedur alles Unheil so uber die provintz mich und die Col- 
loney kommend, entstanden, so wird eben nicht aus dem weg sein, 
etwas mehreres von diesen Verwirrungen zu melden und zu continu- 
ieren, was weiters nach dess Goubern: Tynte todlichen Hinscheid ver- 
gangen. — So bald an die Grentzen * 2 Colloney aus Virginia angelangt, 
und mich in Erwartung einer bequemen Ruhe, fur mich und meine Leuth, 
im ersten Dorf aufhaltend, kame eine Truppen der Vornemsten Qua- 
quers daher, wie dan deren viel der Enden, und sie auch der vermog- 
lichsten persuasiven griinden vorgaben, es gebiihrte mir als Landgrafen, 
als der allezeit in einem Interregno, und auch sonsten in absens 
dess Goub: presidiert: und nach dem Goub: den ersten Rang hat; 
Ich 1 3 aber bedankte mich hof lich der Ehren, respondieren wir, dass H : 
Goub: Hide wtirklich in Virginien und ich einer der Zeugen seye, der 
da gesehen, wie dass er von den Lord prop: seye zum Goub: erwehlt 
worden. Ihm auch in Ihrer Rathstuben zu Londen congratuliert, zu 
dem seye er der Konigin anverwanter, und auch von Ihr Konigl. Ma- 
jestet approbiert worden, 14 und obwohlen ermelter H. keine patenten 

Geaffenbied : Account of the Founding of Xew Been j25 

dermahlen in Handen, wurde alsbald eine erfolgen. — Solte also die 
Provintz kein Bedenken machen Ihm in einen weg zu Ihrem Goubern. 
anzunehmen, urn so viel desto eher weil doch H. Goub. Tynte dem 
Rath von Carolina Solches notificiert. dieses gefiel Ilmen aber nicht 15 
und replicierte mir, auf welches aber nicht refutirt, nachdeme sie mit 
mir gethan, nahmen Sie gantz hoflich von mir Abscheid und giengen. 
Bald hernach mit meinen Leuthen weiter in die Provintz kam, und 
langte bey Obrist Pollock in Chouan an, bey welchem alsobald 
Rath gehalten worden, von denen so fur den Goub. Hiden geneigt, und 
wurde ich vast pressiert selbigem beyzuwohnen, welches eben in einer 
so gefahrlichen und delicaten sach nicht gangen thate: So wurde mir 
alsobald ein plan oder bericht der Situation der Sachen gegeben, und 
kann ich liecht observieren, dass wegen meines Carracters so wohl als 
der Quantitet Volcks, sie viel auf mich sehen, in deme die gewicht 
geben konnte, welcher partey ich zuviele, gieng also meine Meinung 
dahin, dass ich ein kraftig Schreiben wolte an Obrist Cary abgehen 
lassen, ihme eint und andres wohl representieren, und auch entlich 
Ihme dreuwen, wo er sich nicht zur gebiihr verstehen wolte, ich mich 
mit den meinigen mit alien Kraften zu H. Goub. Hide stossen wollte, 
diss erweckte Ihme gedanken, andere Mensuren zu nehmen. — Doch 
gabe er mir eine gantz stoltze und schamhafte antwort. Es schine 
aber bald hernach ihn zu gereuwen, und arbeiten wir unter der Hand, 
dass endlich ein Verglich gemacht worden, und verschrieben, namlich 
dass er Obrist Cary sambt seinem Anhang sich wohl dahin verstehen 
wolte H. Goub. Hide zu einem President, dess Rahts biss von den 
Proprietary's neuwe ordre einlangte, aber nicht zum Goub: zu nehmen. 
Ich verfiigte mich indessen eilends nach Neu Bern, von wannen mir 
die Pfaltzer geschrieben, so wegen grossem Mangel an Victualien in 
eusserster Extremitat wahren, 1 6 da dann grad zur fiirsorg bey Collo- 
nel Pollock etwas provision verschaffen, war aber bald viel vorhanden, 
fur eine solche, 1 7 darauf hin ward H. Goub. Hide und kame er aus 
Virginien in Carolinam, setzte sich ohnweit von dem Obrist Pollock 
in . . . Duckenfields Plantation bey Salomon Creek, als wo er ein 
ziemlich fein Losament bekame, darumb der Obrist Cary beforchtete 
seinen streich wurde so ihme nicht angehen, was er im sinn hatte, 
worvon hier oben gemelt, so hatte er subtiler weis, getrachtet den 
Verglich in seine Hand zu bekommen, da er dann seinen Xahmen 
oder Unterschrift wohl gewusst wegzunehmen, heirauf fing er seine 
erste Partey widerum zu nemmen, einiche sich vermittels spendierens 
da er alles schlimme Gesind mit Rum oder Prantwein an seine Seite 
Gebracht, einen sehr starken anhang, entstunde also hieraus ein 
offendliche rebellion wider Geub: Hide, indessen ward der Mann so 
listig, und abgeschmitzt, dass er mich zu entschlafen nacher Neuw 

126 Noeth Carolina Historical Commission 

Bern kam unterm Pretext einer Visite, wo ich ihn zwar regalierte, 
mit dem wenigen, so damals vorhanden, allein da wir nach der Mahl- 
zeit x 8 in Discours gerathen, iiber seine ungereimbte Proceduren so 
wohl gegen H. Goub. Hide, als mich, ja dess ungehorsams gegen seine 
Oberkeit den Lord Prop: ihne scharf zusprechend, ja mit dreuwen zu 
verstehen geben, dass ich solche Mensuren nehmen werde, dass es ihn 
gereuwen dorfte. So hat er in beysein 4 seiner friind, die er mitge- 
bracht, mir versprochen, an Rechnung dessen, was mir von den Lord, 
Prop: verordnet innert 3 Wochen an Getreyd und ander Victualien. 
item etwas an Vich, fur 500£. Wehrts zu senden, oder Zedlen dafur. 
H. Goub: Hide betreffend lasst er es in Statuquo. so nahme er ab- 
scheid, diss aber wahre nur mich zu verblenden, welches auch war, 
dann ich ihme ins gesicht gesagt, ich forchte die werk werden den 
worten nicht respondieren. Dieses Colonel Carys Reys wahre nicht 
vergebens, dan er zu seinem Zweck gelangt, weilen durch anstiftung 
etlicher englischer oder carolinisch H: — Einwohner, und nechstgelegen 
Plantationen er meine Leuthe so abgeschreckt, dass keiner von Haus 
oder aus der Colloney sich wagen dorfte, dan es wahre Ihnen gedreut, 
dass so sie nicht neutral bleiben, sie von englischen und Indianern 
uberfallen, und zu Grund gerichtet werden. — Nicht lang hernach 
schickte mir H. Goub: Hide expressen, mit einem ganzen Packet 
patenten, Eine fur mich, dass mich zum Obrist gemacht, iiber den 
Distrikt Baitz Counti und mir uberlass die unter oficiers zu bestellen, 
ihre Nahmen in albo lassend, mich ernstlich ersucht, ihme wider die 
Rebellen an die Hand zugehen, : worauf geantwortet ihme bezeugend 
wie leid es mir ware, dass seinen verlangen noch nicht respondieren 
konnte, mit bericht was Colonel Cary hier vermerkt, dass meine 
Leuth gar nicht disponiert einicher partey zuzufallen, sonder resolv- 
iert neutral zu bleiben, diss gefiel H. Goub : nicht gar wohl, und langte 
bald ein scharf erer befelch ein, Ihm fahl aber nichts erheb: mich hin- 
iiber, welches drey guter Tagreisen von Neuw Bern zu begeben, dem 
Rath beyzuwohnen, welches ich gethan, zwar schier in forcht, weilen 
ich auch bedreuwet worden. 19 Da ich nun bey H. Goub: angelangt, 
so wahren wir im Raht stark beschaftiget, wie sich gegen diesen Cary 
anhang in Sicherheit zu stellen, ordoniert, allsobald eine Comp. zu- 
sammengelesener Marmschaft uns zu bewahren und sehen weiter wie 
etwan eint oder andere gemuhter zu zwingen, es kame auch grad in 
dieser Zeit an ein torboulenter Gesell von Londen 20 welcher mit 
einem Schif voll Wahren einem quaker so auch ein glied der prop: 
zugehorend, dieser Enden Negocieren wolte, wahre alsobald von wid- 
riger parthey gewunnen, welches ihnen einen starken Mut mieche. 
Indeme er wohl mit geschoss bulver und bley versehen, dieser hatte 
H: Goub: vast injouriert und verschreit auch vorgeben, er hatte von 

Gbaffenbied: Account of the Founding of New Been 127 

den Lord prop: andere Ordres aber nit zu gunsten Eduard Hides, 
welches grosse Zweifel und Verrwirrung macht und uns besser Spiel 21 
mieht; dieser hatte mir insbesonders auch grossen Schaden gethan, 
indem er einen Wexel von 100£. Sterling 2 2 mir ungiiltig miech, sagend 
er hatte ordre solchen zu b'stellen. Da doch das gelt Hanson und 
Comp., meinem Correspondent zu Londen, schon erlegt worden, konnte 
hiermit in meiner grossen Noth nichts darvon bekommen: Stelten also 
dieser Colonel Cary, R. Roch und ein quaquer Em. Low der sich 
wider den fiirnemsten articul seiner eigenen Religion oder sect zu 
einem Obrist ereignet und kame wohl profiantiert in einer nacht wo 
wir logiert in Obrist Pollocks Haus, und da wir meistens Raht hielten 
in einem wohl bewehrt und mit stucken versehehen Briquantin vor 
die Landung, 2 3 wir stelten uns auch bestmoglichst in Postour, und 
hatten nur 2. stuck und nicht mehr bey uns als etwan 60 bewahrter 
Manner, gegen Morgen liessen die rebellen aus dem Briquantin ein 
paar stuck kugeln fliegen, gegen dem Haus wo wir in wahren, wahre 
aber zu hoch geschossen, striche bloss liber die First, so dass es kein 
Schaden hatte, hierauf liessen wir unsere Stuck auch ab, gegen dem 
Briquantin, that auch kein Schaden. So fiengen die Rebellen in 2 
kleinen Barquen von ihrer bewehrten besten Mannschaft gegen das 
Land zu senden, da wir das in Acht nahmen, ordonierten wir, unsere 
Mannschaft gegen der Lente 2 4 zu gegenwehr, worunter meine Knecht 
in einer gelben Liverey welches unser gegenpart nicht wenig er- 
schrecket, verursachet in deme sie vermeinten meine gantze Colloney 
halte sich da im Busch, zugleich liessen wir auch unser Stuck noch- 
mahlen los, da das einte den Mastbaum nur etwas wenigs gescharft 
dieses zusamen thate einen solchen guten Effeckt dass die Barquen 
zuriickkehrten, und sobald sie wiederum in das Schif gestigen, zogen sie 
die Segel auf, und machten sich fort. — Darauf ordinerten wir die 
resolviertesten Manner ihn einer Chaloupen ihnen nachzujagen, sie 
konnten aber sie nicht erreichen, allein da sie den Sond hinunter ge- 
fahren, thate das Briquantin an einem bequemen ohrt anlenden, und 
mieche sich durch einen Wald, die Meisten und Vornemsten darvon, 
so gewonne der kleine Haufen den grossern, und brachte die Chalou- 
pe das Briquantin sambt etwas provision und den Stucken hinauf, 
dieses zertheilte die widrige parthey, und sterckte unsere, so dass wir 
hierauf gut funden, ausser den Redlisfiihrern den iibrigen eine general 
pardon anzukiinden, da sich ein jeder, der sich zum Gouver: bequemen 
und ergeben wolte, unterschrieben, worauf dann ein parlament ver- 
sammlung ausgeschrieben worden, bey welchem dann die Sachen 
dieser Aufriihrer betreffend, verhandlet wurden. Die besten Auf- 
riihrer, so man erdappen konnte, wurden in Verhaft gezogen, die aber 
ihren Fehler erbeuten (bereuten); und nur durch Aufweisung de- 

128 North Carolina Historical Commission 

bochiert, denen wurde die amnistie: accordiert, bey diesem Handel 25 
musst ich meistens procedieren, welches micht nicht accommodiert, aus 
forcht mir find zu machen, nach deme nun eint und anders so gut 
moglich veranstaltet, H: Goub: Hide und mich angenommen und 
erkennt, ging ein jeder nacher Haus, der Hofnung es wtirde sich alles 
stillen, diese Stille wahrte nicht lang, die Auctors des Aufruhr 3 re- 
coligierten sich, und der obgemelte Roch setzte sich in eine Insul 
wohl mit Proviant, g'schoss und Munition versehen, und wiglete auf 
was er konnte, diesen trachtete man zwar aus seinem Nest zutreiben, 
allein es ward nichts zu schafen, dieses Feur der Conjurierten Ver- 
schworenen gienge nach und nach wider umb an, und vermehrte sich, 
dass das letste bald erger wurd, als das erste, bey so bewanten Dingen 
funde man das beste, sich umb andere Hilf zu bewerben, wurde ich 
also zu H: Alexander Spotswood Goub: in Virginien gesandt, mit 2 
Rahtsglidern die man mir zugab, um ihne fur assistenz zu ersuchen. 2 6 
Santen aber zuvor per expressen ein Schreiben an H: Goub: Spot- 
wood, welches er ohnedas sein Volck auf den Grentzen zu mustren 
hatte, vernamsete mir einen Tag in einem Dorf, so zwischen beyden 
Provintzen wahre, so Verreisete ich zu wasser, grad in dem abgenom- 
men Brigantin, weilen zu Land nicht gar sicher, zudeme wir auch pro- 
vision aus der Nachtbahrschaft abholen wolte, da wir etliche stund 
gefahren, erhub sich ein solcher Widerwind, dass wir zuriick getrieben 
wurden, so nahmen wir eine Canou ein kleines enges Schinein aus 
einem Stuck eines ausgeholten Baums gemacht, und fuhren fort da 
sich der Wind umb etwas gestillet, kamen aber zu spaad die Mustrung 
wahre schon vorbey, allein H: Goub: von Virginien 27 besser berichtet 
dass wann ich ankame ihme allsobald einen expressen gesendt wurde. 
So schrieb ich einen hofiichen Brief, an ermelten H: — welcher den 
Nachsten Tag mit seinem Secretario und 2. H: sich einfanden, an be- 
stimmtem Ohrt wo dann Conferentz gehalten wurde, und H. Goub: 
mich iiberaus friindl: empfangen, diss geschaft wahre wichtiger als ich 
vermeinte, nach ubergebenem Credidif fing ich mein proposition an, es 
wurde mir aber grad ein starcker Einwurf gethan, namlich dass die 
Virginischen ganz nicht geneigt wahren, wider die benachtbarten Brtider 
zu streiten, dene sie alle gleiche der Konigin Unterthanen und sie 
eben der Casus nicht so gar just Einmahl hat H. Goub: Hide keine 
patenten, so miissten wir um ander experienten, 2 8 und hatte mir H. 
Goub: Spotswood weilen er das erste mahl dass er mich gesehen, an 
welchem auch wegen den Virginischen Sachen, von der Konigin selb- 
sten Recommandiert wahre, etwas angenemeres erweisen, fmiden ent- 
lich er solte H. Goub: Hide, mir und der provintz so viel zugefallen 
thun, und zur See uns ein Kriegschif senden mit der gewohnten Sol- 
datesca welche aus der Konigin Bedienten in Ihren Rahtskleidern, 

Graffexried : Account of the Founding of Xew Berx 129 

neben dem dass sie gute Solldaten, viel auswurken wurden, diss wurde ac- 
cordiert und nahmen mein frundl: Abscheid von einander, mit was ex- 
pressions er mich zu ihme invitiert, und was fur Dienst und Erbieten, 
konnte ich nicht gnugsam erzeigen, ich machte mich gantz freudig 
nacher Haus, auf eine so gluckliche Negociation, da ich meine rela- 
tion erstattet, wurde mit einem general aplausu dess ganzem Volcks 
empfangen, und thate dis meinen Credit nicht wenig vermehren: 
Bald hernach langte ein brafer Captain mit seinen tapfern Marens an, 
nachdeme er seinen gruss abgelegt, und H: Goub: Spotwood Brief uber- 
geben, so thaten wir ihne ersuchen, dass er vor der Versammlung 
wolte seine Commission darlegen, und so kreftig als moglich dem 
Landvolck zusprechen, mit bedeuten dass im fahl die Aufrtihrer nicht 
sich gebiihrend einstellen wollten, man mit ihnen auf das scherfste 
procedieren wurde. — Auf dieses dorfte sich Niemand mehr ruhren, und 
miechen sich die autors des aufruhrs in geheim aus der provintz und 
dorften sich um so viel minder bleiben lassen, weillen von Londen 
Briefen angelangt, mit bericht, wie dass die Lords propriet: H. Ed- 
uard Hide zum Goub: von Xord Carolina erwehlt, und seye desshalben 
die patent en durch eine vertraute persohn versendt, der oftgemelte 
Colonel Cary ist neben anclren seiner mithaften in Virginien arrest- 
iert, und in einem Schif wohl verwahrt nacher Londen versendt worden, 
welchem da der process gemacht worden, die Sach hatte zu Londen 
viel Wesens gemacht,: Allein dieser Cary wahre in seinem schlimmen 
Handel noch so gluckhaftig, dass sich seiner 2 Milord so annahmen, 
die ihme sein Leben errettet, ist hiemit auf Biirgschaft losgelassen 
worden umb sich zu deffendieren, ihme der Richter in Carolina ange- 
wiessen worden: bleibt also die Sach noch diese Stund da hangen. 29 

Die Verwierung hatte nicht wenig zum einfahl der wilden Indianer 
contribuiert, in dem Etliche der Meutinierer H: Goub: Hide so ver- 
hasst gemacht bey den Indianern, dass sie ihne fiir ihren find ange- 
sehen, soweit, dass ich von den "Wilden gefangen worden, vermeint ich 
wahre der Goub: Zimlich hart tractiert worden, bis durch einen 
Indianer der englisch reden konnte, und den ich gekannt sagen lassen, 
dass ich nicht Goub: Hide wahre, worauf sie alsobald gelinder mit 
mir verfahren.— Da nun dieses auch vorbey, machte ich mich widerumb 
nach Neuw Bern zu meinen Leuthen, es hatte aber bald hernach H: 
Goub: Hide seine patenten empfangen, so liesse er widerumb eine 
Generalversammlung ausschreiben, damit er sich einpresentieren 
konnte, worbey ich mich auch befunden, welches um so viel lieber 
gethan, weilen dabey Gelegenheit suchte bey dem Neuwen H. Goub: 
zuerwerben, was bey Colonel: Cary nicht konnte, bey welchem H. 
Goub: Hide wohl alien guten Willen verspurte, aber da ich auf die 
realitaten drung, so wahren sehr wenig vorhanden, welches von selb- 

130 North Carolina Historical Commission 

sten libel manglete: hielte hiernach einstandig bey dem Parlament an, 
dass weilen auf Conto der Lord prop: nicht erhalten konnte, welches 
doch das fondament meiner Entreprise ich nun fast mit meinem Volck 
dargesetzt, und wir so nicht bestehen konnten, es auch eine lange 
Zeit erfordert, bis aus Europa berichtet wir indessen nicht von Luft 
leben konnten, so die provintzen uns auf gleiche Conditiones wie wir 
es mit dem Lord prop: hatten, assistieren solten, namlich auf Credit, 
auf 2 oder 3 Jahr mit denen nothwendigen victualien, und besonders 
mit Vich, uns zu versehen, dessen aber Sous pretense dieser einheim- 
ische Krieg habe sie in die Unvermoglichkeit das zu thun gesetzt, 
mich abgewiesen, hierauf mieche mich gantz traurig nacher Haus, 
meine sachen so gut als moglich anstellend, wie hier vor zu sehen. 3 ° 


Was diesen Indianischen Krieg verursachet, sind erstlich die Ver- 
lumdungen und Anstiftungen etlicher Meutinier H. Goub: Hide 2./ 
Allso auch wider mich indeme sie die Wilden bredt ich seye kommen 
ihr Land zu nemen, und hiemit werden die Indianer sich zuriick gegen 
die Bergen machen mussen, diss hat ich ihnen ausgeret, und wahre es 
bewiesen, durch meine gegen sie erwiesene friindlichkeit, wie auch 
durch die Bezahlung dess Landes, wo ich mich anfangs gesetzt, nam- 
lich darvon das Statlein Neu Bern angefangen: ohngeachtet der Ver- 
kaufer mir es frey hatte iibergeben sollen, Item hab ich auch Frieden 
mit selbigen indianischen Einwohnern gemacht, so dass sie mit mir 
gantz zufrieden. 3./ Wahre es die grosse Sorglosigkeit der Coloney. 31 
4. /Das harte Tractament etlicher unwirschen und rauhen englischen 
Einwohner, die sie betrogen in der Handlung, selbe nicht urn ihre plan- 
tations lassen jagen, unter dem pretext ihnen ihr geschoss, Munition 
Ihre Beltzen oder Hiiet weggenommen, ja gar ein Indianer zu Tod 
geschlagen, welches sie am meisten und mit Grund allarmierte. Ihren 
Anschlag hielten die Indianer sehr geheim, und wahre es eben darum 
zu thun, dass sie sich berathschlagen wolten, in einer angestelten 
Versammlung, zu der Zeit, da ich gefangen wurde, und da ich unge- 
fahr die rivier hinauf fahrte vermeinte ich um so viel Sicherer zu 
seyn, indem erst 10 oder 14 Tag zuvor in dem Wald, da ich von 
Land Messen kame, verrirret und eben grad da mich die Nacht iiber- 
nahm, unter die Indianer gefallen, so zuvor bey meiner ankunft in 
Chatalognien jetzund Neuw Bern gessessen, und sich nun an diss ort 
gesetzt, welche mich sehr frundlich empfangen, und am Morgen bis 
auf den rechten Weg begleitet, 2 Indianer mitgaben so mit mir bis 
nacher Haus giengen, welchen dann zur Dankbarkeit, etwas geben, 
und fur den Konig Rum oder Prantenwein geschickt; Eben dieser 
Konig da es um mein Leben zu thun war, hatte nicht wenig zu meiner 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Been 131 

Rettung nebst des aller hochsten beystand Contribuiert; wie ich nun 
von den Indianern gefangen, zum Tod verurtheilt und wunderlich 
errettet worden, was bey den Indianern vorgangen, entlichen wie 
nacher Haus kommen und zu Neuw Bern widerumb angelangt, ist 
ausser meiner an H. Goub: Hide versandten relation zu ersehen. Zu 
End eben dieser relation hatte angefangen, zu melden was alsobald, 
meiner zuriickkunft mir noch widriges und vertriessliches widerfahren 
so dass scheint meines unglucks kein End zu seyn, weilen aber das 
zukonftige nicht vorsehen konnte, so will ich umb so kurz als moglich, 
was weiters vorgangen bis zu meiner europaischen Ab- und Heimreis 
melden. Erstlich wie dieser Indianische Krieg fortgesetzt und ein End 
genommen: 2./Was fur Motifa dass die Coloney verlassen, und mich 
in Europa ja gar widerumb nacher Bern begeben. — Was nach meiner 
Zuriickkunft mir unter den Christen widerfahren, wahre beynach so 
aus gefahrlicher und vertriesslicher, als ich unter den Heyden ware; 
vor dem heidnischen Tribunal hatte ich meine offendliche Klager, 
alles geschache in guter Ordnung, nichts hinderrucks und im Ver- 
borgenen, noch auf eine rebellische aufrtihrische Manier, aber da ich 
nacher Haus kame, vermeinet unter frunden und Christen zu seyn, 
und ein wenig zu ruhen, ward es erger.- — 

Da wahren etliche rauwe Jalousi unwirsche planter, oder Einwohner, 
weilen nicht alsobald in ihre Meinung treten wolten, einen Indianer zu 
toten, oder ihrer Discretion zu liefern, deme doch sicher Gleit ver- 
sprochen, weilen er kommen meine ratzion abzuholen, und mit den 
Indianern zu streiten nicht thunlich erachtende, er die 15 gefangene 
Pfeltzer herausgeben, und geliefert, denen noch Provision an Lebens 
Mitteln noch an Munition noch Volck gnug, zu dem dass der halbe 
theil Pfaltzer in meiner absentz mein Quartier verlassen, so klagten 
mich dieser Gattung boser Christen erger als die Heyden, nahmen 
geheime Information wider mich, da wahre viel redens und treu- 
wens nicht minder als musste ich gehenkt werden. So solte ich von 
einem Heydnischen Tribunal nun vor einen christlichen Richter stuhl, 
ja erger als der heynischen, so es etlicher gottloser Gesellen willen 
nachgehen solte, erscheinen: zu welchem nicht wenig contribuiert, ein 
pfaltzischer Huf Schmied, der sich rechen wolt, weilen ihme wegen 
erschrecklichen excrationen ungehorsames stahlen, und grauwlichen 
treuwung gestraft, 3 2 und das hat er auf eine sehr verratherische weis 
gethan, gienge alsobald hinuber zu den Indianern, bey welchen er mich 
sehr suspect mieche, als gulte meine Versprechung nichts, betriige sie, 
indeme anstatt Frieden und Neutralitat mit ihnen zu halten gantz auf 
Ihrer der engl: Seiten wahre, sie mit gewehren und Krieg provision ver- 
sehend : 3 3 da ich aber seine Veratherey erf ahren, und desshalben ihne 
abstrafen wollen, hatte er darvon Wind bekommen, und sich hinuber 

132 North Carolina Historical Commission 

zu dem William Brice einem gemeinen mann, so aber wegen seiner 
Frechheit zum Haubmann erwehlt worden, und mir vast zuwider 
wahre, verfligt. allwo eine Garnison zusammengelesener Gesellen und 
der abtriinigen Pfelzer sein eigen Haus zubewahren, da hat obgemelter 
Huf Schmied gleiches von mir, wie zuvor bey den India: gesagt, und 
noch viel mehr, so dass ich fur einen Verrather passierte, ward alsbald 
eine Liste von etlich 20 Artiklen aufgeschrieben, deren nicht ein 
Puncten wahr, hab, da dieses vernommen, schrieb ich dennoch gantz 
ohnerschrocken, ich ein gutes Gewissen hatte, bey dem H. Goub: von 
Virginia und Carolina zu, Sie umstandlich informierend, alles dessen 
so ich zugetragen, welche meine Conduite abrobiert, und alle andre 
Persohnen von verstand und vernuft. — 

Hierbey hat sich zugetragen, dass weilen dess Schmieden als Crimi- 
nalen und ausgewichenen der da mir noch vast in Depitis ich seine 
Sachen inventorisieren und in Verwahrung thun lassen, dieser ober- 
melte H : Brice 3 4 den Schmied vast . _ . und die verwahrten Sachen 
heraus haben wolte, trachtete solches mit gewalt vorzunehmen, neben 
dem, dass er gerne mich als der Verratherey schuldig, zu H: Goub: 
Hide g'fangen bringen wolte, so hielte er in geheim Raht, mit den 
Vornemsten seiner Rott, so wahre dieses Conclusum dass wann ich 
mich weigern wolte, dieses Schmieds Sachen herauszugeben, pre- 
textierend, sie brauchten solche zur Devension. 35 dess Lutz, sie es mit 
gewalt thun wolten, undweilen ohne Zweifel mich speren werde alsdann 
sie sich meiner persohn bemeistern, und mich so H: Goub: zu bringen. 
Es wahre aber ohngefahrt ein kleiner Pfeltzer Knab in dem Zimmer 
welcher englisch verstund, dessen nicht in acht genohmmen, dieser sol- 
ches horend, wich so still er konnte aus dem Gemach, zeigte es seiner 
Mutter an, alls noch Eine von meinen angehorigen, welche alsbald 
sich in das Schirlein miech, und zu mir hinuberfuhre, : da sie mir diese 
Conspiration erzellend, so liess ich alsbald auf der Trammel schlagen, 
verschloss die Thor und stelte meine Leuth in guter Postur. Konnte 
kaum fertig werden, so kame Brice mit 30 oder 40 benachtbahrten 
Mannern, darunter grad der gottlose Schmied, und wohl 20 der ab- 
triinnigen Pfeltzer, nicht wiissend dass ich der sachen berichtet, ver- 
meinten grad in den Hof 3 6 zu gehen, und mich ubernehmend, funden 
aber alles in solcher postur dessen sie nicht erwarten, da sie die uns- 
rigen befragt, was das sein solle, gab der Corporal zur Antwort, man 
sey auf guter Huet wegen den wilden Indianern und wilden Christen, 
ward repliciert ob man sie dann fur find hielte, widerumb doubliciert 
dass frunde nicht auf solche Manier ihre benachbarten zu Visiten 
pflegten, schiene als wann sie unsre find, insbesondere da solche Ver- 
rather und Abtriinnige doch so Corporal Brice sambt noch einem 
herein wollen, glaubte diss wurde nicht versagt, da diss mir angezeigt, 

Geaffeneied: Account of the Founding of New Been 133 

liess ich sie unter guter Wacht hinein, so nun dieser Brice meiner 
procedur sich beschwart, gabe zur Antwort mir ware sein schoner Dessin 
wohl bekannt, wtirde aber an gebuhrendem Ohrt sein unverschandtes 
und verwegenes procedieren wtissen anzubringen, ob das die Manier 
gegen seine Vorgesetzten so zu Meutinieren ich als Statthalter des 
Ober Hauses, Landesgraf und Comandant dieses District ware im re- 
chten ihne gef angen senden und ware auch geschachen 3 7 so ich diesers 
falschen desieren Gesellen mit kurzem Bescheid und starker Betreuwung 
wider hinaus sich fiir das nachste parlament cedieren. — was weiters fur 
Insolentien auf seiten dieses Cap: und abtrunnigen Pfalzern gegen 
mich und die meinigen veriibt, zu weitlaufig und verdriesslich habe von 
kurze wegen fiir nichts mehr melden wollen, doch noch etwas wenix 
im furgang. — 

1st zu wissen dass die hierunden unterzeichnete Convention mit den 
Indianern eingangen, da ich noch in Banden, und mein Leben zu 
fristen, so dass eben so gar nicht ware verobligiert worden zu halten, 
demnach weilen mit der meinung Quod Hereticis non Habenda Fides, 
wahre resolviert so viel zu halten als Lauth gewissens und Pflicht, 
mit deren ich der Cron Engelland zugethan, ich wohl thun konnte 
und hatte man mich nachen lassen, ware es dem gantzen Land wohl 
kommen, und wahre viel Mord und Ungluck vermitten worden. — 

Es wahre aber dieser Capitain Brice sambt seinem Anhang so er- 
hitzet, dass ohne die Vernunft zu raht zu ziechen ihrer blinden pas- 
sion nach ohne einich Mensur zu nemen noch auf die kleine Zahl 
Volck, noch die wenige provision an Krieg und Lebens-Mittlen noch 
auf die Gefahr der armen gefangenen Weib und Kinder, reflectierend, 
den proponierten Stillstand recusiert, und alsbald findlich agiert, also 
durch sein unverstandiges Caprice, die gantze provintz in gefahr 
gesetzt, und meine Mensuren alle unter brochen. — Und hatte man mich 
machen lassen so hatte erstlich durch diesen stillstand Zeit gewunnen, 
dass die ganze provinz und ich uns in guter postur setzen konnen, und 
wir innert dieser Zeit, mit Volck, Krieg and Lebens-Mittlen versehen. 
2. /wahre ich schon wurklich an der Arbeit, in wahrend diesem Still- 
stand die armen gefangenen Weib und Kinder zu erretten, dann den 
Indianern meine rention nicht ausrichten wolte, sie hatten mir dann 
die gefangenen ubergeben, solches wahre mit grosser gefahr und Mtihj 
in der ersten Converenz veraccordiert, N. B: hat sich wohl erwiesen, 
wie viel daran gelegen, nachwerts in der Historj dess Indianisch 
Kriegs gemelt, wie dieser gefangener Holtzmann die Indianer menag- 
ieren nriissen, so sonsten im Ersten mahl man ihnen den garaus machen 
konnen. Nun weilen ich am besten mit den Indianern an diesem 
guten Werk, und 3./ auch, durch meiner vorgegebenen Neutralitat und, 
Verzogerung Zeit gewinnen wolte, dass was so wohl die englischen, als 

134 North Carolina Historical Commission 

Carolinischen und Coloney ins besonders noch in Ihren plantationen 
und Hausern verlassen und vergraben, wiederumb abholen, wie auch 
in den Waldern, so viel von Ihrem Vich, als moglich aufangen konnten, 
so kame diese Bricesche Rott, wilder und unverniinf tiger als die In- 
dianer und verderbten mir meine gantze Handlung, durch eine un- 
bekannte attaque, die ganze iibelzellung, diese hiervor gemelte Ver- 
ratherey des Schmieden, und diese Action nahme den Indianern alles 
vertrauwen von mir, so dass auf das hin, gegen meine Colonisten sie 
auch findlich agierten; da bis daher Ihrer Hausern und sachen ver- 
schonet, namlich nach gemachter Convention, allein nach diesem 
unzeitigen procedieren der Caroliner, sind die Indianer gefahren, alles 
zu verderben, und mussten meiner armen Leuth Heuser, ungeacht die 
Thur mit einem Zeichen 3 8 gezeichnet verbrandt werden, : das iibrige 
an Hausgerath obwohlen verborgen und vergraben aufgesucht, weg- 
genommen und das Vich in den Weldern niedergeschossen, von dan- 
nen haben die Indianer hin und her in der provintz, insbesonders in 
Neuw Trent und pamtego Rivier eine Plantation nach der andern 
belageret, geblimderet, gemort und sehr viel libels gethan. — Und 
welches die Indianer zu mehreren equotet veranlasset, ware des Bricen 
hartes procedieren, dass er etliche Indianer von der Bay Rivier 3 9 
bekommen, ist ihr Chef der Konig erschrocklich tractiert worden, ja 
bey einem grossen feur gleichsam gebraten, und mit allerley un- 
christlicher Marter geblagt, und so getodet worden,: welches die In- 
dianer so verbittret, dass sich nicht zu verwundern, warm sie die 
Christen auch hart tractierten, was hierin am meisten verdrossen, war 
dass ein abtrunniger pfeltzer an diesem Marteren das meiste gethan, 
und Ein wohlgefallen . daran hatte, eben dieser ward der autor der 
abtrunnigen pfeltzeren. Es waren zwar von des Bricen anhang, Ver- 
wegene und behertze Leuth aber gar unbedacht, so die iibrigen Caro- 
liner bessere Conduiten und nicht so zaghaft, wer man den Indianern 
ehr Meister worden, und ware nicht so libel gangen. — 

Weilen nur mir vast angelegen, Meine Conduite zu justificieren und 
der Bricesch Rott Gottlos und Verwegenes Verfahren vorzustellen, so 
wann die grosse general Versamlung 4 ° gehalten, gienge hinein und 
fragte, wo diese falsche Klagten wahren, und solte man mir solche 
Verlumder vor Augen stellen, Copeyen der Klagten Communicieren 
damit mich gebiihrend Verantworten und justificieren konne, dorfte 
sich niemand gegen mich stellen, und wolte die Klagpunkten niemand 
hier vorgeben, so ward dessen ein End. Indessen hat ich viel Vertruss, 
und ward in grosser gefahr, und litte inzwischen nicht wenig mein 
Ehr und reputation, begehrte Satisfaction, weilen die Klager und 
Verlumder mir wohlbekannt, miech sie auch namhaft, die autoren aber 
erschienen nicht, und konnte ich bey solcher Confusen Regierung und 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of IsTew Bern 135 

Indianischen Krieg keine Satisfaction bekommen, der H: Goub: und 
Oberhaus welches von 7. Rahten und represententen der Lord: 
prop: Zweyen Landgrafen, Etlichen Obristen, und dem Secretario be- 
stund; miechen zwar ihre Entschuldigungen und ein Comp: hieruber, 
musste darmit zufrieden seyn, iiber diese Matery hatte viele Memori- 
alia und Brief en, H: Goub: versendt, worin diese Verdriessliche His- 
toric und Proceduren weitlaufig zu ersehen, sonderlich im Register 
meiner Brief, von A. 1711. u. 1712. auch so alles so mir wider wertiges 
und Vertriessliches in Carolina und Virginien widerfahren, Erzellen 
solte, wurde es ein gross Buch abgeben; — /./Gleich wie hier oben nur 
etwelche Ursachen dess Indianischen Kriegs vermeldet, so hat zu 
dieser Indianischer Verwegenheit und frechen Verfahren, nicht wenig 
Contribuiert der Caroliner sorglosigkeit, indeme sie Ihnen zu vast 
getrauwet, zu ihrer Sicherheit in der ganzen provintz nur nicht ein 
ohrt befestiget, dahin man sich hatte retirieren konnen; auch im fahl 
Einicher Corruption oder findthatigkeit gar keine anstalten noch viel 
minder die Benohtigte Krieg und Lebens-Mittlen oder Provision ge- 
macht, so weit dass mit diesen Unruhen ganze Schif voll Korn und 
fleisch ftir Zucker Malasio, Brantenwein und andern minder nohtigen 
sachen weggefiihret worden: Summa alles liederlich bestelt, anstatt 
sich in ein Corpus oder 2. wohlbestelten Mannschaft zusammenzu- 
ziechen, urn den find von den Grenzen der Wohnungen abzutreiben, 
wolte ein jeder sein Eigen Haus verwahren, und sich deffendieren. 
Welches die Ursach dass endlich die Indianer oder Wilden sich einer 
plantation nach der andern bemeistert, bald die ganze Provintz unter 
sich gebracht. — Meine Gedanken wahren im fahl die Wilden der ge- 
machten Convention nicht entsprechen wlirden, zu keinem guten 
Vergleich gebracht werden konnten, selbe mit meinem gemachten 
frieden zu Amusieren, Einen stillstand zu procurieren, indessen sich 
mit Volks Hlilf, und aller Nohtwendigen Muntion und Provision ver- 
sehen, zu setzen, hiemit mehreren und kraftigeren Widerstand zu 
thun, oder die Wilden gar zu destruiren. allein es wahre mit denen 
wunderlichen Carolinern nichts zu schafen, die wo etwan beharzter als 
die andern, nahmen die sach so unbedacht, und plump vor, und ge- 
rieten hinder die Wilden, die gar viel starcker an der Zahl, gute Schut- 
zen und wohl versehen in allem, dass diesers kleine Hauflin der 
Christen alsobald das Kurzere ziechen miissen: ja ohne den pfaltzern 
und Schweizern Hiilf zu grund gangen, wie in Erster relation zu 
sehen. N.B: In selbiger relation aus einen Brief an H: Goub: 
Hide geschrieben, date mit Meldung, wie die Mannschaft so in Bath: 
Towe, einem kleinen Dorf an der Pamtego Rivier ohngefahrt in 150. 
dem diesem gegebenen Wort und Zeichen nicht nachgangen, das Herz 
nicht gehabt iiber die rivier zu setzen, ihren nachtbahren zu Hilf zu 

136 North Carolina Historical Commission 

kommen, in Einer so tringender Noht, sondern nachdeme sie da des- 
selben Districts Einwohner, ihr Korn und fleisch aufgefressen, uns 
triiben an der Neus River inr Stich lassend, nacher Haus widerumb 
gegangen. — 

Wie ich mich zu New Bern befestiget 22 wochen lang, mich und 
die Coloney, aus eignen Mittlen erhalten, entlich aus Mangel Sub- 
sistenz mein Posten verlassen miissen, urn nach dem Goub: zu gehen, : 
ist theils zu sehen in Erster relation, kann doch nicht unterlassen, zu 
Melden, wie es mir auf dieser Reis in die Albermarle Conti gegangen. — 

Nach deme nun erfahren und gesehen, wie alles so elend hergehet, 
was schlechte ja gar keine assistenz, die unmoglichkeit in die lange so 
auszuhalten, ja gar zur extremitet gekommen, wie dass durch diese 
Invasion der Wilden, die ganze Coloney zu grund gangen, indeme wie 
obgemelt bey 70 Ermort und gefangen, alle der Collonisten Hauser 
verbrandt, ihr Hausraht und was sie zum besten weggenommen, das 
meiste Vieh Erschossen, das unsrige zur Narrung aufgebraucht. So 
ware auf Angeben H: Michel und andre H: aus Virginien und Marien- 
land, resolviert andre Mensuren zu nemen, und weilen die Coloney 
sich vertheilt, der halbe Theil Pfaltzer sich von mir gewendt, mit den 
ubrigen sambt dem Schweizern mich nach obermelten Ohrten zu be- 
geben: Packte hiemit ein Theil meiner Sachen ein, liess meine kleine 
Schloop zuriisten, der Intention, wann ich werde bey H: Goub: Hide 
angelanget seyn, im parlament oder Generalversammlung bessre as- 
sistenz auszuwurcken, widrigen fahls mein Dessin nach Virginien und 
Marienland fortzusetzen. — So verreiste ich nun in grosser perplexitat, 
weilen meine Leuth in grosster Noht, 41 ja dass nicht mehr ein Mass 
Korn mehr vorhanden ward: sondern Mussten uns dess Schweinen- 
fleisch behelfen, und das z'war sehr genauw'. Diese Reis aber ward 
auch ungliicklich, bey schonem Wetter und Windt fuhr ich ab, nach 
dem Meine Leuth versammlet, und Ihnen best moglichst zuge- 
sprochen: Sie baldiger Hiilfe trostend, dess abend da wir schier an der 
Ambouchinen Rivier und durch den Sond ausfahren wolten, begegnet 
ein bedenkliches Zeichen, zu oberst an der Spitze des Mastbaums, 
Kehrte sich einsmahls ein kleines feurlein und pfeifete zimlich starck, 
ohngefehrt eine Viertel Stund, Entlich horte es auf, da ich den Schif- 
patron fragte was das sein solte, so sagte er mir nicht viel guts, Es 
werde bald ein grosser Sturm erfolgen, und das sey gewiiss, ich aber 
lachte heruber und wolte meinen Weg fortfahren. Es vergienge aber 
kein stund, finge der Wind harter zu blasen an, und weilen es gegen 
Nacht getrauten wir nicht, sondern sahen umb, wo etwan wir bey 
Land den ancker sencken konnten. — 

Kaum mochten wir ans Land pordieren tiberfiel uns der Wind so 
starck, dass ein wenig speter wir in grosster gefahr kamen, so blieben 

Geaffeneied: Account of the Founding of Xew Been 137 

wir da bey einerm Planter einem gut en Mann, 4 2 der da auf einem 
Landgut gesetzt, iibernacht, Morgends da der Sturm vorbey, fuhren 
wir fort, so kamen wir den andern Tag abends in die Mitte dess Sonds, 
welcher ist ein See viel grosser als der Genfer See, da in der 
Mitte mann kein Land sehen konnte, allein wir auf einen Sandbanck 
stosste; da das Schif einen so starken Krach gethan, dass wir meinten 
es ware entzwey, und wahre es nicht tiberaus starck gewesen so hatten 
wir da auch Schifbruch leiden mussen, wir wahren da in grossen 
angsten, und nahmen alle Erdenkliehe Mittel von ab diesem gefahr- 
lichen ohrt zu kornmen, die meiste forcht wahre, dass, warm schon 
entlichen das Schif loos, es wurde einen Spalt haben, dass wir ohn- 
fehlbar versenken mussten, Gott war aber so gnadig, dass naehdem 
das Meer gestigen, und der Wind besser worden, wir mit gespannten 
Saglen gliicklich abkammen, da wir sahen, dass kein Wasser ins 
Schif kame, dankten wir Gott, und setzten fort, dess dritten Tags 
bekamen wir einen so starken Widerwind, dass wir an Einem ort, 
gegen Land fahren mussten, wo eine grosse Weite mit Rohren, da 
Sanckten wir unsern ancker, und wahren gezwungen, wohl etliche Tag 
da zu bleiben, bis der Wind sich um etwas gesetzt, dass wir bey eines 
Seiten Windts, durch einen Canal so durch die Rohr fliesst seglen 
konnten. So bald wahren wir nicht aus den Rohren, wolte das Lng- 
ltick dass wir auf einem vesten Felsen stecken bleiben, dass wir einen 
halben Tag genug zu thun, bis wir los wurden, und musste uns wie- 
derum das Meer helfen, entlichen vermehrt sich der Wind, und 
kammen wir gliicklich darvon, und langten nach etlicher Tagen, an 
bestimbten Ohrt an, und wahre es Zeit weil all unsre provision die 
genauw ward, an Speis und Tranck auf gebraucht : anstatt dass wir 
verhoften bey gutem Windt, in 2 mal 24 Stunden anzukommen, 
haben wir iiber 10 Tage zugebracht: So sicht man was das Wetter 
Zeichen auf der Spitze des Mastbaums bedeutet, scheint aber ein 
Aberglauben zu seyn, die Erfahrung aber weiss es anders. — 

Da ich mich nun 6 ganzer Wochen bey H: Goub: Hide aufhielt, 
theils dem raht und ubrigen provintzgeschaften abzuwarten, theils 
auch meine Leuth zu Neuw Bern, mit Nohtwendigen Lebens Mittlen 
und Kriegsprovision zu versehen, ist nach angewenter grosser Miihj 
und Viel Zeit, mein Schlop mit Korn, Pulver, bley und Taback ange- 
fiilt und nacher Neuw Bern versendt worden, aber ach, was vor un- 
gltick, es haben die guten Leuth in Ihrer eusserster Noht, wohl ver- 
gebens clarauf gewartet, : da dann die Schlop vast iiber den Sond und 
weit der Embouchure der rivier Neuss ubernahmen sich die Schifleuth 
mit Branntenwin, so dass sie alle entschlafen, vermeinend sie wahren 
nun aus der gefahr, allein weilen sie das feur in dem Kuchli nicht 
gantzlich geloschen, springt ein funcken von Einem Scheit Holtz, und 

138 North Carolina Historical Commission 

kam in die Tabackblatter, die nicht weit darvon wahren, welche 
mehr und mehr angangen, bis ein feur entstanden, und entlich der 
Rauch die Schifleuth erweckt, welche aus forcht das Pulver Fasslein 
wurde angehen, drachteten sich zu salvieren, und miechen sich in den 
Canou, das ist ein klein rundes Schiflein darvon, ehe Sie aber Vollentz 
ans Land gelangt, kombt das feur ins Pulfer, und es gieng die 
Schlopp in feur auf. — 

Lasse gedencken was vor traurige Botschaft den armen halb ausge- 
hungerten Colonisten, solches zu vernemen, anstatt deren so lang mit 
grossten verlangen, erwarteten assistenz, und wie das zu Herzen 
gangen. Indessen ich diese traurige Zeitung vernahm, welches lang 
angestanden, hatte nach eusserstem Vermogen gearbeit, dass man die 
grossern Schlopp oder Brigantin proviantieren, welches aber so lang 
vortgieng, dass ich ganz vertriissig wurde, wohl sehend dass solche 
Tergiversationen, in solchen Conjuncten' nicht bestehen konnten, dess- 
wegen meine Sachen dahin disponiert, dass alsobald nachdeme meine 
Leuth diese provision wurden empfangen haben, Sie grad in selbiger 
Schlop mit H : Michel nacher Virginien saglen solten, diss verzoge sich 
sehr lang, nachdemme nun wie schon gemelt, mien eine lange Zeit bey H : 
Goub: Hide aufgehalten, den Krieg und provinzen sachen abzu- 
warten, wo viel zu thun wahre, : verfiigt ich mich nach Virginien, 
umb alles best moglichst zu bestellen; Eh ich aber zu dieser Reis 
schreite, kann nicht iibergehen zu melden; was unterdessen zur sicher- 
heit des Landes gethan worden;. — Nachdeme nun H. Goub: Hide und 
der General Versammlung Kreftig vorstelt, wie man bessere Anstalten 
als bishero geschachen thun solte, sonsten wir in gefahr alle von den 
wilden Indianern umgebracht zu werden, so gerieten wir an die arbeit 
und hatte ich den Tag meines Lebens nicht vermeint so ungeschickt 
und verzagte Leuth, da anzutreffen. — • 

Erstlich' wahre zu thun vor allem aus, wo proviant zu nemen, dann 
ohnmoglich zu kriegen, und wahre doch diese unbedachte Caroliner so 
liechtsinnig dass sie dennoch getreyd und fleisch aus dem Land ver- 
kaufen, desswegen H. Goub: Hide alsbald ersuchte, ein scharfes Man- 
dat auszuschreiben, alle ausfuhr einicher sachen zu verbieten. 2tens. 
zu erforschen was fur getreid im Land, demnach die erforderlichen 
Mensuren zu nemen, ward gefunden, dass dessen bey weitem nicht 
gnug einen so langwierigen Krieg zu fiihren, hiermit anstalt aus be- 
nachtbarten Provinzen solches zu procurieren, welches auch genug 
hatte. — 

Drittens Pulver, Bley und gewehr dessen die Provinzen ganz nicht 
versehen, und die particularen, gar wenig hiemit gut befunden, auch 
unter dessen von andren Ohrten zu beschicken: Wolte aber niemand 
das Gelt darzu geben, noch fun den die Provinz welche damahl in 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of New Bern 139 

schlechtem Credit, Matery, da musst ich aber bey H: Goub: in Vir- 
ginien trachten etwas auszuwiircken. — 

4./Soupponieren alle obige sachen waren paraht, worumb das Volck, 
da war Arbeit, konnten mit grosster Miihj kaum 300 Bewahrte 
Manner ausmachen, und wahren viel darunter unwillig zu kriegen, 
meistens schlecht gekleit und versehen, hieriiber war mir Commission 
gegeben, urn Hiilf in Virginien anzhalten, da entlich H: Goub: Spotts- 
wood, als in Nahmen der Konigin, Ihnen solche zusagte, fur restitu- 
tion dess proviants und Sold, so wolten die Caroliner nicht, pre- 
textierend, sie vermochten solche Summen nicht zu restituieren, warm 
H : Goub : nicht Volck und die Nohtige provision in der Konigin Kosten 
senden wolte, welches absurd, worumb sollte die Konigin die Kosten 
vor die Provinz haben, da doch das Einkommen, die Lord, propriet: 
beziechen, dies gabe Anlass dass etliche zu H: Goub: von Virginien 
giengen, um zu Sondieren, ob er die protectionen Caroline auf sich 
nehmen wolte, welches aber H: Goub: aus guten Ursachen abge- 
schlagen. — 

5./Proponiert dass man etwan ein ohrt in der Provinz befestigen 
solte, im fahl der Noht zu einer retraite zu gebrauchen, und sich da 
auch in Sicherheit zu halten, war aber nicht erheblich. — 

Bey so bewannten Dingen, was zu thun: Indessen fuhren die In- 
dianer fort, wurden von so schlechter gegenwehr ubermiihtig und 
bezwungen Eine Plantation nach der andern. — 

Die letste ressource ware eilends nach Slid Carolinam um Hiilf 
zu senden, welche auch erhielten, sonst ware die ganze provintz zu 
grund gangen, so sandte das Gouver : Slid Carolina 4 3 800 wilde Tribu- 
tarys sambt 50 englischen Slid Carolinern, under dem Commando 
Obrist Paravell, wohl montiert und versehen mit Pulver und bley, 
das Theatrum Belli wahre unweit Neuw Bern. Da diese angelangt, 
fieng der indianische Krieg erst recht an, und gerieten diese Slid Caro- 
liner da sie nach zu den Tascarorus wilden kamen, dergestalten an 
Sie, dass grossen Schrecken unter ihnen erweckt, so dass die Nord 
Carolina Indianer gezwungen worden, sich zu verschanzen, unsere 
Friind Indianer aber nachdeme Sie Ihre ordres zu Neu Bern Emp- 
fangen, miechen Sich gegen Cortown ein gross indianisch Torf, unge- 
fehrt 30. Meil von Neuw Bern, jagten selben Konig sambt seinen 
Indianern aus, nachdeme Sie etliche nidergemacht ereifreten sie sich 
dariiber, dass sie auch von einem erschossenen wilden Carolinisch 
Indianer das Fleisch gekocht und gefressen, : zu diesem Slid Carolini- 
schen Soucours ordinierten wir 200 Nord Caroliner Engel: sambt et- 
welch wenig unser Indianern so friind wahren, und bey 50 pfaltzer und 
Schweizer unter Commando Obrist Boyd und H. Michel welchen wir 
auch zum Obrist gemacht. — 

140 North Carolina Historical Commission 

Dieses kleine HEr mieche sich weiters hinauf gen Catechna einem 
grossen Indianischen Dorf , wo ich und der General Feldmesser Lawson 
gefangen, und zum Tod verurtheilt wahren, wie in erster relation ver- 
meldet. In diesem Dorf Catechna hatten sich unsre find, bestehet in 
Wetax, Bay, Revir Neuws, Cor Bamtego und theils Touscarorus In- 
dianer versammlet und vast eingeschanzet und konnte man nichts aus- 
richten gegen Ihnen, ist zu wiissen, dass bey einem angestelten Sturm 
die Ordres nicht recht exequiert, der angrif solte an etlichen orten 
angehen, Es wahren aber des Bricens Leuth so hitzig dass sie vor der 
Zeit sturmten, wurden Ihrer viel plessiert, etliche tod geblieben, mus- 
sen also die unsrigen abweichen, da uns der Bericht im Raht ertheilt, 
wurden wir vast beschaftiget, wie die Find besser zu g'stellen, und 
bessere anstalten zu thun: Ungefehrt umsahe ich mich und erblickte 
6 oder 8 Stuck, in dem Hof, liederlich da ligen, ganz rostig und voller 
Sand, wahren meine Meinung, man solte 2 der kleinsten ausriisten, 
iibersenden und das fort mit beschiessen, hierauf wurde ich ausge- 
lacht, mir representierend, dass solches unmoglich iiber die Moser, 
Walder und graben zu bringen, mich aber erinnerd was mir H. Haubt- 
mann Gallard von St. Croix erzellt, wie er es angeben, vor einer Fest- 
ung in Flandern, welcher auch sein fortun gemacht, wurde jedes 
stlickli als auf einem Prancour 4 4 zwischen zwey pferten ordentlich 
geferget, das ubrige weiters angestelt, wie sich am besten geschickt, und 
ist wohl gelungen; dann da man die aprochen gemacht, und nur 2 
Schusz in der wilden fort gelassen, neben etlich wenig granaten so man 
getrachtet Einzubringen, erweckte dis eine solche Forcht unter den 
Wilden, die solches nie gehort und nicht gesehen, dass sie um einen 
Stillstand anhaltend, da wurde von unsren Obristen Officierern Kriegs 
Raht gehalten, was zu thun geschlossen, denn stillstand zu accordieren 
und trachten vortheilhaftigen Frieden zu machen, was dessen die 
Meiste Ursach wahren die gefangnen Christen, so sie noch von der 
ersten Massacre behalten, welche uns ruften dass so das fort in Sturm 
ubergieng, sie alle erbarmlich um das Leben kamen, ist also hierauf 
capituliert worden, mit Condition, dass vor allem aus die gefangenen 
solten losgelassen werden, welches auch geschachen. Da nun dieses 
vorbey und die unsrigen nacher Neu Bern geriickt, umb sich ein wenig 
zu erlaben, dan die Lebens-Mittel genauw und sparsam, dem Obrist 
Barnwell nicht nach Vergniigen entsprochen, so wurde er ungeduldig, 
dass man ihme nicht mehr Ehr und guts erwiesen, auch sein Volck 
gar schlecht proviantiert, desswegen Er auf expedient bedacht, wie sich 
wiederumb mit provit nach Slid Carolinam zu begeben und unter dem 
Vorwandt eines guten friedens lockete er eine gute anzahl der friind- 
licher Indianer oder wilden Caroliner, nahme bey Cor Toone sie ge- 
fangen, darzu seine Indianer Tributari ganz genigt, weilen von jedem 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Bern 141 

gefangenen ein Namhaftes sie zuverhofen, miechen sich also mit Ihrem 
lebendigen Raub nacher Haus, was er hiemit zu vor loblich ausge- 
richtet, ist durch diese action verschertzt worden; — 

Diese so unchristliche action habe die tibrigen Tascaruros und 
Carolinisch Indianer obwohlen sie Heyden vast erbittret, wie billich, 
so dass sie den Christen nicht mehr getrauwet, desswegen Sie noch 
vester verschanzet, und viel ravage in Neus and Bamtego Grafschaft 
oder Distrikt gethan, ja das Lestere erger als das erstere wurd. 
Welches uns bewogen starcke Klagten wider den Obristen Barnwell 
zu thun, und schrieben widerumb nach Slid Carolina fur Neuwe Hiilf, 
welche aber nicht so starck als die Erstere erfolget, doch langt bald 
nach eine zimlich Anzahl unter dem Commando Capitain Moore 
welcher sich besser verhielt: Nach dem man zusammen gezogen, was 
man aufbringeu konnte, ist man an dieses indianische Fort, bey Cate- 
chna oder Hancock Town gerahten, und ist solches endlich gliick- 
lich gestiirmet in brandt gesteckt und erobret worden. — 

Die Wilden hatten sich darinn unsaglich dapfer gehalten, so weit 
da man des forts meister, und Weib und Kind so unter der Erden, 
darin sambt Ihrer Provision verborgen, herausnemen wolten, die Ples- 
sierten wilden, am boden winselnd noch um sich schlugen, da wahren 
bey 200 so in einer redoute verbrant viel sonsten nidergemacht, so 
dass in allem bey 900 sambt Weib und Kindern Tod und gefangen. 
Von den unsrigen wahren auch viel plessierte, und etliche auf dem 
Platz geblieben. — 

Auf dieses hin hatten wir ruh, doch streiften noch etliche uber- 
bliebene hin und her, wahre nun zu thun wie fur das Konftige, von 
den tiberbliebenen benachbarten, uns in follige Sicherheit zu setzen, 
cedierten unterschiedliche Konige. N.B.: die Konige sind Eigenlich 
nur die Cheff einer gewissen quantitet wilden Indianern, doch ist es 
erblich, und stelt auf die Posteritet, mit denen wir conferierten, und 
es entlich zu einem Erwiinschtens Frieden brachten: Ist nun nicht 
das geringste mehr zu beforchten, weilen die Wilden, so hinder Vir- 
ginien und selbiger Provinz Tributari sind, des Friedens garandt, die 
tiberbliebenen Carolinischen Indianer, sind nun auch der Lords Prop: 
Tributary worden. — 

Indessen obwohlen im Friden, so wahren unsre armen Colonisten 
nicht gar wohl, sondern hin und her bey englischen oder Carolinischen 
Planters verstossen, andre miechen sich widerumb nach Neu Bern, 
alwo sie etwas Landes zu ihrer Nohtdurft bauweten, und Erlaubt ich 
ihnen, fur 2 jahr condition zu suchen, in Dienst zu eint und andern, 
vermoglichsten Caroll: Einwohnern zu gehen, um da ihr Subsistenz zu 
haben, und etwas fur zu sparen, damit sie hernach wiederumb auf 
ihre Lachen, oder Plantationen gehen konnten; Fiir diese Zwey Jahr 

142 North Carolina Historical Commission 

aber: Sollen sie von dem auferlegten Bodenzins frey seyn; H: Michel 
und den Bernern aber liess ich wiissen, dass ich nun nacher Virginien 
um die nohtigen anstalten zu thun, der Hofnung sie dorten besser als 
in Carolina zu setzen, mich auch H: Michel gegebenes wort Trostend, 
als gesinnt bey unserm vormahl gemachten Schluss zu verbleiben: zu 
mahlen mir unmoglich aus eigenen Kraften und Mittlen einer so de- 
labierten Colloney aufzuhelfen, und von Bern aus nicht nur schlechter 
Prospect, sonder gar kein Hoffnung einiger Assistenz gemacht worden. — 

Nahme hiermit meinen abscheid von H. Goub: und Raht; und 
mieche mich zu H: Goub: in Virginien, bey welchem ich erhielt, dass 
er wegen gefahrlichen Krieg Zeiten inbesonder mir der Capitain nur 
ein Krieg SchifT, meine Leuth zu begleiten, vergonnt, welches ein 
grosse und sonderbahre Gunst, fur einen particularen, hierauf wahre 
H: Michel avisiert, welcher dann bey einer Converentz auf den fron- 
tieren zwishen beyden H: Goub: H: Hide und Spotswood gehalten 
worden, sich auch einfunde, und da ward Zeit und Tag gesetzt, wann 
und wo Sie, in der Insul Caratuix in Carolina sich recontrieren solten : 
Ich indessen gienge weiter in Virginien gegen Potomaex und Marien- 
land zu, um alles paraht zu halten mit quartieren, Lebensmitlen und 

Das ohrt 4 5 wahre ohnweit den fahl von Portomaec bey einem Civ- 
ilischen, generosen und wohlhabenden H: Rosier genant auf mainen 
Landsitzen, alwo ein gewtisser H: Bart, neben andern H: von Pensil- 
vania mir entgegen kammen um auch zu sehen, wie es mit dem von 
H: Michel angegebenen Silbermine worm sie auch interessiert, und 
dess wegen viel Kosten gehabt, Ein bewantnus. Nachdeme wir nun in 
erwartung H: Michels und der Berneren so mit kommend, halten, 
wegen so langer Verzogerung und keinen Berichts, ungedultig wurden, 
auch in betrachtung H: Michels seltsamer Demarchen der Minen 
halber, gefassten gedanken, selbsten das ohrt laut gegebenen Plans zu 
besuchen, und die Wahrheit grundlich zu erfahren, rtisteten wir uns 
zu dieser Zwar gefahrlichen Reis, doch weilen diss im Sinn hatte zu 
thun, wann schon die iiberigen H: nicht waren angelangt: hatte ich 
per precaution von H: Goub: in Virginien, als deme mein dessin com- 
municiert, patenten erhalten, und war auch Ordre gegeben, dass auf 
erste avise ich von den nachst bestelten grenzenwachren, so viel 
nohtig erachtet, aufmannen konnte. Da wir nach Canarvest, ein 
uberaus schones ohrt, ungefehrt 4 Meilen oben fuhr dem fahl kamen, 
funden wir da einen Haufen Indianer und insbesonders Einen Frant- 
zosen Martin Chartier genannt, welcher mit einer Indianerin ver- 
heurahtet und darbey den wilden Indianern der Nation so Hinter 
Pensilvania und Marien Land in grossem Credit, auch auf angeben 
H. Michels Pensilvania verlassend, und sich da gesetzt, welcher hier 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of Xew Bern 143 

vor auch mit H. Michel die Minen aufzusuchen gegangen, viel Miih 
und Kosten gehabt, dieser wamet uns dass die Indianer selbiger 
gegne wo die Silber Minen zu seyn vermeinet, vast allarmiert von 
dem Krieg, so wir mit Tuscorussen Nation hatten, hiemit solten wir 
uns nicht ohne sonderbahre Noht, in solche gefahr zu setzen, wel- 
chem wir geglaubt, die Sach auf eine bequeme Zeit aufschiebend, in- 
dessen miechen wir einen Bund mit den Canavest Indianer als sehr 
nohtwendig, so wohl in ansehen der verhofenden Silber Mines, als 
auch unser kleinen Berner Colloney, so wir der Enden sezen wolten, 
besachen die trefliche Situation selbiger gegne Landes, wie auch ins- 
besonders die Charmante Insul der Potomac Revier ob dem Fahl, auf 
diese Stund bedauerend, dass dies Schone Land nicht bewohnen 
kann. — 

Von danen giengen weiters zuriick auf einen Berg den Hochsten der 
Enden, Sugarlowe genannt, als da hatte die Form eines Zucker Stocks, 
nahmen mit uns den Martin Chartier, einen Feltmesser hatten wir 
auch bey uns, und kamen noch Etliche Indianer mit uns, von dem 
Berg besahen wir eine uberaus grosse Seite Landes, Ein Theil Vir- 
ginien, Marienland, Pensilvanien und Carolina, bedienten uns des 
Compasses, miechen ein Plan, und observierten insbesonders den Berg, 
wo die Silber Minen sein solte, funden dass er hinder Virginien, ver- 
nahmen auch anbey von 2 Indianern, dass sie alles auf und urn den 
Berg aufgesucht, nicht aber das minste Zeichen von Mineralien ge- 
funden, und der Plan so uns gegeben worden, dem bericht nach ganz 
nicht respondiert, welches uns besturtzt. Was weiters desswegen be- 
schachen ohnnohtig hier zu erzellen, endeckten da, noch viel schoner 
Landes, und drey Ketten Bergen, eine allzeit hocher als die andere, da 
wir vom Berg hinunter, blieben wir bei Martin Charitier ubernacht, 
und kehrten den andern Tag wider nach H: Rosier quartier unter 
dem fahl, wo ich eine geraume Zeit verbleiben, der Hofnung da meine 
Leuth zu Empfahen, als denn abgeretet, die iibrigen Verreisten widrum, 
aber nicht gar verntigt, wegen dem Confusen plan, nacher Pensil- 
vanien. — 

Kein schoneren Sitz 4 6 glaube in der Welt zu seyn als dieser, welchen 
wir in zwey kleine Colloneyen abtheilen wolten, die Erste grad unter 
dem fahl, wo eine uberaus Lustige Insul von gutem Grand und 
gegeniiber an Einem Eggen, zwischen der Potomax Rivier und einer 
kleineren Gold Crec genannt; alles was aber, fur dem fahl hinunter 
oder hinauf willens zu empfahen. Und konnen die grossten Kauf Mann 
Schif dahinfahren, der andere Sitz, solte seyn bey Canarvest wie das 
Plan aufweist. Nach demme nun bey 2. Monath lang, nicht den min- 
sten Bericht, aus Carolina empfangen, kame entlich der hinckende 
Bot mit bosen Zeitungen, da mich H. Michel nur mit wortenberichtet 

144 North Carolina Historical Commission 

dass iiberbringer diss Zedelin, verlangte das Commando unserer Sloop 
zu haben, solte mit ihnen accordieren die Sloop nach deme Sie das 
Lang verlangte getreid entlich nacher Neus gebracht, Sie in der Zu- 
riickkunft auf einem Sand bank angefahren, seye in schlechter 
Condition sie bey heissem Wetter etwas wurmstichig worden:, Mangle 
Segel, Seil und anderst ausgeriistet zu werden, konne da nicht ab- 
kommen, solte mich Eilends nacher Carolinam begeben, und meldet 
nichts weiters, kein Meldung von Krieg Schif, so von Virginien uns 
entgegen geschickt, und was weiters in der langen Zeit vorgangen, 
dass ich halb vor ungedult verschmachtet und vergangen. — Solche 
widerwertige Zeitung und seltsamer bericht, bestiirzte mich der- 
gestalten, dass nicht wunder, wann ich von Sinnen kommen ware, 
nachdeme alle Anstalten und provision gemacht, Nun alles vergebens, 
sandte den Capitain, nicht gar vernugt zu seyn, dennoch mit ordre 
die Schif so gut als moglich auszuriisten, und das Eillends, weilen es 
doch nur einen kleinen Traject auf den Meerktisten hatte, Schriebe 
auch an H. Obrist Pollock als der da am besten versehen, weilen das 
Schif in der Provinzen dienst, dass man fur die Noht, das nohtwen- 
digste verschafen solte, mit verdeuten, ich wolte durch Virginien 
schon das tibrige machen, wurde aber alles auf den langen banck 
gezogen, wolt ich mein Sach befordret haben; Musst ich selbsten 
hingehen, da ich nun zu H: Goub: kame, funde ich ein ganz ander 
gesicht als vormahls, ganz Kalt, Indifrent und konnte dessen Ursach 
nicht errachten, Entlich half er mir aus meiner Bestiirzung, mir den- 
noch Ernstlich vorhaltend, ftir wem wir ihne ansehen, hatte verhofet, 
wir wurden seine friindlichkeit und Diensten besser Erkennen, ja solche 
nahmhafte Dienst, die nicht einem jeden particularen bald erwiesen 
worden, anstatt unsre Schuldige Dankbarkeit waren wir sehr Cava- 
lierisch gegen Ihne verfahren, wer im hochsten grad bestiirtzt, der war 
ich, excusierte mich, ich wiisste noch nicht was das alles bedeuten 
Solte, bate doch um Erlauterung, so brache H: Goub: aus, Ja, ja, Euwer 
schone, M : hat mich vast dargesetzt, Erzellet mir, wie das abgereter 
Maasen er, H. Goub: Ein Krieg Schif ausgesendt, unsres Sloop mit 
Volck abzuholen, und zu Convoieren, selbiges aber vor der Coratuex 
Insul bey 6. Tagen gewartet, entlich der Capitain ungetultig da er 
niemand sahe, sich herzumachen, sendte seinen kleinen Bargunen ans 
Land umb zu erfragen, ob von unsrer Slop mit Schweizeren nichts zu 
erfahren, wolt niemand das geringste darvon wissen, da er weiters zu 
einem Dorflin Little genandt, fuhr, vernahme er endlich dass M. M: 
zu Neu Bern und die Slop in einer schlechten Condition auf einem 
Sandbanck und nicht abkommen konnte. Nachdeme der Lieut: solche 
Zeitung vernommen, miech Er sich eilends zu seinem Haubtmann, 
welcher halb aus der Haut Sprung, dass er so amusiert und vergebens 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of iSTew Bern 145 

eine so gefahrliche Reis gethan, dann warm ein Sturm sich hatte 
mercken lassen, Er in das weite Meer hinaus miissen, und so es gegen 
das Land geblasen hatte, ware er in grosser gefahr gewesen, weilen 
der Enden das Wasser nicht Tief ist, also unmuhtig nacher Virgin- 
ien gekehrt. Da nun dieses alles angehoret, ward mir halb ohnmachtig 
von Vertruss und Scham dass ein soleher H: von deme so viel frund- 
lichkeit, Diensten, ja das Leben selbsten neehst Gott hatte, so dar- 
gesetzt: Fienge an mich best ends zu entschuldigen, respondierend, 
wie das ich selbsten vast dargesetzt, als alles schon auf Potomac be- 
stelt, sey im grossten Kummer wie mich aus einem solchen Labirint 
zuschwingen. Nachdeme nun H. Goub : mich zu Erlaben Einen Trunck 
anpresentiert, fieng Er mich zu bedauren an, dass ich mit einem 
solchen wunderlichen Kopf zu thun hatte, Riehte er mir seiner zu 

Nachdeme nun frundlich Tractiert, da ubernachtet, so mieche mich 
dess andern Tags, Eilends in Carolina, um die vorgemelte nohtige 
Anstalten zu thun, hatte auch an einem ohrt, Sagel und Cartag: 
Bestelt, um im fahl der Noht die Slop zu Montieren: da ich nun bey 
H. Goub: Hide in Carolina ankam, vernahme Ich erst recht griind- 
lich alien Handel, und weiss nicht was noch mehr unbeliebiges darzu, 
Schrieb alsbald H. M. zu, um mich der Bewantnus aller dingen zu 
berichten, wurde aber schlecht Satisfaciert, verlangte darauf er solte 
zu mir kommen, damit wir iiber Eint mid anders die nohtigen Men- 
suren nehmen konnten, war aber nicht zu erhalten, und mochte ich 
aus guten Ursachen nicht zu ihme gehen, so date anderwerts anstal- 
ten, hielte bey H: Goub: und Raht an, dass weilen die Sloop in der 
Provinz Diensten, so zugerichtet, seye nicht billichers als dass man 
mir sie im guten Stand widrum iibergebe: Welches auch gut befunden 
so hat man Einen der Sachen Verstandiger mann gesendt die Slop zu 
visitieren, und remitieren wurde aber mit Lebens-Mittlen und andrer 
Hiilf so schlecht versehen, dass er widerum zuriick kame, und zwar 
kranck weilen es im Heyssen Summer wahre, Er theilte auch den 
bericht dass die Schlop nicht lang halten konnte, weilen Sie durch den 
Sommer aus an der Hitz gelegen, von den Einwohnern beschadiget, 
und musste sie ganz Neuw Montiert werden, welches sie nicht wehrt. 
Hiemit iibergabe ich der provintz die Schloop, und wolte sie geschetzt 
haben, in dem wahrt und preis, da sie in Diensten kommen, ist mir 
aber bey weitem nicht zugesprochen worden, was ich verlangt, so dass 
ich den halbigen Theil daran verlieren mussen, ist aber noch nichts 
entrichtet so wenig als von der Kleinren./ 

Indessen wo hinaus mit meinen Leuthen, schriebe widerum H: M. 
beweglich zu, und verlangte eine Converentz, bey so schlipfrigen Con- 
juncten, insbesonders, da die Creditoren verlangten bezahlt zu seyn, 


146 North Carolina Historical Commission 

erfolgte kein Antwort, wohl aber vernahme dass der M. alles unter 
dem Vorwand Meine sachen zu salvieren, einpackten und nach Slid 
Carolina zu fahren gesinnet, auch etliche Pfelzer beret mit ihme dahin 
zu gehen, dieser nimmer Erwartete anschlag gefiel mir nicht, und 
ward ich gewarnet, meine Sachen in bessere Verwahrung zu thun, 
aber zu spaad, auf das hinweilen der Obrist Pollock, deme ich Eine 
Zimliche Summa zu thun Schuldig, fur vorgestreckte Provision der 
Coloney, Etwas verdacht fassete, wie billich, so ersucht ich Ihne alles 
authorisiert durch geschworene Manner zu inventarisieren, so wohl der 
Pfalzer restierende Mittel als meine, und so wahren sie in verwah- 
rung gethan, allein meine beste Sachen wahren fort. — 

Da ich nun reflectierte auf H. M. Conduite wie er alles so seltsam 
angestelt, wie er alle Interessierten amusiert und nichts verfolget, so 
traute nichts gutes, Schriebe ihme noch zur Letze einen Brief, ime 
sehr per relation, verdeutend, was ich von eint und andren ver- 
nohmen, als aber verwis, und so man Ihne in einichen Verdacht, er 
wahrhaftig selbsten die Ursach darzu gegeben, durch seine Con- 
duite, Tergiversationen und wanckelmuhtige VerEnderung wie dann 
solches besser ab apahrto mundlich zu erzellen, wie die Sachen nun 
seyn, in solcher extremitet miissten starke resolutions genommen wer- 
den, und seye apsolute nohtwendig das wir uns mundlich, gegen 
andren expectorieren und die letste Mensuren nehmen. Es seye per- 
riculum Mora, anstatt einer zusammenkunft Erhielte nichts als das 
unverschandeste Schreiben, so konnte erdenckt werden, glaube wohl 
sey froh gewesen einen pretext zu finden, Seinen Tiicken Eine Farb zu 
geben, und sich los zu machen. Von deme was er seinem angeben nach 
nicht ausfiihren konnte; hatte hier weitlaufige Mater j fiber sein unver- 
sprechliches Verf ahren, zu klagen : Seinen ansehnlichen Verwanten aber 
mehr als ihme zu verschonen, will ich mit Seufzen und Stillschweigen 
ubergehen. — 

Es wahren in diesem Brief so viellerley Sachen, die klar zeigten, 
dass ich und andere mehr Dubiert insbesonders eine das ermelter 
M: von einer neuwen Entreprisen gemeldet, als welcher er fast zu 
gelten miech, nemlich eine Colloney der Rivier Mesesipy 4 7 nach zu 
setzen, an welcher 3 Cronen Spanien, Frankreich und Engelland Pret: 
der Meinung es werde der Stand von Bern als Neutral diss land grad 
von diesen 3 Cronen erhalten: Kann mann aber liecht betrachten l. 48 / 
die Jalousie solcher machtiger Potentien, da keiner der andern Cedieren 
wiirde, 2./ die Unfahigkeit des standes von Bern als da kein Seemacht, 
Entferhnt Land zu Colonieren, so siehet man liecht dass wahrhaftig 
H. M. Sein Calcul nicht wohl betrachtend, und dass solche Sprung 
von Pensilvania in MarienLand von da in Virginien, weiters in Nord 
Carolina zu denen in Slid Carolina und Entlich auf Mesesipy, nicht 

Graffeneied: Account of the Founding of New Been 147 

passieren mogen. Der Schluss ist nun der Virginischen oder Marie- 
landischen Silber Mines halben, bald gemacht, dann ist da Etwas 
realisches, warumb darvon Abstrahieren und nach dem Golfe von 
Mexico zu gehn; die Haar stehen mir zu berg, warm betrachte wie 
viel famillien, dargesetzt, insbesonders _ . _ so viel famillien der 
Bergleuth die auf ein formalischen Tractat sich fondierend ihr Vater- 
land verlassen, mit grossen Kosten in Americam verreiset und nun 
dorten noch H. M. angetrofen, noch jemand der Ihnen angegebene 
Minen zeigte, ich muss nun von der vertriesslichen Matery aufhoren 
zu reden, sonst wurde mich so darin Vertiefen, dass fiir die iibrigen 
Sachen nicht Raum genug, clami Eigendlich diss nicht mein Vor- 

Komme wider auf meine Carolinische relation, nach deme nun auf- 
gemeltes referirt wie wenig assistenz von Bern aus zu gewarten, Ein 
Wachselbrief liber den andern, protestiert wahre mir obgelegen, was 
fiir experient in solcher dringender Noht zu ergreifen, dennoch hatte 
noch keine Gedancken in Europam zu gehen, weilen bey H: Goub: 
Hide noch Zwey Negers Sclaven, die mir zugehorten wahren, trach- 
teten solche mit mir zu nemen, in gedanken mich derer zu bedienen 
bey Kanavest bey welchen Indianern, mich retirieren wolte, und nach 
und nach von den Collonisten, aus Carolina nach hier vorgemelten an- 
schlag dahin zu ziechen welche auch ein grosses verlangen, darzu 
Erzeigten: allein H: Goub: Hide, hielte mich so lang auf, weilen der 
Frieden mit den Indianern noch nicht genzlich: rattificiert, welchen 
Schluss er auch absolute haben wo It, dass Einer meiner Creditoren 
Eine Invention erfunden, Subtiler weis auf diese Negers zu wachen, 
dass sie nicht fortkommen konnten. — 

Indessen wurden wir von der grossen Hitz und ohne Zweifel weilen 
wir so viel Pfersich und apfel gegessen alle in H: Goub: krank, so dass 
auch Endlich H: Goub: In wenig Tagen gestorben, welches mir viel 
geschatt, da Er mein sehr guter Fnind, dieser Tod brachte seine ehl. 
Liebste Made: Hide schier in Desperation und hielte sie mit heissen 
Tranen bey mir an, ich solte sie in einer so traurigen Conjunctur nicht 
verlassen, sondern bey ihr bleiben, bis die Sachen, theils wegen des 
Gouv: in Pdchtigkeit, theils mit ihren wegen ihrer Verstorbenen H: 
Pretentionen mid restanzen alles geschlichtet : mir weiters representieren 
dass dem rang und gesezen nach, als Landgrafen das Presidium mir 
gebuhrte, und dass sie lestlich zu Londen bey des Lord propriet: ver- 
spiirt dass so vacants, sie mir das Gouvern: anvertrauwen wurden, 
bedankte mich dessen hofiich, gab Ihr aber andre grund vor, welche 
mich solches anzunehmen, abhielten, das bedeutete dass noch ein 
paar Wochen da verbleiben wolte, und mein bestes beytragen, Ihre 
Sachen richtig zu machen, da doch meine eben so pressierten. — 

148 North Carolina Historical Commission 

Nach der Begrabnus kame Obrist Pollock der Elteste des Rahts, 
sambt iibrigen Richtern zu mir, und Ersuchten mich das Presidium 
anzunehmen, welches aber ausschlug, aus vielen wichtigen Griinden, 
vorgebend H: Obrist Pollock als der Elteste in Jahren und auch im 
Raht, solte solches annehmen, Seye ihme die Sachen der Provintz 
auch besser bekannt als mir der da ganz frembd in diesen Landen, 
welches nach vielen Complimenten Er Entlich angenommen. — 

Indessen wurde von diesem Alles die Lord proprietet berichtet, gabe 
von weitem zu verstehn, dass so mir das Gouvern: angetragen, ich es 
nicht ausschlagen wurde: wolte aber darfur nicht anhalten, dieses 
wahr ohne einiches bedenken, wie schon berichtet, gut befunden 
weilen aber bekannt dass ich in Carolina vast in Schulden, und schon 
etliche Wexel protestiert, so wurde inngehalten, bericht von Bern aus 
erwartend, : da dann ich geschrieben, ob Hofnung einicher Bezahlung, 
denne ist auch brauchlich, dass die Pretendenten persohnlich sich in 
solchen Conjuncturen stellen, also wurde verzogen, 6 ganze Monath, 
bis ein Goub: bestelt wurde: Da doch zu Londen sich etliche hervor- 
gethan, und grad dieser jetzige Goub: Eden wurde Entlich schier 
ungedultig, so da noch von Bern Bericht noch meiner persohn zu Londen 
angelanget, sind Endlich die Lord propriet: zu Wahl geschritten, und 
haben obigen H: Eden Erwehlt, welchen ich noch zu Londen ange- 
trofen und besprochen, ja ihme mein Interesse so wohl als der Coloney 
bestends anrecommandiert, zu welchen Er seine officia Sinceriter ver- 
sprochen, ist ihme auch von den Lord Propriet: selbsten anbefohlen 
worden, Intransiter vermelde, dass da ich zu Londen lestlich ange- 
langt, und mich bey H: Collector Chevalier Baronet auch Lord Pro- 
priet: als meinen Special guten frund aufgehalten, 8 Tag bey ihme 
auf seinem Landgute 8 Meil von Londen verbleiben, er mir beim 
ersten anblick, sein transport bezeuget, dass, ware ich nur ein Monath 
Eher angelangt, ich nun Goub: Inn Carolina sein wurde, welches mich 
aber minder als Ihne verdrossen, weilen mir leyder wohl bewusst, dass 
zu Bern keine Disposition meine Schulden zu bezahlen, noch weder 
von den meinigen noch von den Propriet: die da von so vielen, wider- 
wertigkeiten Deguragiert. — 

Nun bin ich schier nach Londen anstatt nach Virginien kommen, 
fahre fort wo ich geblieben, wenig tag zuvor Eh ich von der Fr: Goub: 
Hide abscheid genommen, liess ich durch meinen Knecht in geheim der 
Negers anzeigen, sie solten sich in der Stille liber die Rivier des Nachts 
machen, und driiben meiner Erwarten, mit mir in Virginien zu gehen, 
worzu sie ganz freudig, dann sie da hart tractiert, weis aber nicht wie 
sie es angestelt, jemand bekame Luft darvon, und wurden arrestiert, 
so musste ich Sie dahinden lassen, und wurde hierbey der Compass 
gantz verrlickt, darauf nahme alsobald abscheid, mir selbsten nicht 

Graffenkied: Account of the Founding of New Been 149 

trauend, und kame zu H: Goub: Spotswood in Virginien welchem alle 
dise widerwertigkeiten Erzellet, Er mich heftig bedauerte, weillen aber 
an mein rendevous mit H. Bard auf der Potemack rivier gedachten, 
so hielte mich nicht lange zu Viliams Burg auf, sondren miech ich mich 
auf den weg Marienland, der Meinung ihne bey H. Rossier bey dem 
fahl anzutrefen, und da einen Schluss als Mitt Interesierten zu fassen, 
Eilte hiermit so stark ich konnte, da ich aber bey MarienLand 
point eine fahrt mit meinen Pferdten iiber die rivier wolte, hinderte 
mich Ein starker Wind, so bald der Wind nachliess fuhr ich hiniiber 
und mieche mich dem fahl zu, wolte aber nicht das ungluck dass wo 
ich bey H: Rosiers Haus angelangt, noch den H. noch die Fr: dess 
Hauses noch H. Bart antrefe, die zwey erstren wahren eine ganze 
Tag Reis weit zu ihren Verwandten Visits und H. Bart, wahre just 
den Tag zuvor verreisst, mich in Virginien vermeind anzutrefen,: ich 
alsobald obwohl mud von einer langen Reis, nahme nur Etwas Speis 
und einen Trunck in der Eyl, reisete im Sprung zuruck, so dass 
meine Pferdt zu starck geritten wahren, gezwung en einen Tag Ehe wir 
zu Villiams Burg ankamen, zu Fuss zu gehen, so bald da angelangt be- 
fragten mich ob H: Bart vorhanden, Erfuhr aber dass er zu Hamton 
dem Ersten Virginichen Seeport wahre, sandte alsbald meinen Knecht 
mit einem lamen Pferdt dahin, welcher ihne auch nicht mehr an- 
traf, dessen Ursach war, weilen H. Bart da ungefahrt Ein Krieg 
Schif fertig nacher Neuw jorck zu seglen, antraf, und dessen Cap- 
itain sein guter Friind sich gern dieser Gelegenheit zu seiner Riickreis 
bediente, nachdeme er sich meiner und der Colloney Sachen Innvor- 
miert, vernommen, dass H. Goub: Hide gestorben, meine Sache alle 
denn Krebgang gewunnen, mir einen Brief hinderlassen, welchen auch 
Niemahlen Empfangen, ist er auf Neuw Yorck verreist, welches 
ohnweit von Bartington einem schonen Flecken, auf die Holendische 
Manier gebauwen, Ein Grenzohrt zwischen Neuwjork und Pensilvan- 
ien wo er sich meistends aufhielt, da war ich aber neben ab, dann 
dieser mein letste ressource war, weillen Er ein Verstandiger Er- 
fahrner und aufrichtiger Kaufmann wahre, Ein Gascon de Nation, 
welches mich verwundert, dass er als ein listiger Mann, M: M: soviel 
vertrauwet und fiirgestreckt, gedachte es ware noch etwas an der 
Sach der Silber Minen halben, und ware die minste aparentz da ge- 
wesen Einicher realitet, hatte mich noch gelitten. — 

Was nun zu thun, so ich liecht etwas gehabt, das mich zu Cana- 
vest hatte setzen konnen, so wir demnach zu weit gegangen, anstatt 
zu H: Goub: Spotswood, gienge zu einem bekannten particular 
friind, wolt noch Einen Sach thun, 4 9 sandte meinen Knecht in Caro- 
lina, theils zu vernehmen er hatte sich etwas anders besinnt, theils zu 
vernemen, was er eiggendlich fur ein Routen genomen, Item 5 ° zu 

150 North Carolina Historical Commission 

sehen ob villicht die Negers entrimen, in solchem fahl so ich Sie be- 
kommen konnte, hatte noch zu Canavest etwas ausrichten Konnen, 
dan sie nur Korn pflanzen konnen, und zu etwas wenix Vich Achtung 
gegeben, Es kam aber mein Knecht unverrichteter Sachen zuriick, 
doch wurde Ihme angesagt, dass wan ich meinen Berner Colonisten, 
und etwelchen Erlichen Pfalzern, eine Schlop oder grosse Barquen, mit 
Provision senden wolte, sie willens zu mir zu kommen, getrostete 
mich noch zu Erhalten mit den Bergwercken, so mit H: Goub: 
Spotswood hatte. — 

Auf diesen bericht schriebe ich an Obrist Fitzhugh, ein richer mann 
Koniglich. Rahts und mein bester frund, welcher mit dieser Neuwen 
Colloney gern einstehen wolte mit officieren, des nohtwendigen proviant 
und andren Hiilf Mittlen, da ich nun streng an dieser Arbeit, ver- 
meinend ich hatte da ein loch gefunden, auszuschleuffen, wurde ich 
gewarnet. Ein Virginischer Kaufmann, der einen Carolinischen Ein- 
wohner auf meine Wexel Brief wahren verkauft, wolte auf den pro- 
testierten Wexel mich arretieren lassen, und ward der arrest wurklich 
in dem Haus wo mich aufhielte angelegt, ich aber verbarg mich, 
hierauf gieng ich bey guten Friinden zu Raht, erfragte ob zu Canevest 
ich vor den Creditoren sicher ware, oder an andren orten America 
wurde mir zur antwort an keinem ohrt, dann warm ich schon unter 
den Indianern ich vermittlest der Indianischen Handlern, oder Nego- 
cianten Entdeckt wurde, da stunde ich aber an, so dass keine ressource 
in america fur mich zu finden, Es ware dann sach, dass hofnung gelter 
von Bern aufzubekommen, oder funden Neuwe associerten, deren 
wohl zu finden gewessen, wolten aber mit den alten Schulden nicht zu 
thun haben./ 

Warm aber refectiert auf etliche Briefen die ich empfangen, welche 
mich wenig Satisfactierten, verfiigte mich ganz verniinftig zu H: 
Goub: Spotswood, nacher Viliamsburg sein residentz ohrt, warf ihme 
meine Fatalitaten gleich einer Handvoll oblige oder mit diesen Worten, 
Mon. Le Gouv: Je suis tenement: Nachdeme nun die Zeit in acht 
genommen, dass er in guter Humor und mtissig, fragte ob gelegen- 
heit, mir audientz zu ertheilen, und das Zwar eine Lange, worauf er 
Ein wenig lachte, und bekame von diesem generosen H: ein gantz 
gunstig Verhor, nach deme nun meine Ungluckafftige avantiere er- 
zellt, wie auch dass man mich arrestieren wollen, so bezeugte H : Goub : 
hiertiber ein hertzliches Mitleiden, sich verwundrend, dass man 
mich so im Stich liess, insbesonders die Societet, wusste nichts bessres 
zu rahten, als mich in Europam zu begeben, offerrierte mir eine rec- 
ommandation an Einen guten Frund, der procurieren solt, dass der 
Graf Orknay der Konigin fur mich ein Sublication presentieren wurde, 
dene solt ich nacher Bern meiner Societet alles kreftig vorstellen und 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of New Bern 151 

die gelter zur Bezahlimg der Wexelbrieffen Solicitieren. Diesen Raht 
communicierte etlichen meiner besten friinden, welche auch mitstimm- 
ten. — 

Weilen aber der Winter anbrach, und zu diesen Zeiten keine Schif in 
Europam Segleten, hielte mich den Winter durch, welcher dorten 
nicht so lang wahret, bey einem guten friind, und weilen doch ungern 
in Europam widrum gieng, viel minder nacher Haus, so thate ich alle 
diese Zeit unaufhorlich bitten, dass der allmachtige Gott, mir in Sinn 
geben wolte, was in einem so schlipfrigen geschaft thun solte, dass er es 
alles nach seinem heiligen Willen leiten wolle, damit inskonftig mehr 
segen in meinem Vornemen hatte, ich also eine solche resolution nemen 
mochte, welche meiner seelen am Erspriesslichsten sejoi wiirde, dann 
wann nichts andres gesucht als nun mich die Zeit meines Lebens zur 
Nohtdurft durchzubringen, hatte noch wohl experient gefunden allein 
die Coloney zu verlassen, mieche mir auch Gedanken: wan be- 
trachtet was ich Gott schuldig, insbesonders fur eine sonderbahre 
erlosung und wie mir alles so fatal und wiclrig gienge so konnte ich 
schier errachten, dass es Gottes willen nicht wahre, dass ich langer 
in diesen Landen verbliebe, und da kein guter Stern fiir mich schien, 
so nahm ich Endlich die resolution fortzureisen. 

Mich trostend dass meine Colonisten villicht besser unter diesen 
Carolineren vortkommen, als die inen zur Zeit besser helfen konnten 
als ich, hiemit desshalb keine grosse Versprechung auf mir hatte, dann 
was ich thate wahre nicht der Meinung sie gentzlich zu verlassen, da 
doch mir ihrer ein grosser Theil Ursach gnug darzu gegeben, sondern 
im f ahl bey Ihr Koniglichen Ma3 7 esteht von Engelland giinst : audientz, 
zu Bern auch mehrere assistenz, so konnte dann mit freuden und 
Nutzen widrum zu ihnen kommen. — 

Wahre ich aber in dieser Negotiation auch ungluckaftig so musste 
ich wohl Gott diese Coloney und den Lord propr: anbefehlen, und 
mich in meinem Vaterland still halt en, die tibrige Zeit meines Lebens 
da Verschliessen in bereuwung der Verlohrnen Zeit, Einer wahren 
Demiithigung und aufrichtiger bekehrung in betrachtung, dass die 
Siinden meiner jugend mir diss ungluck als zuwegen gebracht, obwohlen 
diese Ztichtigung, alle der Menschlichen Natur hart, dennoch nicht so 
scharpf, wie ich es wohl verdient hatte: Solt mir nun obligen alle welt- 
liche mid Eitele Sorgen zu verlassen, hingegen mehrere Vorsorgend fur 
meine arme Seel zu thun, darzu mir Gott die gnad geben wolle. — 

NB. habe hiervor von dieser Coloney gemelt, wann ich sie schon 
verlassen, und sie so viel Ungluck uberfallen, haben Sie solches selb- 
sten auf sie gezogen, 1./ wahren Sie, will sagen die meisten abtrunnig 
von Ihrer rechtmassigen Oberkeit, was sie gegen diesen gethan, thaten 
sie hernach auch mir, da der halbe Theil in der grossen Noht sich von 

152 North Carolina Historical Commission 

mir gezogen: Item wahren Sie Gottloos Volck dass nicht zu verwun- 
dren, warm der allmachtige Sie mit Heyden hat heimgesucht, dann Sie 
Erger Lebten als die Heyden, mid so ich gewusst, was diese Leuth 
wahren, Berner so wohl als die Pfaltzer, hatte mich Ihr wohl nicht 
angenommen; Von Pfaltzeren gedachte das boste auszulassen, wie es 
der apparentz nach schiene, was die gewesen, so auf dem meer und eh 
ich in americam kommen, gestorben, ist mir unbewusst, von denen aber 
die ich noch angetrofen, darunter etliche Verloffene Schweitzer under 
Pfalzer nahmen, Erf und ich Sie meistends Gottlose aufruhrische Leuth, 
darunter Morder, Dieben, Ehebrecher, Flucher und Lesterer, was im- 
mer ich fur Sorg und Miihj anwendte sie in gebiihr zu halten, es hulfen 
noch kreftige Vermahnung noch treuwung, noch Strafen, was ich mit 
ihnen ausgestanden, das weiss Gott, unter den Bernern wahren Zwey 
Haushaltungen, welche wohl die excrementz dess ganzen Berngebiets, 
ein Gottloser Gesind hab ich nie gesehen noch erfahren, und da die 
Frommen sturben, blieben diese als das Unkraut liber, so nicht bald 
verdirbt. — 

Das schone und gute Land durte mich mehr zu verlassen als so 
ein boses Volck,: doch wahren etlich wenig fromme Leuth, die sich 
wohl gehalten, mir lieb wahren, denen wtinschet dass es ihnen wohl 
gehe, der H. bekehre die iibrigen. Es wahre nun zu thun wie meine 
Reis fortzunehmen, per Wasser oder Land, per Wasser konnt es nicht 
geschachen, weilen kein Schif Capitain einiche persohn bey Verlusst 
einer Summa annehmen darf , die in Schulden und nicht im Vermogen 
mit den Creditoren abzuschafen, so musste es per Land geschachen, 
welches eine lange Reis, und worzu ich kein Gelt hatte, etwas Silber- 
geschirr, so ich noch behalten, musste ich zu gelte machen. — 

Indessen schrieb ich briefen an die Coloney, ihnen mein und ihren 
klaglichen Zustand representierend, und wie nohtig meine Reis, sendte 
zugleich auch Schreiben an die H. Presidenten des Rahts, ihnen auch 
meine Grtind vorstellend, und recommendierte bestends die Ver- 
lassene, und Delaprierte Coloney. — 

Nachdeme nun meinen Abschied von H. Goub: Spootswood genom- 
men, der mich zur Letze wohl regaliert, und fur mein present, das ich 
ihme zu Einem kleinen Zeichen meiner schuldigen Dankbarkeit iiber- 
reicht, mir an gold ein gegen present thate, welches meines gar weit 
tibertraf, ring ich meine Reys mit des allerhochsten beystand, grad auf 
ostren 1713 an, per Land durchzoge schier gantz Virginien, ganz 
Marienland, Pensilvaniam, Jersey, und kam entlich zu Neuw York, 
Gott sey Danck glucklich an, welches Eine auf die Holandische Manier 
wohl gebauwte schone Statt auf einer Insul einer seits an einem schonen 
Seehafen, und Zwischen Zweyen Schifbahren rivieren die Situation 
uberaus wohl gelegen, mit einem Vesten Schloss und ist die Landschaft 

Gkaffenried: Account of the Founding of New Been 153 

daherum Charmant, in der Statt sind 3 Kirchen, ein Englische, ein 
frantzosische, und Holendische, in welcher auf teusch gebrediget 
wirdt, da ist aller iiberfmss und kann man da haben, was man begehrt, 
die besten Fisch, gut Fleisch, getreidt und allerley Erdgewachs, gut 
bier und allerley der kostlichsten Weine. — 

In diesem so lustigen ohrt, blieb ich 10 oder 12 Tag, hernacher 
Seglete ich in einer Slopp nach Engelland, muss bekennen, dass an- 
fangs mich forchtete, in einem so kleinen Schif, iiber den grossen 
Occeanum zu fahren, weilen ich aber vertrostet es ware in so kleinem 
minder gefahr, indem Sie l./der Seglen in Sturmen besser meister 
seyen, 2./ dass es besser und geschwinder fort kombt, 3./ waglet 
minder als die grossen, 4./bequemer Ein und auszuladen, und in der 
Handlung Niitzlich, indem ein solch Schif Zwey Reysen thut, da der 
grossen nur Eine 6 1 ./ 

Obwohlen wir das Ungltick hatten, dass meistends Widerwind 
bliesen, und ofterns starcke Sturm, so langten wir dennoch Gott sey 
Dank zu End 6 Wochen zu Bristoll glucklich an: Diese Statt kann 
wegen bequemer zufuhr wegen ihrer grosse, grosser Handlung, Reich- 
turn an Volck oder Einwohnern und gelt, wohl das kleine Londen 
genennt werden; Da Ruhete ich etliche tag aus und mieche mich zu 
Pferdt, weilen es in der Land-Gutschen unsicher wahre in guter 
Gesellschaft nach Londen, allwo ich mich etlich Monath aufgehalten, 
der Hofnung ich wurde etwan meine Suplication bey der Konigin Anna 
durch den Hertzog Beaufort als meinem H: Patron, der der Erste 
Lord Propp: und Palatinus von Carolina war, eine kleine Zeit aber 
zuvor, da Er willig meine Suplication der Konigin vorzutragen, hat 
ihne einsmahls der gehe Tod tiberfallen, aber ein streich meiner un- 
gunstigen fortun, bald hernach sturbe die Konigin selbst, : so geschache 
solche nahmhafte Endrung am Englischen Hoof, dass meine Suplica- 
tion unter den Tisch gemust, wie ich fur eine lange Zeit kein Hofnung 
sahe, zu Einicher favor an diesem Neuwen Hof; obwohlen doch zu 
seiner Zeit apparentz, es wurde der Neuwe Konig als Teuscher Na- 
tion, diesem Geschaft geneigt seyn, weilen die Winters Zeit beschwer- 
lich zum reisen, und ich zu Londen nichts ausrichten. Kann unter- 
dessen nicht ubergehen zu erzellen, dass wie ich zu Londen angelanget 
mit Bestlirtzung vernommen, wie dass der Berg Haubtmann J. Justus 
Allbrecht mit etlichen 40. Bergleuthen angelangt, welches mir nicht 
wenig Miihj, Sorg, Verdruss und Kosten verursachet: Indemme diese 
Leuth so blinderweis ohne ordre daherkommen vermeinend da alles 
Nohtwendige zu ihrer Erhaltung und Verschaffung nach den Ameri- 
canischen Bergwercken zu finden. Es wahre aber nichts fur sie vur- 
handen, und ward ich selbst so lehr an gelt, dass kaum ich fur meine 
Nohtdurft bekommen konnte. Indeme aus America kein Gelt ver- 

154 North Carolina Historical Commission 

blieben und zu Londen kein wexel noch fiir mich Vermacht, so dass 
mir unmoglich ein so menge Leuth zu assistieren: was dis mir fiir ein 
unertraglicher last ist wohl zu dencken, in dem Sie Vermeinten, dass 
Lauth habender Tractats ich schuldig sie zu versorgen, welche zwar also 
auf meinen Befelch kommen wahren, hatte aber aus America ge- 
schrieben, und das ofters sie etliche Brief en empfangen, dass nem- 
lich der Berghaubtmann Justus Allbrecht mit seinem Gesind nicht 
kommen solte bis auf meine ordres, mit verdeuten dass wegen en- 
standenen Unruhen in Carolina und Indianischen Kriegs mit den 
Bergwercken nichts zu thun, solche von H: Michel auch noch nicht 
gezeigt, so aber H. Berghaubtmann, in einen weg kommen wolte nur 
selbst ander oder dritt, um den Augenschein zu Nehmen. Dieseraber 
ist unbedachter weis in Einen weg fortgefahren, — Was nun zu thun, 
wusste nichts besser als diese Leuth wiederumb zuriick nacher Haus 
weisen, welches aber ihnen so unbeschwerlich viel dass sie lieber sich 
fiir 4. jahr lang zu Knechten in America verdingen wolten, als zu- 
riickgehen, indessen war kein Schif fertig in America zu Saglen, mussten 
sie den ganzen Winter durch bis im Friihling zu Londen sich aufhalten, 
woraus aber leben, diss mieche mir viel Miihj 5 2 , Endlich lof ich zu 
einem und andren grossen H: um ihnen Arbeit und Brodt zu procurie- 
ren: theilen fund ich platz andren nicht, unterdessen ward ich pressiert 
nacher Haus zu gehen; fund zu Letst Zwey virginische vorneme Kauf 
H: denen die Sachen bestends vorstellte, und recommandierte mich 
hierbey berathen mit H : Obrist Blanckistone an welchem von H : Goub : 
von Virginien recommandiert eben von wegen den Bergwerck, damit 
seine Officien fiir mich bey hof leisten solten, ward hieriiber resultat 
dass diese Leuth Ihr Gelt zusammenschossen nach proportion dessen 
Rechnung zu tragen, das iibrige solte einiger obigen Kaufh: darschies- 
sen, den Transport und Zehrung dieser Leuthen auszumachen, bey 
Ihrer anlandung solte H. Goub: von Virginien sie annehmen und 
versorgen den Schif Capitain auszahlen, welcher dann den Londischen 
Kaufh: ihr vorgestrecktes restituiren solte. darzu schrieb ich einen 
umbstandlichen Brief, an H. Goub: Spotswood, deme eint und anders 
bestends representierten, mit verdeuten, dass sie die kleine Coloney/: 
auf dem Land in Virginien so wir zusammen hatten:/ ohnweit dem 
ohrt wo Mineralia gefunden, und anscheint Mines vermuhtet, solten 
Destiniert seyn, wo sie sich durch die weisen anstalt und gutes fiir- 
sorg H: Goub; setzen konnten, indessen wo da nicht gnugsame Indicia 
zu Silber Mine, anderwehrts zu sehen, und weilen doch in Virginien 
noch Eisen, noch Kupfer Schmelze vorhanden, an solchen Mineralia 
doch alle fiille, konnte man bey diesen anfangen, und brauchten wir 
darzu kein Konigliche Patenten wie zu den SilberMines, der Hofnung, 
dieses wurde angehen, befahl ich diese guten Bergleuth der Obsorg 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of ]STew Bern 155 

dess allerhochsten, so verreisten sie anfangs Jahr 1714. Nun ist ein 
ganzes jar verflossen, dass noch von H. Goub: noch von Ihnen kein 
Bericht empfangen, desswegen in grossen Sorgen stehe. — 

Es scheint dass nun meine americanische Traverses zu End ge- 
kommen, allein eben der Ungliick stern so mich aus meinem Vaterland 
gefiihrt, begleitete mich bis nacher Haus: — ■ 

Aus forcht es wurden meine americanischen Creditoren deme der 
allerscharsften einer zu allem Ungliick zu Londen befunden, anstalten 
thun, dass man bey dem Meerport mich erfragen und arretieren sollte, 
nahm ich die resolution anstatt der gemeinen Routen Douvre oder 
Harwich zu nehmen, in einem kleinen Fahrzeug so nacher St. Valerio 
destiniert, und meine Reis nacher Haus als kiirzer und sicherer zu 
thun. Der Tag ward angesetzt: Weilen ich aber kein passport nemen 
dorfte aus forcht ich wurde entdeckt, rahtete mir der 5 3 welchem 
meine Sachen vertrauen musste, doch unter einem andren Nahmen in 
Einem kleinen Schiflein nacher Gravesand zu fahren, und er mieche 
sich auch fertig. Da ich ungefehrt halben wex wahre, Sturmte ein sol- 
cher starker Widerwind daher, dass ich gezwungen ans Land zu fahren 
und zu Fuess nacher Gravesand zu gehen, wo ich tibernacht, und 
noch einen ganzen Tag, weilen kostlich zu zehren, nicht wiissend wie 
lange dieser Contrare Wind anhalten wurde, neben das erst betrach- 
tend, dass diss auch ein port, nahme den Weg wieder nach Londen, 
wo mein Schifpatron noch nicht fertig war, auf bessern Wind war- 
tend, ich aber verbliebe in Southwick innerhalb der Terns bis auf ordre, 
da er abgestossen, ward ich gewarnet nachzufahren, und trate noch 
bey Greenwich ins Schif, zu Gravesand liesse mich der Schifpatron 
aussert der Statt jenseits aus und solte ich da warten, bis er angebend 
und visitiert, ohngeachtet dem visitatoren gesagt, meine Coffre ge- 
horten einem Edelmann von St. Valerio, Er konne bezeugen, es 
waren nur Kleider und Hardes wolten Sie nicht daran kommen: So 
sendte er mir Eilends einen Jungen mir anzuzeigen, ich musste meine 
Coffre aufthun, wurde mir aber bey diesem nicht geheim, doch hielte 
ich bonne Mine, Sprach frantzosisch, nahm allsobald mein Schlussli 
sambt einer Englischen Cronen, und gabe die dem Commissarius, mit 
Bitt, er solte meine Kleider als die da gar wohl Eingepackt nicht 
vast vieggen, das passierte zu allem Gliick, so sie meine Schriften 
erdauret, ware ich entdeckt und in gefahr kommen. — ■ 

Nachdeme diss vorbey fuhren wir fort; da wir aber schier zu der 
embouchure der Rivier bey einem Seeport Margeth genannt, er- 
wecket sich ein erschracklicher Sturm, mit Donnern und blitzen, dass 
wir in grosser gefahr, und konnten wir die Nacht clurch den ancker 
kaum behalten, den Tag hernach da sich der Windt gelegt, Segleten 
wir fort, und da wir auf dem Meere wahren, dass wir mit grosser Noth 

156 North Carolina Historical Commission 

zuriick an ein ander Seeport fahren, gezwungen, Ramsey genannt, 
wahren die Leuth aus dem Stettli und ein haufen Matrosen, so sich 
da befunden, uns nicht zu Hulf komen, waren wir zu grund gangen, 
da mussten wir 8 ganzer Tag wegen Widerwind und unsere verrissene 
Seegel und andre Sachen, zuzuriisten verbleiben, welches mir, der nur 
bloss gelt fur meine Reys nacher Paris hatte, Schwar ankommen, da 
sich der Wind um etwas gelegt fuhren wir aus, wurden zum andren 
mahl zuriickgetrieben. Entlich Endert sich der Wind Nordost, welcher 
uns gunstig, da ruckten wir vor Dover, abermahl enderten sich die 
Wind, so dass diese Reys mir mehr uberlegen als da ich zweymahl 
iiber den occeanum gefahren, brachten anstatt 3 Tagen die ganze 
wochen zu, nach St. Valerio zu kommen, und ist da eine so gefahr- 
liche Zufahrt, dass ohne guides die uns entgegen fahren, und fortge- 
holfen, wir niemahlen in selbigen hafen kommen waren, von dar 
kam ich die Rivier hinauf nacher aberville von wannen ich in der 
Land-Gutschen nacher Paris, von dar auf Lion bis zum fort de Cluse 
wo mich der Commandant aufgehalten, weilen kein passport hatte, 
da doch mir nach Eydmass in gantz Frankreich, keines gefordret. 
Hatte ich nicht ungefehrt mein Amts Patenten von Yferten in meiner 
Coffre gehabt, und furgewiesen, erzellend wie das sich mit H. Bernern 
gute Nachbahrschaft gehalten, dessen auch etliche nahmhafte Urn- 
stand geben, hatte ich da bleiben mussen, bis einen Schein von Bern 
bekommen, so reiste ich fort auf Genf, von da auf unser Reb Gut zu 
Salatz bey Vevay wo ich lauth geschriebenen berichts meine famillien 
gedachte anzutreffen, ja gar zu verbleiben, alles war zuvor 8 Tag 
nacher Bern gereist, so musste ich auch dahin, zwar mit grosstem 
unwillen, langte Gott sey Danck auf Martyny 1714 gesund an und 
trafe auch zu Haus alles in gutem Stand an. — 

Aber ach was vor Enderung inder Statt wie ich alles gefunden, wie 
kalt die alten Friind, was stolz und hochmiithig bey vielen, und was 
weiter ist Verdriesslich zu melden, dass boste war, dass wo ich ver- 
meint Souccours zu finden, meine Delapierte Coloney zu restituiren 
theils abgewiesen, theils sonsten nicht zu recht kommen 5 4 kann, so 
dass gezwungen aus Mangel an assistenz insbesonders von meiner So- 
cietet, welche mich im Stich lasste die Coloney zu abandonieren, 
welches zu bedauren. — 

Indeme nun andre im triiben Wasser fischen werden und profitieren 
von dem was mit grossen Kosten, gefahr, Muhj, Sorg und Vertruss zu 
wegen gebracht. Dann die Sachen nun in Carolina in einem guten 
Stand, das Gouvernement besser eingerichtet, die wilden Indianer 
ausgereutet, Ein guter frieden gemacht, fornembsten Dificulteten aus 
dem weg geraumbt, das bequemste ohrt der Coloney gesaubret, hiemit 
gesunder und mit Einwohnern besetzt: So dass die Nachkommen Es 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Bern 157 

weit besser finden werden, als wie dann alle anfang schwar sind, thut 
mir im Herzen weeh ein solch gut und schon Land zu verlassen, allwo 
in so schoner prospect mit der Zeit procurieren und die Coloney in 
Ein Nahmhaftes aufzubringen., — 

Weilen die fortun in dieser Welt mir nicht gtinstiger seyn wollen, 
nichts bessres ist als zu verlassen alles was der Welt ist, und die 
schatz suchen, die im Himmel, welche die Schaben noch der Rost f res- 
sen, und die Dieben nicht nachgraben konnen. 5 5 — 

Hatte hierby ein ordentliche Beschreibung der Englischen provint- 
zen, im Continuierten america welche durch reisen machen konnen: 
weilen aber hieriiber unterschiedliche autous geschrieben, lass ich 
darbey bewenden, konnen hieriiber gelesen werden. P. Henepin, 
Bloms Englisch America, Baron de la Honten Fischers gross Brittania 
Americe, und Von Carolina inspecie H: Ochsen Neustes Tacktatli 
Vishers Translation Lawsons Journal und Description Carolina. 

Copey deren von H: Eduart Hide Goub: in 
Nord Carolina den 23. Oktober 1711 uber- 
schriebenen relation betrefend meine wunder- 
bahre Errettung von den Wilden./. 

Hochgeehrter Herr! 

Durch die wunderbahre und gnadige Fiirsehung und Hiilf des Aller- 
hochsten, bin ich entlichen aus den barbarischen Henden dieser wilden 
Tuscoraro Nation Entrunnen, und in meiner kleinen Behausung zu 
New Bern angelanget, aber halb Tod, weilen Zwey ganzen Tag allein 
durch die Welder gegen Catechna aus zu fuess so starck und vast 
immer konnte marchieren musste, gezwungen mein Quartier bey 
Einem Erschrocklichen wilden graben, alwo ein tiefes Wasser, weilen 
die Nacht mich iibernommen, und vor miide nicht weiters konnte, zu 
nehmen, wie ich diese Nacht zugebracht ist wohl zu denken, nicht in 
geringen forchten von den wilden oder fremden Indianeren, Erdappet 
zu werden, und von einer Menge Beren so die ganze Nacht ganz nach 
bey mir herumb brumelten, zerrissen zu werden: Zu deme wahre ganz 
lam von gehen, ohne Gewehr, ja nur nicht ein Messer bey mir etwas 
feur zu schlagen und weilen der Nordwind vast blies ward es ein Kalte 
Nacht. Des Morgens da der Tag anbrach und ich aufstehen wolte, von 
dem Kalten und harten liegn, waren meine beyn so steif und geschwol- 
len, dass ich kein Drit gehen konnte, weilen es aber doch sein musste, 
suchte mir zwey Stock aus, daran ich mit grosser Muhj und Schmerzen 
gehen, hatte genug zu thun, mich liber diss Wasser zu machen, welches 
mit Schnagen, iiber einen langen ast aus geschache, Entlichen kame 
nacher Haus, da eine kleine Distanz darvon Eine Behausung Ins 

158 North Carolina Historical Commission 

G'sicht bekomen, befestiget und voller Leuth, wahre ich um Etwas 
getrostet, weilen vermeinte es ware alles von den Indianern abge- 
brunnen und verderbt, so wohl als der Colonier Hauser, ja dass auch 
wenig meiner Leuthen antreffen wurde, indeme mir der wilden grau- 
same expedition nur zu wohl bekannt, so sie den rivieren nach von 
Pamtego Neuws und Trent gebrandt, gemort und gebltindret was sie 
angetrofen, auch resolviert das ganze Land zu verderben, da meine 
guten Leuth mich erblickt aussehend und schwarz wie ein Indianer, 
dennoch meine Statur und blauwen Rock betreffend, wussten sie nicht 
was zu gedencken, sondren der Meinung gentzlichen ich ware Tod, 
Steiffe sie vielmehr ein Indianischer Spach der meinen Rock ange- 
than, wolte dan etwas heraus Spachen, so dass die Mantschaff ins ge- 
wehr sich stelte, da ich aber nacher Haus kam, an Zweyen Stocken 
ganz lam gehend, sahen sie bey meiner Continentz und postur dass 
ich kein Indianer oder Wilder wahre, doch kannten sie mich nicht, bis 
dass etliche voraus giengen, mich besser zu recognoscieren, da ich sie 
in angsten sahe, tinge von weitem zwar mit einer gantz brochnen 
Stimm an zu reden, welche so bestiirzte, dass sie etliche schrit zuruck 
giengen, zu den tibrigen Schreyend, sie solten nur hervorkommen, es 
seye ihr vermeinter Ermorter H: so kam alles iibern haufen Mann 
und Weib und Kinder gelofen, mit Starcken exclamationen theils 
weinend, theils ganz stumm vor bestiirzung, mich Salutierend, als ein 
wunderbahres Spectacul, da ward trauern, Freud und bestiirzung ver- 
mischt, und gieng mir solches zu Hertzen, dass es mir gute tranen 
heraus presseten: Nachdeme mich nun, obwohlen sehr mild, mit diesem 
Volck, so mich umringte etwas verweilet, mieche mich entlichen in 
mein altes quartier, verschloss meine Kammer und thate mein Hertz- 
liches Gebet der Danksagung, zu dem giitigen Gott fur solche gnadige 
und wunderbahre Errettung; die dieser Zeiten wohl fur ein Miraculum 
passieren mag./. 

Den nechsten Tag fragte ich was in meiner abwesenheit sich zuge- 
tragen, kam aber so viel vertriessliches herfur, dass mir im Hertzen weh 
thut, das boste wahr, dass neben dem Verlust 60 oder 70. Pfeltzer so 
ermordet worden, die tibrigen so sich Salvieren konnen, gebliindert, : 
und von diesen restierenden Mein Haus, worin Ihre Eigne giiter wahren, 
und das Stetli verlassen, welche ein gewiisser Viliam Brice undank- 
bahrer mann deme viel gutes erwiesen, ja welchem mein und der armen 
Colonisten gelt und gut von der Armuht ausgesetzt von mir abge- 
zogen, Sie durch allerley Verheissung und List auf die Trent Rivier 
zu sich gebracht, womit er sambt noch Etlichen Englischen planters 
oder Einwohnern, Eine garnison zu wegen gebracht, sein Haus zu de- 
fendieren, so musste ich zu frieden seyn, mit einem haufen Weib und 
Kindern, an bewehrter Mannschaft wahren nicht mehr dann 40 

Geaffeneied: Account of the Founding of New Been 159 

Dieses Musste ich alles Erhalten, Zwei und Zwanzig wochen lang, so 
ist all mein getreid so zu allem gliick in Vorrath hatte, mein Vich gross 
und klein dahin, wann wir nicht fiirderlich die Nohtwendigkeiten be- 
kommen, mussten wir Nohtwendig verderben, oder den platz und posten 
verlassen: desswegen hochgeEhrter H. wir instandig bitten, verlangte 
provision, Munition und bewehrte Mannschahft so bald hnmer mog- 
lich und aller Eyl zu senden, damit wir diese Barbarische Morder 
zurtick treiben konnen sonsten wurd das libel je grosser und ist zu 
beforchten das ganze Land wiirde zu grunde gehen : Ist nicht genugsam 
zu verwundren, ja Ergerlich eine solche Kaltsinnigkeit und so wenig 
Liebe bey den Einwohnern der Grafschaft Albemarle zu sehen, dass 
sie so mit gebogenen Armen zusehen konnen, wie ihre nachste Briider 
schrocklich von dieser Barbarischer Nation Ermordet werden, : ja sie 
selbsten nicht eines bessern zu erwarten, sollen sich wohl schamen und 
eines Immerwehrendes Verwisses wehrt. Ist sich auch nicht minder zu 
verwundern, uber eine so schlechte Policey und ordres der Vorgeset- 
aten, exceptieren aber hier in bester Vorm eure herlichkeit, Vergwiis- 
seret dass meine HochwohlgeEhrteste H. alle Nohtwendige befelchen 
und anstalten gethan, solches aber schlecht oder gar nicht exequiert, 
welches zu bedauren. — 

HochgeEhrter H. obiges nur zum bericht, wie ich nacher Hans 
kam, zu meiner entladnus und justification aber wird notig sein zu 
vermelden, wie ich unter diese Barbarische Nation gerahten. — ■ 

Bey diesem Schonen und Scheinbahren bestandigen Wetter kame der 
General Feldmesser Lauson mich zu Infitieren die Neusrivier hinauf- 
zufahren, seyen da ein quantitet guter wilden Trauben, konnten uns 
ein wenig darmit ergetzen, das war aber nicht gnug, mich dahin zu 
persuadieren, so kam ermelter Mons: Lauson bald wider, gabe mir 
bessre griind vor, namlich dass wir zugleich sehen konnten, wie weit 
hinauf die rivier Schifbaar, dass da ein kurzer weg nach Virginien 
einzurichten, anstatt dass der ordinari Weg weit und beschwerlich, 
Item zugleich zu sehen, was fur Land dahinauf : dieses und wie weit es 
zu den bergen, hatte schon langst gern gewust, und selbsten gesehen. 
So resolvierte mich hiermit zu dieser kleinen reis, und nahme alles 
Nohtwendige sambt provision, fur 14. Tag mit, fragte aber insbeson- 
ders H. Lauson ob gefahr wegen den Indianern sonderlich deren, mit 
welchen wir nicht bekannt, gabe mir zur ant wort, hatte nichts zu be- 
deuten, Er habe diese reis schon gethan, und das ganz sicher, kannten 
auch an diesem arm der Rivier keine Wilden, sondern wahren zimlich 
abgelegen, damit wir aber desto Sicherer gehen konnten, so nahme ich 
neben Zweyen Negers zum Rudern, noch Zwey bekannte nachtbahre 
Indianer, welchen viel guts erwiesen, und da einer die Englische 
Sprach verstund, gedachte wann wir diese Zwey Indianer mit uns 

160 North Carolina Historical Commission 

hatten, wir von andern nichts zu beforchten; So fuhren wir ordent- 
lich hinauf, hatte lang nicht geregnet, das Wasser wahre nicht dief, 
der Strohm oder Lauf des Wassers ward nicht starck, den ganzen 
Tag wahren wir auf der Rivier, des Nachts Spannten wir unsre Zelten 
auf dem Land nach beim Wasser, und Ruheten, dess Morgens fruh 
fuhren wir wider fort. — 

Es beliebe H. Goub: zu vernemen, dass ermelter Feldmesser Lauson, 
fast um meine pfert anhalten thate, vorgebend, Er wolte ein wenig in 
die Walder reiten, warm wir droben waren, um zu sehen wo der weg 
nacher Virginien am bequemsten konnte angefangen werden: wolte 
mich aber anfangs nicht darzu verstehen, doch entlichen hielte er nur 
um eines an, welches, ihme accordiert, der Einte Indianer Ritte per 
Land, musste aber an Einem Ohrt liber die Rivier welches unser 
ungliick, dann Er den Indianern, weiss nicht ob er Verirret oder ver- 
rahterischer weis, zu dem grossen Indianischen Dorf Catechna kam, 
wo allso bald gefragt was das Pferdt thate, dann die Indianer der 
Enden keine gebrauchen, antwortete dass er das Pferdt uns fuhren 
musste, wir aber fahrten indessen die rivier hinauf. diss allarmierte 
alsobald die Indianer insbesonders die Einwohner Catechna, so dass sie 
zusammen gerottet, in der ganzen Nachtbahrschaft, behielten das 
Pferdt, und sagten unsrem Indianer er solte alsbald zu uns gehen, und 
vermelden, sie wolten nicht gestatten, dass wir weiters hinauf durch 
Ihr Land fahren, aus befelche dess Konigs der da residiere solten wir 
zuriick, so gabe durch ein Schusz, den unser Indianer abliess, das 
Signal darmit wir still stunden, welches wir gethan, nachdem wir 
unsre flinten auch zum zeichen abgeschossen. Es ward schon Spaat, 
als er zu uns kam mit der bosen Zeitung, beim ersten Brunnen lendeten 
wir an unser nachquartier zu nemen, da trafen wir schon zwey be- 
wehrte Indianer an, als Kamen sie vom Jagen, ich sagte hierauf diss 
gefiel mir nicht, wir wolten da nicht bleiben sonder zuriickf ahren, Er der 
Generalfeldmesser lachte meiner, aber Ehe wir uns umkehrten ward 
Ernst daraus, so dass ihme das Lachen Vergieng, augenblicklich kam 
aus alien Buschen und durch die rivier geschwummen eine solche 
menge Indianer und ubernahmen uns, dass uns unmoglich zu Deffend- 
ieren: Wir wolten uns dann mutwilliger weis zu Tod schiessen lassen 
oder gar Erschrocklich Martren. wurden hiemit gefangen genommen, 
geblundret und weggefiihrt, : wir wahren schon 3 starcker Tagreisen 
hinauf gef ahren, ohnweit von einem andren Indianischen Dorf, Zuruta 
genannt, die rivier ist da noch zimlich breit, aber nicht mehr als 2 
oder 3 Schuh dief Wasser, und ist noch weit von den Bergen, wir 
verlangten dass man uns diese Nacht da lassen solte, mit einer wacht, 
warm sie an uns Zweifleten prextierend, ich konnt nicht so weit zu 
fuess gehen, wolte des Morgends fruh per Wasser zum Konig nach 

Geaffeneied : Account of the Founding of New Been 161 

Catechna fahren, und uns da Versprechend, war aber nicht erheblich, 
eine so seltsame und Considerable Captur/: dann sie mich fiir den 
Goub: der ganzen Provintz hielten:/ Blaseten ihren barbahrischen 
Hochmuht dergestalten auf, dass wir gezwungen wurden die ganze 
Nacht durch Walder gesteud und Morast mit ihnen zu laufen, bis 
dass wir gegen Morgen um 9. Uhr nacher Catechna kamen, wo der 
Konig Hencoex genannt in aller seiner Glori mit seinem Raht auf 
einem Erhabenen geriist sassen, da sonsten die Heyden oder Wilden 
auf dem boden pflegen zu sitzen: Nach Einer Consultation und dess 
fiihrers oder haubtmanns, unser Escorten gethaner scharfen red, 
brach der Konig mit seinem Raht auf, und kam mit dem Obrist 
Kriegshaubtmann zu uns ganz hoflich, konnten aber mit uns nicht 
reden, wenig Zeit hernach gienge der Konig in sein Cabinet oder hiit- 
ten, wir blieben bey einem feur mit 7 oder 8 Wilden bewachet, gegen 
10 Uhr kam ein Wilder hier, der andere dort aus seiner Hutten heraus, 
da ward Raht gehalten, und ward fast disputiert ob wir solten als 
Criminalen gebunden werden oder nicht, ward geschlossen Neyn, 
weilen wir noch nicht Verhort waren. Gegen mitag brachte uns der 
Konig in einer Lausigen Pelzcappen, selbsten etwas Speis als ein gat- 
tung Brod von Indianischem Korn gemacht, pre um plins 5 6 genannt, 
und gekochtes kalltes Willdbret, darvon Zwar mit Widerwillen weilen 
mich fast hungerte, ass ich, wir hatten die Freyheit in dem Dorf 
herumb zu spatzieren, gegen Abend ward ein grosses Vest oder Zu- 
sammenkunft von alien benachtbahrten Ohrten, diss wahre bestimmbt 
aus Zweyen Ursachen. l./weil sie das bose Tractament etlicher boser 
und unwirschen Englischen Carolinern rechen wolten, so vom Pam- 
tego Neuw und Trent rivier 2./ umb zu erfahren, was sie fiir hiilf zu 
gewarten von Ihren benachtbarten Indianern. NB: hierbey ist zu 
observieren dass noch weder wir noch unser Coloney die Ursach dieses 
Erschrocklichen Mords und Indianischen Kriegs, wie zu sehen und 
mit mehrerem zu berechnen. — 

Dess abends kamen von aller ohrten her eine Menge Indianer, 
sambt den benachtbahrten Konigen, um 10 Uhr nachts auf einem 
Schonen weiten Platz, insbesonders zu grossen Festiviteten oder exe- 
cutionen geriistet und destiniert, wahre die Versammlung der grossen, 
wie sie es nennen, Verstehend in 40 aller Verstandigster Indianer auf 
dem boden nach Ihrer art, und Manier Sitzend, in Einem Ring um 
ein grosses feur, Konig Hencox Presidiert, da war in dem Ring Platz 
fiir uns gelassen, wo Zwey Mats das ist gehurd von kleinen rohren 
geflochtene Bletzen, gelegt darauf zu sitzen, welches ein Zeichen grosser 
Defferentz und Ehr, so sassen wir nider, mid unser Vorsprecher 
welches der Indianer ward, so mit uns gekommen, der gut Englisch 
konnte, an unsre linke Seiten, der Konig gab ein Zeichen dem Redner 


162 North Carolina Historical Commission 

der Versammlung, welcher eine lange Red gantz grafitetischen thate, 
so wahre geordnet einer von den jiingsten der Versammlung dess 
Rahts oder Indianischer Nation interesse und sach zu representieren, 
und Defendieren, welches er so viel ich vermercken konnte in bester 
Form thate, Sasse grad neben unsrem Dollmetscher und fiirsprecher, 
der Konig formierte allezeit die questionen, das war dann pro et 
contra descutirt, hieruber alsobald consultiert und concludiert. — 

Die erste Question war, was die Ursach unsrer reis, unser antwort ward 
dass wir fur unser Lust, da hinaufgefahren, driiben zu gewunnen, 
zugleich um zu Erfahren, ob die rivier bequem dass per Wasser wir 
ihnen wahren zufiihren konnten, mit ihnen zu Negotcieren und gute 
Correspondentz zu halten, so befragte uns der Konig warum wir uns 
bey ihme nicht angemelt und unser Vorhaben Communiciert. Her- 
nacher kam in question eine generals Klag, dass sie die Indianer sehr 
iibel von den Einwohnern der Pamtego Neuws und Trent Rivier 
Tacktieret und gehalten worden, welches nicht mehr zu dulden, und 
Namseten in Specie die autores, so war unter andren der General- 
feldmesser auch angeklagt, welcher aber als gegenwertig bestmoglichst 
sich Verantwortet : Nach Zimlichen Desputieren und erfolgter De- 
liberation ward geschlossen, dass wir wohl konnten Liberieret werden, 
und ward der nechste Tag zu unsrer heim Reis ernamset. — 

Den andren Tag Verzug es sich zimlich, Eh wir konnten unser 
Canou oder Schiflein haben, Indessen kamen etliche ihrer Grandes und 
Zwey Konige, welche Curios zu wissen, was fur Justificationsgrund 
wir hatten, so wahren wir noch einmal in dess Konigs Hencok Cabi- 
net Zwey Meyl vom Dorf examiniert, gaben gleiche Antwort zu allem 
ungliick war da der Konig von Cartuca welcher Mons. Lauson etwas 
verwisse, so dass sie beyderseits in streit gerahten, und sich zimlich 
erhitzet, welches all unser sach verderbte, 

Und wie ich immer den Lauson von seinem Disputieren abzuhalten 
trachtete, konnte nichts erhalten : die Examination endete sich endlich, 
wir stunden alle auf, wir Zwey spatzierten mit einander, und that ich 
ihme sein unbehutsamkeit in solcher gefer lichen Conjunctur starck ver- 
weisen, in allem deme kamen Einsmahls 3 oder 4 Grandes gantz 
erztirnt, Ergrifen uns hart bey den armen, fiihreten und setzten uns in 
das alte ohrt hart darunder wahren keine Mattes fur uns gelegt, 
nahmen uns Hutt und Baruque warfen sie ins feur, darauf hin kamen 
junge bose gesellen, thaten uns zum andren mahl blundren, unsere 
Seek visitierend, welches zu vor nicht geschachen, dass sie sich im 
ersten mahl nur an die grossren Sachen hielten. — 

Hierauf wurde Kriegsraht gehalten und wahren wir beyde zum Tod 
verurtheilt, ohnwussend was die ursach, so wahren wir die ganze 
nacht in gleicher postur auf dem Boden sitzend, bis am Morgen, da 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of New Been 163 

bey anbrechendem Tag wir von dannen weg, wiederum auf den gros- 
sen richt und Sammelplatz gefiihrt wurden; boses Omen fiir uns 
kehrte mich umb gegen Mon. Lauson ihme bitter klagend wie dass 
seine Unfursichtigkeit unser Ruin ein ursach, wahre geschachen urn 
uns, nichts bessres den frieden mit Gott zu machen, und uns zum 
Tod bezeiten zuriisten, welches ich in grosster Andacht thate, da wir 
an Gemelten ohrt angelanget, wahre der grosse Raht schon beysam- 
men, ohngefehrt seche ich Ein Indianer wie ein Christ gekleidt, Ehe 
wir in den Ring beruefen, welcher Englisch reden konnte, befrieg ihn 
ob er nicht sagen konnte, was die Ursach unserer Condemnation 
welcher mir mit einem Sauren gesicht geantwortet, worum Lauson 
sich so mit Cortom gezankt und worumb wir getreut wir wolten uns 
an den Indianern rachen, auf das nahme ich den Indianer auf die 
Seiten Ihme alles was ich konnte versprachend, so Er mich anhoren 
wolte und hernach meine Unschuld Etlichen der grandes erzellen, 
hatte genug zu thun, ihne nur dahin zu persuadieren, entlich gabe er 
mir gehor, so erzellt ich ihme, dass mir leid, dass Mon. Lauson so 
unfursichtig mit Cortom Disputiert, es haben die Raht ja selbsten 
mogen sehen, dass ich dem Mon. Lauson mehrmahls abgemahnt, so 
dass ich hierzu kein Schuld, und was das bedrauwen wahre, dessen 
nicht das minste nur gedenkt worden, were ein Missverstand oder 
Lauson sich iiber mein Negers beklagend dass sie ihne in der ersten 
Nacht von seiner Ruh verstort, hieriiber Bedreute ich die Negers 
starck wegen ihrer Unverschandheit und diss wahre alles, nachdem 
mich der Indianer angehoret, gieng er von mir, ich hielte Ihme meine 
Versprachung : Ob nun dieser Sehr zu meinen gunsten geredt, kann 
ich nicht wissen, aber eine Viertelstund hernach kamen die alten 
grandes, ftihrten uns auf den Richtplatz, und Bunden uns da an arm 
und beynen, darzu noch den grossern von meinen Negers, aldann 
finge an unser traurige Tragedie welche erzellen wolte, so Euer Lieb 
nicht zu lang und vertrtissig, dennoch weilen bereits schon angefangen 
will ich Continuieren. — 

In der mite dieses grossen platzes sassen wir neben einander ge- 
bunden, auf dem Boden Sitzend, der Generalfeldmesser mid ich, die 
Rock ausgezogen mit blossem haubt, hinder mir mein grosser Neger, 
vor uns ward ein grosses Feur umb das Feur herum miecht der Con- 
jurer/: das ist ein alter grauwer Indianer als ein priester unter ihnen 
welcher insgemein Ein Schwarzkunstler ja der Teufel selbsten besch- 
weret :/ Zwey weise Ring ob von Mehl oder gar weisen reinem Sand Kries 
weis ich nicht grad, vor unsren fuessen lag eine Wolfshaut, ein wenig 
besser vornen stunde ein Indianer in der allerhoflichsten und erschrock- 
lichsten Postur, als konnte Erdenckt werden; Welcher nicht von dem 
Platz wiche, mit Einem Beil in der Hand, wahre dem Ansehen nach 

164 North Carolina Historical Commission 

der Scharfrichter : Weiter vor uns jenseit dem feur wahre ein grosser 
Haufen Indianer Gesind durchmist mit jungen Gesellen, Weib und 
Kindern, diese Tanzeten alle in abscheulichen Posturen. In der Mitte 
war der Priester, oder Beschwerer./ Welcher wann im Tanzen Ein 
Pausen war, seine Beschwerung und Treuwungen mieche, um den 
Tantz oder Ring an vier Eggen, stunden ein Gattung officier, mit 
Flinten, welche mit den Fuessen Trapeten, und die tibrigen Danzer 
anjourierten, und wann ein Tanz aus ward, Ihre Flinten abschussen, 
in Einem Eggen des Rings wahren noch 2 Indianer am boden Sitzend, 
welche auf einem kleinen Trumlin Schlugen und sangen, und sangen 
darzu so wunderlich in eine solchen Melodey die Eher Zorn und 
Traurigkeit provizierte, als aber freud, jaden Indianern selbsten nach 
dem sie mud wurden, vom Danzen, Laufen Sie alle Einsmahls darvon 
in einen Wald, mit erschrocklichem Geschrey und Heulen, kamen 
bald wider aus dem Wald mit schwarz, weiss und Rohtangestrichenen 
gesichtern, theils noch mit aufgethanen haaren, voller Federflaum, 
theils in allerley Thier Balgen, Summa in solchen ungeheuren Posturen, 
dass Sie mehr einer Truppen Teuflen gleichsahen, als aber andren 
Creaturen, wann man je den Teufel in der apscheulichstern Postur als 
kan Erdenk werden representierend, Laufend und Tanzend, aus dem 
Wald rangierten sie sich wiederum an den Alten Platz, und Tantzten 
um das Feur: Indessen wahren hinder uns 2 Reyen Bewehrter In- 
dianer als Wacht, nicht von Ihrem Posten weichend, bis alles aus 
ward, hinder dieser Wacht wahre der Kriegs Raht in Einem Ring am 
Boden Sitzend, im Consultieren vast beschaftiget, gegen Abend da die 
Sonnen untergieng liess das vorrige gesind von Tanzen ab, und gienge 
in den Wald Holz zu holen, das Feur an Eint und andern ohrt zu 
erhalten insbesonders aber miechen sie Eines etwas weit im Wald so 
die gantze Nacht wahrte, und so gross dass ich vermeinte der ganze 
Wald ware in einem feur.— 

Es gedencke Mons: Goubernat. was Traurigen und Schrocklichen 
Spektacul mir das ward zu sterben, dennoch ward ich ganz resolv- 
iert, so wahre ich in einer Starcken Devotion den ganzen Tag und 
nacht, ach was hatte ich fur allerly Gedancken, alles kam mir fur 
was immer in Meinem Leben, sich mit mir zugetragen, so weit ich 
mich erinnern konnte, thate mir alles aplicieren und zu Nutzen machen, 
was immer aus der Heiligen Schrift denn Psalmen und andren guten 
Btichern gelesen, kurz riistete mich so gut ich konnte zu einem guten 
und Seligen End, ja der giitige Gott verliche mir so viel Gnad, dass 
unerschrocken gelassenlich alle augenblick Erwartete solte nach aus- 
gestandener Seelen Angst mehr als Todesforcht, dennoch blieb in mir 
weiss nicht was fur eine Hofnung, ungeachtet kein Zeichen Einicher 
Errettung Sahe, ob ich wie hievor meine Stinden vor mir Schwebten, 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of ISTew Been 165 

so funde hernacher grossen Trost in Betrachtung der Wunderbahren 
so der H. Jesus in seinen Zeiten auf der Erden gethan, diss erweckt in 
mir ein solches Zutrauwen, dass hierauf mein Einbrunstiges Gebett zu 
meinem Heyland Riistende, dess starcken Zutrauwens, Es wurd mein 
Gebett erhort, und diese Wilde gemuhter, steinerne und Barbarische 
Hertzen etwan endren, so dass auf mein anhalten und representieren, 
sie Gedancken Endren, zur Gnad geleitet und bewogen wurden, wel- 
ches auch durch Gottes wunderbahre Fursehung geschachen ist. Dann 
da die Sonne vast undergieng, so versammlet sich der Raht noch 
einmahl, ohne Zeifel ein End dieser vatalen, erschrocklichen und 
traurigen Ceremoney zu machen, ich kehrte mich etwas hinderwehrts 
ungeachtet gebunden, wiissend dass Einer unter Ihnen die Englische 
Sprach zimlich wohl verstunde, und thate eine kurze Red, represent- 
ierend meine unschuld, und wie so sie mir nicht verschonten, die 
grosse und machtige Konigin von Engelland, mein Blut rechen wiirde: 
Weillen aus Ihrem Befelch diese Coloney in dis Land gebracht, nicht 
ihnen einichen Schaden zuzufiigen, sondren mit ihnen wohl zu leben, 
und was weitres gut funde zu sagen, sie zu einer Miltrung zu engag- 
ieren, mit anerbieten meiner Diensten und allerley gutes so ich liberiert 
wurd: Nachdeme nun ausgeret, observierte dass einer der furnemsten, 
der auch zuvor mir ganz genigt Schine, ja mir auch einmahls Speis 
gebracht, und der des Konigs Taylors/: deme das Land wo das Stett- 
lin Neuw Bern abgekauf:/ Verwundert ganz ernsthaft rette, nicht 
zweifelnd seye zu meinen gunsten, welches auch also wahre, dann 
hierauf resolvieret worden, alsobald etliche ihrer Glieder zu denn be- 
nachtbarten Touscarusco Dorfern zu senden, und bey inhen der re- 
sulat kam heraus dass ich solte bey leben bleiben, der Arme General- 
feldmesser Lauson aber exequiert werden: Zwtischen Leben und Tod 
brachte die Nacht durch alle Zeit gebunden, an gleichem Ohrt in 
Continuirlichem Gebett und Seufzen zu, Examinierte indessen auch 
meinen armen Negers und Sprach Ihme zu, So gut ich konnte, welcher 
mir mehr Satisfaction gab als Verhofete, H: General Feldmesser 
aber als ein Mann von Verstamd nicht aber von Conduite Hess ich 
sein Devotion thun, dess Morgends ohngefehrt um 3. oder 4. Uhr 
kamen die Precatierten von Ihrer Comission zuriick, mit Bescheyd 
von Ihrer Negotion aber sehr geheim, einer von ihnen kam Einsmahls 
mich loszumachen, von meinen Banden nicht wiissend was das zu 
bedeuten, Ergab ich mich gedultig in den Willen dess H: dess aller- 
hochsten, stunde auf und folgete: ach wie Bestiirtz warm etlich Schrit 
vom alten Ohrt, der Indianer mir ins Ohr auf ein gebrochen Englisch 
sagte, ich solte mich nicht forchten, man wurde mich nicht toden, 
wohl aber den General Lauson, welches mir sehr zu Herzen gieng, 
ungefehr 20. Schritt von dem Platz wo ich gebunden wahre, brachte 

166 North Carolina Historical Commission 

mich der Indianer gegen dem Cabinett oder Hutten und gab mir 
Speis zu essen, ich aber hatte kein apetit, Es kamen alsbald ein 
grosser Haufen Indianisch Gesind um mich herr, welche insgesambt 
grosse freudt erzeigten meiner Erlosung, eben derselbe Mann brachte 
mich wieder auf den Platz aber ein wenig weiter hervor wo der ganze 
Raht sich gelegret mir auf Ihre Manier gratulierend, Lachlend, in- 
dessen ward mir verboten Mon. Lauson das minste zu sagen, ja auch 
kein Wort mit ihme zu reden, mein Neger Liessen sie auch loos, sahe 
ihn aber nimmermehr, der amre Lauson im alten Platz bleibend, 
konnte liechtlich Errahten, dass es aus und keine Gnad fur ihne, 
nahme Abschied von mir mich ersuchend in dieser gefahr zu sehen, 
und nit dorfen mit ihme reden noch ihm den minsten Trost gebend, 
bedeutete mein Mitleiden mit etwelchen Zeichen, so ich ihm gab. — 

Eine Kleine Zeit hernacher nahme mich der so im Raht fur mich 
gerett, und furte mich in sein Gabinet wo ich mich still halten solte, 
bis auf weitere Ordres: Indessen ward der Ungliickhaftige Lauson 
exequiert: was Todes weis ich nicht eigendtlich, wohl hatte ich hier- 
vor von etlichen Wilden gehort, dass ihme gedreut worden Es Musse 
ihme die Gurgel mit dem rasierMesser so in seinem Sack gefunden 
worden, abgehauwen werden, welches auch der kleinere Neger so bim 
Leben bliebe, bezeuget, etliche aber sagten er ware gehanckt worden, 
andere er wahre verbrant die Wilden hielten es fast geheim wie er 
getodet worden, Gott erbarme sich seiner Seele. — 

Den andren Tag nach des Feldmessers Lauson Execution kamen zu 
mir der furnimsten des Dorfs mich berichtend dass sie gesinnet Nord 
Carolinam zu bekriegen: Insbesonders aber wollen sie hinder die von 
Pam Tego Neus Trent rivier und Corsund, so dass sie aus guten ur- 
sachen mich nicht konnten gehen lassen, bis sie mit dieser expedition 
fertig wahren, was wolt ich thun: Musste gedult tragen, dann alle 
meine grand da nicht s hulfen, Ein hartes, dass ich so bose Zeitung 
anhoren musste, und doch nicht helfen konnte, noch diese arme Leuth 
das minste wiissen lassen, mir zwar versprachen sie, Es solte in Caduca^: 
welches der alte Nahmen des stettlin Neu Bern/ : kein Schaden gescha- 
chen, die von der Coloney aber solten alle hinunter in das Stettlin sonst 
wolten sie nicht gut sprechen fur den Schaaden, diss wahren gute Wort, 
wie wolt ich es aber den armen Leuthen zu wissen thun, weillen kein 
Wilder die Avisen bringen wolte, musste es also dem allerhochsten 
iiberlassen. Bey 500. Streitbahren und wohlbewehrten Mannschaft so 
wahren, Ein zusammengerottetes Volck, theils Tuscaruscos doch wah- 
ren die Haubtflecken oder Dorfer dieser Nation nicht mitbegrifen die 
andern Marmusiken Bay, Rivier Weitoc, Pamtego, Neuws und Cor 
Indiens fiengen diss morden und Bliindern an auf einmahl zugleich 
abgetheilt in kleine Plutons thaten diese Barbaren die armen Leuth 

Geaffeneied: Account of the Founding of ]N"ew Been 167 

zu Pamtego Neus mid Trent bltindren und Ermorden, in wenig 
Tagen hernach kamen diese Morder mit ihrer Beudte beladen, ach 
was trauriges Spectacul solches und die armen Weib und Kinder ge- 
fangen zu sehen, das Hertz mochte mir zerbrechen, konte zwar mit 
ihnen reden aber mit grosser Behutsamkeit : Die Ersten kamen, von 
Pamtego die andren von Neuws und Trent, grad eben der Indianer 
bey welchem Logierte, brachte mit sich ein jungen Knaben, Einer 
von meinen Lechen Leuthen, viel Kleyder und Hausrath, das ich 
kannte. ach wie gieng mir ein stich durchs Hertz in forchten meine 
Coloney wahre alle dahin: sonderlich wann da ich den jungen fragte, 
was da geschachen und Vorgangen were, Er mir bitter weinend er- 
zellte dass von eben den Wilden wie obvermelt sein Vater, Mutter 
und Bruder ja ganze famillen ermordt, bey diesem all em dorfte nur 
nicht dergleichen thun, als thate ich solches empnnden: bey 6. Wochen 
musste ich da gefangen bleiben in diesem beschwerlichen ohrt Ca- 
techna, Eh ich nacher Haus konnte, in was gefahr, schrecken, Schimpf 
und Vertruss ist liecht zu gedenken, : da Truge sich in der Zeit al- 
lerley zu, Einmahls war ich in grosser perplexitet, die Mannschaft 
wahre alle in dieser Morder expedition die weiber alle zimlich weit 
vom Dorf Kirsen zu gewinnen andre Batatos, eine Gattung gelbe sehr 
gute und angeneme Wurzel zu graben, so dass ich mich ganz allein 
selbigen Tags im Dorf befund, da Stritte es mit mir, ob mich darvon 
und nach Haus machen wolte, studierte lang hieriiber, in diesem 
Zweifel funde das beste meinen Gott um beystand anzurufen, dass er 
mir in Sinn geben wolte, was in solchen gefahr lichen umstand zu 
thun, nach verrichtetem Gebett examinierte und betrachtete den 
Handel pro et contra befunde endlich das bessere zu bleiben, mich 
trostend dass der mich aus erster gefahr Errettet mir noch ferners 
helfen wurde. Dann wann mich Einicher Indianer angetrofen oder 
gesehen, ich des Todes, da dan kein Gnad ward zu hofen, zu demen 
wehren sie verbittret worden, dass sie Eheich zu Haus in deme die wagen 
nicht wohl wusste in das Stettlin kommen, wahre alles geblundret, 
verbrannt und ermordt, die erfahrung hat es hernach Erwiesen, dass 
ich das bessere erwehlte. — 

Nachdeme nun diese Heiden das meiste von ihrer barbarischen 
expedition gethan, kamen sie nacher Haus und Ruheten aus fur eine 
Zeit lang, da nahm ich die gelgenheit in acht, und wann ich die vor- 
nemsten des Dorfs in guter Humor antraf, fragte ob nun nicht bald 
nacher Haus konnte: Sie zu Einer glmstigen Disposition zu bringen, 
proponiere ein particularfrieden mit ihnen zu machen, versprach zu 
gleich einem jeden grandes der 10 Dorfer ein Tuchener Rock, etwas 
noch fur mein Rantzion, dem Konig 2. Buteillen Pulver, 500. Schrott, 
2. Bouteille Raum, Prantenwein von Zucker gemacht: Die Indianer 

168 North Carolina Historical Commission 

wolten aber vielmehr haben, als Flinten, mehr Pulver und bley oder 
Schrot, ich aber representierte dass dieses Contrebande, das ist wahre, 
welche Sie bey Hancken verboten, sie zu verkaufen zu geben, dass 
ich miisse aufs minst Neutral sein, und noch dem Eint, noch andren 
beystehen, sonsten gebe es nichts aus unsrem frieden, diese und 
mehrere Grtind nahmen sie an, so verglichen wir uns wie Euwer 
Herrlichkeit, Es im beyliegenden Tractat und articlen sehen wird. — 

Aber obwohlen wir uns Verglichen so wolten diese Misstreuwige 
Gesellen, mich doch nicht lassen gehen, ohne Sichere und gewtissere 
precautionen wolten haben, dass ich mein Kleinern Neger hinunter 
sandte nacher Neuw Bern, dass alles was ich versprochen nacher 
Catechna hinauf gefuhrt werden solte, doch wolte kein Wilder mit- 
gehen, obwohlen ein passport oder sicher geleit mitgeben wolte, repre- 
sentierte dass von meinen Leuthen so noch ubrig als erschrocken 
liber die raubereyen und Mortthaten, wohl keiner hinauf fahren, und 
mein Neger allein nicht konnte gegen dem Strohm, mit einem geladnen 
Schif fahren, da wir uns nicht vergleichen konnten, remetierte ich dem 
Indianer wo ich logierte, welcher eine Vernunftige Decision unsres 
Streits herausgabe, so dass wir beyderseits zufrieden. — 

Grad eben an dem Tag dass ich den Neger nacher Neu Bern senden 
wolte, mit einem Brief an den so zu meinem Haus sorg hatte, dass er 
halben wex die Obermelte Guter senden solte beyderseyts Sicherheit, 
kamen fromde Indianer zu Pferdt von H. Goub. von Virginien mit 
einem Brief wie beyliegende Copey ausweisst: Niemand konnte den 
Brief lesen als ich, der Brief wahre sehr scharpf, wusste nicht was fur 
Continentz haltend, Endlich dachte die Boten wiissten dessen inhalt 
wohl, so las ich den Brief, derm Vornemsten des Dorfs vor, da ich 
ausgelesen observierte etwas In ihren Gesichteren, so nicht beliebig, 
dass sie mich angesicht des Briefs alsobald sicher solten nacher Haus 
liefern: Wo aber nicht und mir das minste Leyd von Ihnen wieder- 
fuhre: Wolte und wahre er H. Goub: parat mich zu rachen, ja alles 
exterminieren noch weib und Kinder verschonen, hierauf hielten sie 
Raht, und ward geschlossen mich zu dem Dorf lassen gehen, bey den 
Touscaruscos wo der Indianische Negotiant von Virginien war, wel- 
cher grad zuvor da Mon. Lauson exequiert in selbigem Dorf sich auf- 
hielte, und ihm zurlickreissen H. Goub: unsere traurige avanture 
erzellet, worauf alsbald dieser generose H. Goub. Spotswood diesen 
Virginischen Kaufmann, der mit den Indianern handlete und Ihre 
Sprach ger wohl verstund und redete, mit obigem Brief zu den Tous- 
caruscos gesendt, Er aber H. Goub. Selbstem im Ersten Indianischen 
Dorf Natoway genannt indessen mit einer starcken escorten wartend, 
mit ordres an die benachtbarten Militen sich parat zu halten, grad zu 
agieren, wann nicht beliebige antwort ankomme: So mieche mich des 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Bern 169 

Morgends friih zu Pferdt, Mit den Indianern Botten auf den weg, 
und kamen viel von den Vornemsten Indianern von Catechna mit 
mir gegen den Haubt Dorf genannt Tasky zu, welche so g'schwind Mar- 
chierten als ich zu Pferdt, des Abends zwischen Tag und Nacht 
langten wir an, wo sich der Virginische Kaufmann auch aufhielt, diss 
Dorf ward befestiget mit Balisaden, und wahren die Hauser oder 
Cabinet so artig von Binden allein gemacht, in einem Cirkel oder 
Ring herumb gesetzt: so dass ein grosses Feur, der Raht so von den 
Vornemsten des Touscarusco Nation bestund, auf dem Boden herum 
sitzend, da ward platz gelassen, fur obgemelten Kaufmann, fur mich 
und die Indianer so mit mir kamen, nachdem ich diese H. Salutiert 
sassen wir aueh hernieder, bey diesem allem wahre ich schon in einer 
heimlichen Freud, der Hofnung nacher Natoway zu gehen, H: Goub: 
von Virginien auf mich wartete, und so dermahlen eins von dieser Wil- 
den gefangenschaft, erloset zu werden, gienge mir aber leyder nicht an. 
Der Redner der Versammlung fing eine lange Red an, befragte die 4. 
Indianer so mit mir kamen, was die ursach meiner Detention und 
Verbrechen nach Verhor, wahre unschuldig erfunden worden, und er- 
kannt: dass H: Goub: von Virginien nach begehren solte entsprochen 
werden, bedeutend was fur gefahr aus dem Abschlag entstehen wiirde. — 
Der Virginische Kaufmaim als Dollmetsch redte was er konnte zu 
meinen gunsten, die 4. Indianer von Catechna wolten sich aber darzu 
nicht verstehen, aus forcht es wurde alsdann keine rantion erfolgen, 
obwohlen der virginische Kaufmann sicherheit darfiir versprache, pre- 
texierend, sie darfen nicht ohne Consens der iibrigen Vorgesetzten und 
des Konigs thun, doch versprechend mich los zu lassen, sobald der 
Konig und Raht wurden bey einander sein, wolten aber mein Neger 
zur sicherheit behalten, bis die rantion ausgericht, den tag hernach 
gentzlichen meiner Hofnung frustriert, nahme von dem Virginischen 
Kaufmann mein Abschied, welchen dieser Wilden unfriindl: Manier 
sehr vertross, so Marchierte ich ganz traurig wiederumb zuriick, da 
wir 3. oder 4. Meilen nach bey Henecon Town oder Catechna kamen, 
horten wir ein gross geschrey und rufens dort herumb, und kamen 
hier etliche dorten andre Wilden aus den Biischen hervor, welches mir 
nicht ohne ursach etwas Forcht einjagte, sondern warm sie gleichsam 
ganz aus dem atem und erschrocklichem . _ _ die Englischen und 
Pfalzer wahren nacher bey Insbesonders aber deuten sie mit einem 
sauren gesicht die Pfelzer mit retirirenden ja, ja, verspotten, zu be- 
deuten darmit, dass eben auch meine Leuth als find sich da mercken 
liessen, und miechen mich ein abweg zu nemen, durch einen wiisten 
graben, da ich von feme ein feur sache, da fieng es mir an lang zu 
werden, in forcht sie wolten mich da in geheim Ermorden: Studierte 
wie Sie zu bereden, dass die Pfelzer gar nicht mit den Englischen Con- 

170 North Carolina Historical Commission 

jugiert, bedeutet dass diese Wort ja, ja, nicht Teutsch waren, sondern ein 
Rauches Englisches Wort ay ay welches sonst in gut Englisch 
yess Heyst, das 1st ja ; behielte sie also in der Meinung so gut ich 
konnte : wann wir an das ohrt wo das f eur ware kommen, sache mit 
besturtzung alle das gesind, von Catechna wo ich gefangen ward, 
sambt ihrem Hausgeraht wenig Lebens Mittel in einem schonen korn- 
feld, wo ein Jed: Ind. mitten in einem Swamp, das ist einem Wilden 
Ohrt einem Stuck Waldes im Morast und Wasser einerseits, anderseits 
neben diesem Fluss : 5 7 alle nemlich die Alten ohnvermoglichen Menner, 
Weiber, Kinder, und Junges under jahriges Gesind vast erschrocken 
mich beliebt zu machen, und sie meinerseits in Sicherheit zu halten, 
ermanglete nicht Ihnen alien Trost zu geben, Sie versichernd so lang 
ich bey Ihnen, nichts Boses widerfahren wurde, representierte auf den 
Kriegs Leuthen, so kamen das Gesind aufzuMuntren, Sie solten mich 
Vornenherbey, und mit Ihrer Mannschaft gehen lassen, wolte trach- 
ten die Engellander zum frieden zu bereden, wolten mich aber nicht 
gehen lassen. — 

Denn Tag hernach all die umliegende Indianer in der Zahl 300 
Tapfere Kerl, kamen zusammen, stossten sich zu den tibrigen, und 
suchten die Christen auf, welche nicht mehr als 60. an der Zahl, und 
nur 4. Meillen das ist 3. Viertel stund ohngefehrt, von unsrem Dorf 
wahren, die Pfelzer aber, so nicht wussten wie mit den wilden Indian- 
ern zu kriegen, als nur bloss sich zu zeigen, wahren meist alle ver- 
wundt, und ein Engellander zu Tod geschossen, da sie von den Wilden 
ubermeistret, kehrten den riicken, und Eylten nach Haus, welchen 
die Wilden nachjagten, thaten aber nicht grossen Schaden, als das sie 
etwas erbeuteten, so kamen die Wilden Zwey Tag hernach zuriick 
nacher Catechna mit Pferdten, Lebens Mittlen mit huten, stieflen, 
auch etwelchen Rocken, da ich dis alles sahe, insbesonders ein sauber 
Barboutine mit Silbernem Carniture, mir zugehorig, war ich ganz be- 
sttirtzt und in grossen forchten, sie hatten mein Haus und Magazin 
geblundret, war aber kein schaaden gethan, worumb von meinen 
Sachen darunter ist weilen sie namlich meine Leuth sich der sachen 
bedienten, was sie zu dieser expedition vonnohten wahren: So kamen 
diese Wilde Kriegs Leuth oder Morder welcher in grosser glori und 
Triumph heim, und giengen wir also aus dem Verborgenen ohrt, alle 
wiederumb in unser altes Quartier nacher Catechna dess abends und 
die ganze Nacht durch, miechen sie grosse Freudenfeur, insbesonders 
eins in dem grossen Richtplatz, wobey sie 3. Wolfs Heut steckten, So 
viel protectores oder Gotter vepresentierend, darbey die Weiber von 
Ihren Zierden oferten, als Halsbander von Vampon, welches wie eine 
Gattung Corallen von Calinierten Muschlen, weiss, braun, und Gold- 
farb, in der Mitte des Rings, wahre ein Conjurer als ihr Priester, 

Graffenried : Account op the Founding of New Been 171 

welcher allerley seltsame posturen und bedeurungen miech, und die 
iibrigen danzten in einem Ring umb das feur und obvermelte Hiiet. — 

Nachdeme dieses Indianische Vest verbey, fieng ich an ungedultig zu 
werden, fragte Etliche der grossen, ob sie mich jetzunder nicht 
wolten nacher Haus gehen lassen, in deme Sie Victorios villicht alle 
meine Leuth zu Tod geschlagen haben, einer aus den Truppen ant- 
worteten lachend, Sie wolten sehen was zu thun, den Konig und seine 
Raht berufend. — 

Zwey Tag hernach Morgends frtih brachten sie mir ein Pferdt, Zwey 
der Vornemsten begleiteten mich bewehrt aber zu fuess, bis ungefehrt 
2. Stund weit vom Dorf Catechna da gaben sie mir ein stuck In- 
dianisch Brodt und Verliessen mich, da ich einen langen weg vor mir 
sahe, Ersuchte ich Sie mir das Pferdt zu lassen, wolte es ohne fehlen 
zuruck senden, oder solten mit mir etwas nacher zu meinem Quartier 
gehen, konnte aber nichts erhalten, blieben an dem Ohrt wo ich sie 
verlassen, und miechen ein grosses feur mir bedeutend, es seyen in 
dem Wald framde Indianer, solte eilen und wacker gehen, ja fur Zwey 
stund laufen so vast immer moglich, welches ich auch gethan, bis die 
Nacht mich ubernahm, und ich zu meinem erschrocklichen wiisten 
Graben kam, uber welchen wegen diefen Wasser im Finstren nicht 
konnte, sondern da ich ubernachtet bis Morgends. Das iibrige von 
dieser Reis habe schon meinem H. Goub: Erzelt, ist Zeit abzubinden. 

Etwelche Anotationes, dess was ich in meiner Touscarusco, und 
wehrender Gefangenschaft bey den Indianern observiert nur wie es 
mir in Sinn Kommen, ohne sonderbahre Ordnung, was unterzeichnet 
mit Littres a. b. c. zu finden./ 

Etlich Jalouse und indiscreten Einwohner Caroline haben fiirgeben 
als war ich oder meine Leuth der Coloney die Ursach, dieses Indianischen 
Kriegs und Mordens. Zu meiner Justification konnte wohl viel Griind 
dargeben, will aber desshalben nicht vast bemuhen, weilen meine 
Unschuld gnugsam bekannt, doch kann ich mich nicht enthalten, 
diese Grtind hier anzubringen. l./So ich die Ursach, worumb haben 
die Wilden mich nicht sowohl als den Generalfeldmesser Lauson hin- 
gerichtet und getodet, 2./hab ich das Land oder Stuck Erdtrich so die 
Wilden Catouca nennen dreyfach bezahlt den Lord proprietarys, dem 
Generalfeldmesser, dem Indianisch Konig Taylor. — Dieser Indianer 
Konig wohnte mit seinem Volck an solchem ohrt, wo jetzund mein 
Haus und das Stattlin Neu Bern angefangen worden, mit welchen 
Indianern ich und die Meinigen frundlich und wohl gelebt, das tibrige 
Land, hate auch bezahlt so Etwas gefordret worden,. 3./wahre kein 
Klag, noch wieder mich noch die Coloney, Zeugen dessen die grosse 
Versammlung der Touscarouscos wo dis in Question kommen, in bey- 
sein dess Virginischen Kaufmanns, und da sind die autores cheser 

172 North Carolina Historical Commission 

Troublen mit Nahmen angegeben worden, : Will sie aber aus Christ- 
licher Liebe nicht namsen, beyde H. Goub: von Virginien und Caro- 
lina sind in diesem berichtet. — 

Habe viel Notable Versammlungen gesehen, auch etlichen selbsten 
beygewohnt, habe mich aber verwundert, liber dieser Heyden gravitet 
und ordnung, Ihr Stillschweigen, gehorsam, Respect gegen den Vor- 
gesetzten, keine Einred als in einem Kehr, und das nur einmahl mit 
grosser Decentz, keine passion konnte man nicht im geringsten Ver- 
mercken, und wahre Zeit gnug geben, zu replicieren, Summa alles in 
solcher anstandigkeit zur iiberzeugung und beschamung vieler Christ- 
lichen Oberkeiten. Der Process wahre auch so ordentlich gefuhrt, als 
immer bey Christl: Richtern seyen konnte, und habe ich solche schone 
Vernunftige Grund gehort, von diesen Wilden und Heyden die mich 
bestiirzt. — 

Da wahren Sieben Dorfer der Tuscoruscos Nation welche sich vast 
inocentieren wollen, als hatten sie mit diesem Indianischen Krieg und 
Massacre gantz nichts zu thun, und mit ubrigen Indianern, deswegen 
kein Verstandnuss, diese sind etwas weiter abgelegen, mehr hinter 
virginien, und auch in ihrer Devotion wegen der Handlung, diss noch 
haltend, diese 7. Townes oder Dorfer, die ubrigen in dieser Gegend in 
gewussen Schranken und Soumission dieser Tom Blount ist ein Konig 
oder Fiihrer, eines Considerable Haufens Wilder Indianer, hat sehr 
guten Verstand, ist gantz wohl der Englischen Nation geneigt, und 
hat nicht wenig zu einem guten Frieden Contribuirt: ja es um mich 
zu thun, viel zu meinem besten gerett. — 

Ich kann hier auch nicht vergessen, der generositat und Mitleydens 
Einer guten Wittfrauwen, welche mir grad anfangs meiner ankunft 
und Inwehrender meiner Gefangenschaft allezeit Speis gebracht, so 
dass mir an Nahrung nicht gefehlt, was aber das bedencklichste, so 
bald sie gesehen, dass da ich gegebunden wurd, Junge Gesellen mich 
gebliindret under andren sachen meine Silbernen ringen, von den 
Schuhen genommen, und selbe nur mit einem kleinen Seil gebunden, 
hat sie von ihrer Saubren Maschenen Schnallen dardurch ihr Har- 
band an der Stirnen gezogen, genommen, und sie an meine Schuh 
gethan, hat keine Ruhj bis sie entdeckt, welcher Indianer meine 
Schnallen genommen, selbige von Ihme erhandlet, voller Freuden 
zuriick gelofen kommen, und die Silbernen Schnallen an meine Schuh 
gethan: Diss wahre ja von einer Wilden Eine grosse giitigkeit, zur 
iiberzeugung manches Christen, muss hier zur Beschamung der 
Christen sagen, dass insgesambt die Indianer viel freygebiger, habe 
unter ihnen viel gute sachen observiert, als dass sie nicht Schweren, 
ihr Wort exact halten was sie versprechen, im Spielen nicht bald 
hadren, nicht so vast gizen, nicht so viel Hoch Muht unter jungen 

Gbaffenbied : Account of the Founding of New Been 173 

Leuthen auch nichts ungebiihrlich es observiert, obwohlen sie vast 
nackend, so halten sie sich Decenter als viele Christen. Das bose 
unter ihnen ist dass ihr Zorn furios. — 

Hier ist zu observieren dass wan diese Barbarische Morder nacher 
Haus kammen, So wtissen Ihre Weiber zuvor durch botten, Rusten 
sie Sich zu Einem Fest in der Nacht, jede Haushaltung riistet sich die 
besten Speise nach Ihrer Art, bringen dieselben auf ihren grossen 
Richtplatz wo sie auch Ihre Tantz halten, Jede Haushaltung miech 
eine kleine Briige, vor deren im Feur so rings umbher und in der mitten 
dess grossen Platzes ein grosses feur wobey der Priester Stund, die 
Weiber nahmen sich alle Ihre Zierden, so bestunden in gehancken 
dieser Wampan und gleserne Corallen, da nahmen sie weise Stockli 
oder dicklachte Ruthen, Stiickli, sie grad als ein opfer in der mitten 
im Ring, alwo auch drey Hirschen-Heut auf gesteckt, als eine Gattung 
abgotter die Sie verEhrten, die Konigin oder die erste nach ihr in 
Abwesenheit fienge zuerst an, die andren alle nach Einander allezeit 
singend, wann der Ring voll ward, dann danzten sie alle umb dieses 
Feur, und die drey heut bis sie Mud wurden, deme gienge eine jede 
zu Ihrem Stand oder Brtige mit ihren Mannern Mahlzeit zu halten,: 
wann sie fertig, nahmen sie weise Ruhten, Schwarz geringlet und 
miechen gleiche Ceremoney wie zuvor, nahmen die Ersten stocklein 
oder Ruhten, Garniert mit Corallen wider, und steckten die Gering- 
leten an Ihren Platz, so kehrten sie widrum zu Ihren Standen, Indessen 
that der Priester sein officieren, die Finde betreuwend Ihn allerley der 
apscheuwlichsten posturen, hingegen seine Kriegs Leuth erhebend, und 
zur Dapferkeit ferners anstrengend, hernach gienge das junge gesind 
nahmen grime Est von Laub, ferbten Ihre Gesichter mit Schwarz, 
weis und Roht, liessen ihre Haar hinunter mit Gensen Flaumen so 
sahen sie abscheuwlich mehr Teuflen als Menschen gleich und Lufen 
dem grossen Platz zu, mit einem abscheuwlichen geschrey und tant- 
zten wie obgemelt, hier ist zu observieren, von obermelte Wilden 
Kriegs Leuth oder vielmehr Morder, einkamen mit ihrer beut und 
den gefangenen, der Priester und die Vornemsten Frauwen nahmen 
die armen gefangenen, zwungen sie zum Tantz, und so sie nicht 
tanzen wolten, nahmen sie sie unter den armen und schlepten sie auf 
und Nider zum Zeichen, dass diese Christen nun nach Ihrer Music 
tantzten, und in ihrer Subjection wahren. — 

Konnen also diese Heidnische Ceremoneyen fur ihren Cantum Di- 
vinum : oder abgottischen andachten passieren, : dess morgens habe bis 
weilen Observiert dass sie ein Serioses Kurzes Liedlein gesungen, 
anstatt dess gebets, und wann sie in gar grosser gefahr dess gleichen. — 

Zu Neu Bern wo ich mich gesetzt und das Stettlin angefangen, hab 
ich unter den Indianern die zuvor da wohnten, eine andre Manier die 

174 North Carolina Historical Commission 

da etwas nacher dem Christlichen Gottesdienst observiert : Da 
hatten sie eine gattung altar gar artig unt konstlich mit stecken ge- 
flochten und gewelbten Dome an einem ohrt, wahre eine ofnung als 
geriist zu einer kleiner Thuren dardurch mann das opfer ein legt, in 
der Mitten dieser Heydnischen Cappellen, wahren kleine Holen, worin 
sie dann hiengen Corallen und auch Wanpom opferten: gegen Son- 
nenaufgang wahre gesetzt ein Holzernes Bild, zielmich wohl geschnitzt. — 
Der Figur wie neben verzeichnet, geferbt halb roht, halb weiss, vor 
deme gesteckt ein langer staab, oben Truf ein kleine Cron der Stab 
geringlet, Roht und weiss gegen Mitternacht oder viel Eher gegen 
Abend wahre oposite Ein ander Bild mit einem hasslichen gesicht, 
Schwarz und Roht geferbt, so representierten Sie durch das erste 
Bild, eine gute Divinitet und durch das ander der Teufel, welchen sie 
besser kennen.— 

Hier kann ich nicht fur liber zu erzellen, was sich mit einem Meiner 
Lechen Leuth zugetragen, Ein starker lustiger Mann, da Er da vor- 
bey gieng, diese Zwey Bilder betrachtend, mieche alsbald ein Unter- 
scheid dessen, so den guten Gott und des andern so den bosen repre- 
sentierte, weilen dieses mit schwarz und Roht gefarbt welches Just die 
farb des cantons von Bern, ward er so erbittret, hieriiber dass er mit 
seiner ax oder Biel dis wiiste Bild Entzwey schnitte, da er wider 
nacher Haus kam Rtihmete er es als eine wackere That, als hatte er 
den Teufel in einem Striech entzwey gespalten, welches zwar anfangs 
nur ein kleines Lachen provociert, aber die Sach dennoch nicht abro- 
biert. Bald hernach kam der Indianer Konig gantz vertrtissig dieses 
fur ein Sacrilegium und grossen affront nemend, klagte, sich bitter, 
deme zwar ein Schertz bedeutete, nur ihr boser Abgott were beschadiget 
und dahin, Sey kein grosser schaden, wans aber der gute wahre, so 
wolte ich es fast abstrafen: Werde aber hinfuhro solche anstalten 
thun, dass dergleichen Vertriesslichkeiten, Ihnen nicht mehr wider- 
fahren solten. Obwohlender Indianer Konig sache, dass ich diss wesen 
in Vexaats zog, so gefiel ihme solches nicht, sondern ward ganz serios: 
So bezeuget ich ihme auch im Ernst dass mir dieses Manns action 
ganz nicht gefiel, so Er mir den Mann Zeigen konnte, der solches 
gethan solte er dafiir abgestraft werden: Mieche den Konig und die 
bey Ihm wahren Raum zu trincken, welches eine gattung Pranten- 
wein so von distiliertem Zucker Truesse gemacht, der Enden ganz 
gemein und gesundt, so man es mit Moderation trinckt, wahre zu 
dem gantz friindl: mit ihnen, so dass sie ganz wohl zufrieden, und 
vergnugt von mir giengen, Bey ihren Begrebnussen miechen sie mehr 
Ceremoney als an Hochzeiten oder Heurathen, und hab ich in der 
Begrebnuss einer verstorbnen Witfrauen etwas sonderbahres observ- 
iert, will mich dennoch hier nicht fast extendieren, weilen Viellerley 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Bern 175 

gedruckte relationes der Indianer Lebwesen und Manier betrefend, 
nur im fiirbeygang was ich an wunderbahrstem gefunden, und vor- 
nemlich wann ein Indianer kranck oder sterbend, so kommen Ihre 
Priester ins Haus, machen allerley viguren und posturen thun allerley 
beschwerungen, und geben den Krancken auch allerley artzneyen, so 
das nicht hilft, blasen sie dem Krancken durch den Mund Ihren atem 
ein, mit einem Erschrocklichen Rurren, weiss nicht mit was Segnerey, 
kombt der Kranken auf, ist ein Frolocken, stirb er 
aber ist ein trauriges Heulen, ja sogar, dass es einem grauset: Sie 
machen Ihre Graber mit grossem Fleiss, sind gewelbt mit rinden, 
wann der Verstorbene Ins Grab getragen wird, da standen zwey 
Priester die Lamentien und machen auf ihr ahrt ein Leichbredig, ist 
da etwas zu erholen, extollieren sie dess Verstorbemen Thaten, oder 
dessen Verwanten Trosten Sie, und machen weiss nicht was fur 
allerley abenteurliche beschwerungen: Summa da ist viel Tuhns und 
Schwetzens, so dass sich die Conjurer, oder Priester ganz in Schweiss 
gesehen, aber diss geschicht ein gut present zu erwarten, wann alles 
vorbey, so geben die Erben etliche gehenck vom Wampon oder aus 
Calcimierten Muscheln gemacht, sind kleine Dinger als Corallen wie 
obgemelt weiss, purper und gelb, diesen Priestren und diss ist ihr 
Lohn: NB: Es pflegen die Indianer aus diesen Dingern Hosen und 
Halsband zu machen, und wiissens so artig und ingenios durch Ein- 
ander zu Stricken und zu flechten, mit allerley viguren dass sich zu 
verwundren. Wann alles vorbey und das grab gedeckt, so hat sich 
etwas zu meiner Zeit wunderbahrs zugetragen, welches selbsten ge- 
sehen, Ein artiges feur oder Flammen ohngefehrt Zweyer Kerzen 
Liechter gross, fuhr grad auf von dem grab in die Hoche, als wohl der 
Lengste und Hochste baum, fuhr wider in grader Lingien iiber der 
Verstorbenen Cabinet und so weiter iiber eine grosse Heyd wohl eine 
halbstund lang bis es in Einem Wald Verschwunden, da ich solches 
sahe und meine Verunderung bezeugte, lachten die Wilden mich aus, 
als wolt ich wussen, dass dieses bey Ihnen nichts Neuwes, wolten mir 
doch nichts sagen, was es ware, habe hernach etliche gefragt, Niemand 
konnte mir positive sagen, aber sie halten viel darauf, und wird fur 
ein sonderbahr gut Zeichen fur den Toden geachtet. Ein artivitial 
feur konnte es nicht seyn wegen der Lenge und weiten Distanz visi- 
calisch konnte es wohl zugehen als Schwefliechte Dunst aus der Erden, 
aber diese Lange regularitet ubernimbt mich.— 

Da ich einsmahls in H: Goub: Hidens Haus mich befand, presentz 
dess Rahts und Vielen andren, da wir wegen dess Friedens mit den 
Indianern beschaftiget nahm ich in acht eines alten Indianers der mir 
als ein Conjurer oder Priester vorkam, so fragt ich Ihne was das wahre 
was ich hier oben erzelt, gesehen, unter 25 Indianern die da wahren 

176 North Carolina Historical Commission 

konnte nur dieser alte neben noch einem andren bericht hieruber 
geben, welches mir aber als ein Fabel vorkam;. — 

So sagten diese dass solches nur grosse Manner, alte erfahrene 
priester, sehen und thun konnten, da ich sie weiters befragte was das 
ware, gaben sie mir zur antwort, dass dis feurlein die Seel dess Ver- 
storbenen Seye, so In Ein andere gute Creatur fahre, so die persohn 
wohl gelebt, und sich wohl verhalten, habe sie sich nicht wohl ver- 
halten, so fahr sie in einen wiisten rauchen und in ein Hassliche un- 
gluckhaftige Creatur, diese Priester aber komen auf folgende Manier 
zu ihren kunst, namlich es trage sich zu dass ein Subtiles Fuerlein oder 
Flammlin von Einem Baum in den andren schiesse, aber gar selten, 
und wann ein Indianer solches sicht, muss er so vast moglich laufen 
solches zu fassen, und so er es fasset gehets grad an und wird zu einer 
kleinen Baum-spinnen, welche so Zableten und geschwind in und umb 
die Hand erwimslete, dass sie schier mit der andren Hand zu ergreifen, 
so ers aber Endlichen Ergreift, wascht diese Spinnen und wird wie ein 
Maus, also dass der wo solches wunderding ergreift, hernacher der 
beste Conjurer oder Schwarz-Kiinstler wird, und kann allerley Wun- 
der thun,. NB: diese Ktinstler oder Beschwerer wie sie auf Englich 
genent werden, haben auch die facultet den Teufel hervorzubringen, 
und ihne wieder abzufergen; — 

Es hat mir ein Schif Patron bedeuret dass er Einsmahls etliche 
Indianer in seinem Nachen oder kleinen Schifli gefiihrt, und da in 
dem Caroliner Sund eine solche Stille ward, dass sie Nirgends hin- 
kommen konnten, einer unter den Indianern gesagt, dass er wohl 
Einen guten Wind verschaffen konnte und wolte: Der Steur Mann so 
nicht viel proviant bey sich hatte, und gern weiter rucken mochte, 
liess es an den Indianer, bald hernach kam ein so Starcker Wind, dass 
ihme grausete, und hatte er gern minder Windes gehabt, allein es 
musste dadurch, So kamen Sie zu Einer gar kurzen Zeit an das Ver- 
langte Ohrt: Ermelter Schif Patron aber bezeugte mir, dass Er dess- 
halben in Eine so grosse forcht gerahten, dass er sein Lebtag sich 
solcher Hiilf nicht mehr bedienen wolte.- — 

Diss und obiges mag glauben wer da will, ist gewtiss, dass der Sathan 
viel Illusionen mit den armen Creaturen thut, doch wann solches 
unglaublich ware es nicht in einer so ansehnlichen Gesellschaft re- 
passieret und geredt worden: hatte mich auch nicht erkuhnt solche 
fabulose sachen hier beyzubringen.- — 

Habe viellerley sachen mehr gehort und unter den Indianern ob- 
serviert, weillen aber schon so viel autors hieruber geschrieben, dass 
meine remarque nur fur repeditionen passierten, sonsten betrefend die 
Ruhe und Barbarische Manier der Heyden, Indianern und von hiervor 
Ermelten so sage, dass ja selbe furios wann sie erziirnt, aber so man 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Bern 177 

sie im frieden lasst, ihnen nicht leidts thut, und sie nach Ihrer arth 
friindlich und gutthatig tractiert, — werden selten die Christen beley- 
digen, man habe ihnen dann die Ursach darzu gegeben: werden aber 
bissweillen hart und ubel von den Christen, tractiert: habe mit man- 
chem Indianer wegen Ihrer Grausamkeit geredt, es hat mir aber ein 
verstandiger Konig geantwortet, und Ein artig exempel dargeben von 
einer Schlangen, so man sie in Ihrem Ring unbedastet ruhwig und un- 
verletzt lasse, werde sie keiner Creatur Leids thun, aber warm man sie 
Distourbieren und verletze, so stech sie, sonderlich die Spanier seyen mit 
ihren Vor Eltern gar zu hart, ja vast unmenschlieh umbgangen : betrefend 
ihr der Indianer Morden und hinderrucks fechten, mussten sie wohl sich 
Ihres Vortheils bedienen, sonsten konnten sie nicht bestehen, sie seyen 
nicht so starck an der Zahl, und seyen nicht so versehen, mit Stucken, 
Flinten, Schwertren und allerley andren Verrahterischen Inventionen von 
Pulver gemacht, die Menschen zu Destrouieren, Item haben sie noch 
Pulver noch Bley, oder sie bekommen solches von den Christen Selb- 
sten, So dass unsere Weg viel betrieglicher Valscher und Schadlicher 
Seyen, sonst wir nicht mit ihnen so grausam umgehen wiirden, sonder 
unter uns selbsten die grosste Tiraney und grausamkeit vertiben, : diss 
hab ich wohl selbsten erfahren. — ■ 


So mit den Indianern gemacht Worden aus dem Englischen Trans- 

Zu wissen se^e hiermit Maniglichem, dass im Octob: 1711. Zwischen 
Baron und LandGrafen von Grafenried, Goubernatorem der Teutschen 
Coloney in Nord Carolina und denen Indianern der Touscarusco Na- 
tion Sambt Ihren Nachtbahren von Cor WilkilSons point, Konig 
Taylor denen von Pamtego und anderen der gegend Verglichen worden 
wie folget./. 

l./Dass beyde Parteyen das Vergangene Vergessen, und fiirrohin 
gute frtind sein sollend;. 

2./Soll der unterschriebene Goubernator der Teuschen Coloney, in 
Zeiten die Engellender und Indianer im streit, findschaft und Krieg 
gegen Einander seyen werden, gantz Neutral seyn, Item soil er sich in 
seinem Haus und Statlin still halten, Noch Engellander, noch In- 
dianer, da passieren lassen noch keinem Indianer was Leids thun, 
dessgleichen Sie auch Versprachen gegen den unsrigen: Im fahl sich 
Etwas Streit ErEugnete unter Vermelten Partheyen, sollen sie sich 
selbsten nicht Recht schaffen, sonder an gebiihreten Ohrt Erklagen, 
namlich wie Bey Beyderseits Vorgesetzten. 


178 North Carolina Historical Commission 

3./Verspricht Ermelter H: Goub: der Teuschen Coloney bey seinen 
Grenzen zuverbleiben, und kein Erdtrich mehr gegen ihnen hinauf zu 
nemen, den Konig und Nation unbegrtisst,./ 

4./Verspricht er ferners ftir vier Tag stillstand der Waafen zu pro- 
courieren, damit innert dieser Zeit Tiichtige persohnen, Erwehlt und 
Verornet wurden, heilsame Friedensprojecten zu proponieren, die da 
wo moglich bey den Streiteten Parteyen mtissten angenem und gefallig 

5./Soll den Indianern Erlaubt seyn zu jagen, wo beliebig ohne 
Einiche Hindernuss, Es ware dann sach, dass Sie So nach unsren 
Plantationen kamen, dass das fich verjagt oder beschadiget wurde, 
oder gefahr dess feurs zu beforchten.- — 

6./S0II Ihnen denn Indianern die Waahren und provision in einem 
raisonable und wohlfeillen preyss zu kommen Lassen,: weiters ist ver- 
glichen dass wo die hier unterzeichneten Marques seyn werden, an 
den Thoren unseren Hausern, dass da kein Leyd noch Schaden soil 
zugefugt werden. — 

So sollen hiermit die hier gemelte Conditiones und Clausullen exacte 
Observiert werden. — Dessen zu wahrer Urkund wir beyderseits uns 
unterschreiben, die angewohnte Pittschaft und Zeichen Beygesetzt. — 

Zeichen von Neuws. N. Graffenried Gouber: der Teuschen Coloney — 

Touscoruscos Zeichen v Touscoruscos Ind: 

und Nachtbahren. 

Herren Gubernator Von Virginien Mandat Translatiert aus dem 
Englischem Orriginal— 

Alexander Spootswood Goub: Staathalter und Commandant der 
Coloneyen und Provintz Virginien, als im Nahmen Ihr Koniglichen 
Mayestet von Gross Britagnien ;— an die Indianer Nation so H: B: 
von Grafenried gefangen halten./. 

Nachdeme wir vernommen dass H. Baron von Grafenried Goub 
und das Haubt der Teuschen Coloney, in Nord Carolina unter Euch 
gefangen ist; Verlange und gebeute Euch, im Nahmen der Konigin 
von Gross Brittanien deren Er ein Unthan ist, dass angesicht Ihr ihn 
frey und Losslassen sollend, und selbigen in unser Gouvernement 
senden. — 

Und hier habt ihr zu vernemmen, dass wo Ihr Ihne Todend, oder 
willends Schaaden zuzufuegen Im Sinn hattet, Ich Sein Blut rechen 
werde, und noch Mann noch Weibspersohnen, noch Kindern ver- 
schonen werde. 

Gegeben unter meinem grossen Sigel, 

d. 7. 8. bris 1711. (L: S:) 

A: Spotswood. 

Geaffeneied: Account of the Founding of New Been 179 

Carolina New Bern den 6. May 1711. 
Messieurs : 

Hier ubersende nochmahlen Eine Copey in antwort dero vom 23. 
Aug. an mich und an F. Michel abgelassenen Schreibens den 11. Ap- 
rillio hier Empfangen, aus forcht mein Voriges mochte etwan ver- 
lohren gehen, verdeute, dass was hier vor an die H: als Hh. Schul- 
theiss von Grafenried geschrieben worden, wir darzu genug Ursach 
hatten, Solche grosse Unterfangen mussen mit Kraft unterstutzt 
werden, mit so wenigem ist ohnmoglich fortzukommen, were bessre 
solches bleiben zu lassen, als sich in Gefahr zu begeben, reputation und 
Ehr so zu exponieren und alien Credit zu verlihren, warm ich aber 
vorsechen konen, was ich jetzunder weyss, hatte ganz andere Men- 
suren genommen, forchtsame Negotianten machen selten grossen for- 
tun, und sind H. Ritter und H. von Grafenried ausgestanden, kann 
ich nicht helfen, werden sich wohl andere an Ihren Platz finden. 
Ware es nicht aus Consideration H. J. Ritters und deren, so hiervor 
Fr. Michel vorgeschossen und an die Hand gegangen, so hatten 
wir uns mit einem Reichen Engellander associeren konnen, wollte 
aber allein mit uns seyn, so sind nun hier etliche brave Manner, die 
auch Shines einzustehen, aber nur in der Handlung, in dem Sie land 
genug fiir das gegenwertige, ist aber uns mit diesem Nicht bedient, 
dann diese grosse Schuld muss bezahlt seyn: Fr. Michel so in Pensil- 
vania, hat mir zwar vermeldet, er wolle dorten genug H. fiir Asso- 
cierte finden, zweifle aber daran, die traurige Erfahrung lehret mich 
nicht allzufest zu trauwen, ist besser das gewussere zu spihlen. 

Nimbt mich wunder, durch wen die 100£ Sterlin sollen zu Neuw- 
Castlen entrichtet worden seyn, weilen mir Monsr. Wrag nichfs dar- 
von Meldung thut./. 

Sie vermelden dass wir in Carolina solten trachten auf Credit etwas 
zu thun, ist schon genug geschachen, miissten wohl unsern Credit 
alien anwenden, die Nothwendigen Lebensmittel und Vich fiir ein 
Jahr lang zu verschaffen, wann wir nicht mit dem gantzen Volk 
wolten vor hunger verderben, dann das Ungliick wollen, dass wir das 
Gouvernement wegen absterben des Goubernatoren in hochster Con- 
fusion bey unsrer ankunft gefunden, da ich den General-Einzieher zu 
Haltung dessjenigen, was die Lords-Proprietarys versprochen, treiben 
wollen, hat Er resignirt indem der Lieut. Gouv. und Obrist Cary noch 
weder den Neuwen Gouv: Hide noch einichen der Lords Prop. : Neuwen 
Officieren annehmen wollen, hab' also nicht die mindste assistence 
auf seiten der Lords Prop: und Gouvernement gefunden, were uns 
nicht ein Ehrlicher wohlbemitleter Mann, Oberst Pollock und ein 
anderer an die Hand gangen, hatten wir wie obgemelt vor Hunger 
verderben mussen. So wahr ich gezwungen bey ihm und andern alles 

180 North Carolina Historical Commission 

auf Billets de Change zu nehmen und diese Provision musste fur ein 
jahr lang seyn, das ist bis kunftigen December, dann die Benacht- 
barten Insuln, so in grossen Mangel an Victualien, kaufen das Korn 
auf, ehe es zeitig wird auf dem Felde, braucht also dis geschaft gut 
Hertz, gute Frtind, und Credit, und ware ich nicht Landgraf gewesen, 
so dass ich in dem Raath und Oberen Haus des Parlaments konnen 
sitzen, welches mir Autoritat und Credit geben, so haten wir alle 
verderben miissen. — 

Sehet also Ihr H. per papant. dass die Jalousie in ansehen diesen 
Ehren Titlen, so zwar nichts ertragen, nicht wohl gegriindet, sondern 
vielmehr der Colloney solch Ehrenstellen, Vortheil und Nutzen pro- 
courirt: Konnte villicht eingewendet werden, dass solches grosse 
Kosten und viel wesen verursachet, nichts minder, habe deshalb beim 
Train ja nicht einmahl ein Liverey Rock, halte mich so genauw als 
der minste Particular, wie Sie es dann von anderen wohl vernehmen 
werden. — 

Betreffend die Mines, so ist Wahr, dass Sie Fr. Michel fur die auf- 
suchung und Entdeckung deren verpflichtet sind, wann ich aber nicht 
bey der ersten Handlung gewest, ware nichts daraus worden, und 
wolte H. Penn nichts thun noch schliessen, es seye dann von mir unter- 
schrieben. — 

Meine Beschwerlichkeiten und Muhwaltung betreffend, so ist dar- 
iiber viel zu sagen, Melden von einer recompense, auch kann ich die 
Lebensgefahr, Verdruss, unsagliche Miihe und affronte — die mir schon 
widerfahren, aus Mangel Erforderlicher assistence, und war ich wegen 
Protestation der wexel briefen zu gewarten, so ist wahrhaftig keine 
gross und gut genug fur mich, thue besser keine zu Pretentiren, die 
beste recompense wird Seyn, mich aus diesem Schweren Labirinten 
forterlich zu ziechen, wird Ihr und mein Nutz seyn. — 

In deme Sie melden, dass Sie Villicht alle in diese Land kommen 
werden, freuwet mich, mochte erwiinschen, Sie weren von anfang 
Hier gewesen und weren noch Hier, So konten Sie Sehen, ob alles so 
liecht hergehet und mit so wenigem zu machen, hatten auch Ihre Part 
an diesem so grossen Beschwerden; Miihe Kummer und Verdruss 
haben miissen, anstatt dass alles auf mir ligt: — 

Das Tage Buch von Begebenheiten zu machen wird nicht gar 
kurtzweilig seyn, weilen bis hieher wenig angehnemes, wohl aber viel 
Vertriessliches vorkombt; Ein Journal oder Verzeichnuss der Un- 
kosten so Exact vom vergangenen, wird schwerlich zu machen seyn, 
Insbesonders wo Fr. Michel gehandlet, inskonftig aber wird mehr 
regularitet observiert werden, so Sie so bald nicht kammen, were gut 
einen jungen treuwen Burger, der die Buchhaltung versteht herzu- 
senden, die Englischen sind gar zu thur, vordern 50£ Sterling zum 

Geaffeneied: Account of the Founding of New Been 181 

Jahr. was aber andere anlangt sey selbsten Lechen oder Handwerks- 
Leut, so wird man warten, bis der general frieden gemacht, Ein Pfarrer 
und Buchhalter aber thut noht, konten konftigen Herbst; das ist im 
Octob. oder 9. ber mit der Virginischen Flotten komen. Muss auch 
wohl in acht genohmen werden, alles dorten zu Schliessen und zu 
Handlen, dann wann Sie Einmahlen hier, werden Sie grad aufgebla- 
sen, und wollen selbst H. seyn. So ich viel gelt geben wolte, konte 
ich nicht einen Knecht noch Magt von der Coloney in mein Dienst 
bekomnien, Lechenleuthe und Bediente werden zu Bern mussen be- 
stelt werden, wie auch allerley Handwerk Leuth. — 

Hier ist nun die antwort uber alle Articul des Schreibens, nun will 
ich ein wenig den Zustand Hiesiger Sachen, die Situation und Er- 
tragenheit dess Lands mit wenigem berichten, das tibrige referieren, 
bis mein Vertriessliches und Unruhwiges gemiiht in einer Stilleren 
Situation. So iibersende nun Ein Plan in der E} r l und Einfalt ge- 
macht, die Situation der Stadt konte nicht Schoner, lustiger und 
bequemer seyn. So hanget auch die gantze Colloney daran alles 
beyeinander unci am Wasser, von Einem Ort kann man von dem 
Mehr hinauf, und am anderen wider hinein, und nur 6. oder 8. — 
Meilen per Land, glaube nicht dass ein Schonere Colloney in der 
Welt gesetzt worden, namlich die Situation betreffend, wird so Con- 
tinuiert bis nach der Rivier Clarendon oder Cap. fare, ist sicher dass 
in wenig Jahren, unter dem Segen Gottes diese Colloney fast wird 
zunehmen. Das Land ist herrlich und gut. Korn, Reis, Hanf, Flachs, 
Rueben, Ruebli, Bonen, Erbs, allerey Gartengewechs und Baum- 
friicht, kombt alles wohl fur, weyss wenig in unserem Land, das hier 
nicht auch man haben konne, "Wilde Reben sind sehr viel und tragen 
iiberaus viel, zweifle nicht man kone sie auch zahm machen, und andere 
Pflantzen, wie dan schon angefangen, an getrank ob man schon zwar 
noch kein Wein hat, so macht man Generaliter ein sehr angehnemes 
gesundes und wohlfeyles Bier, von Malasis, welches ein Saft von 
Zucker und Sasafras, ein wenig gederrtes Weitzen, Korn oder nur 
Kruseh, andere machen Bier aus Fygen, Quitten, Maul Beer, — Einer 
gatung rother Neschnen und ander Sachen mehr. GeWild und Fisch, 
alles im Ueberfluss, allerley gutes Fleisch per see,— das klein Vich 
vermehrt sich, kostet gar nichts zu erhalten, Winter und Sommer, so 
dass wan Einer nur ein wenig hat einzusetzen in wenig Jahren, viel 
Hundert besitzen kann, und gehet auch die Handlung darvon gar 
wohl ab. — Die General Handlung dan ist iiberaus gut, geht aber alles 
Tauschweis, Gelt ist keines vorhanden, als in den Slid Inselen, und 
den Landen so die Spanier und Hollander besitzen, zu Landen aber 
bekombt man es fur die Waaren, die Waaren so dorthin abgehen, sind 
Indigo etwelche Spetzereyen, Zucker, Ruhm, Malasis, diese beyde von 

182 North Carolina Historical Commission 

Zucker gemacht, macht uns ein kostlicher Brantenwein, Rysshut, und 
Fell,/: Weissgerber sehr vonnohten :/Von wilden und zamen Thieren, 
Federn und Flurn. NB. auf diesen Rivieren sind Schwanen, Gens 
und Enten Milionen weis, wilde welsche Hiiner grosse menge. — 

Das Climat betrefend ist ziemlich gut und gesund, nicht so gar 
warm wie vermeint, Junius, Jullius und august: sind heiss, dennoch 
geht bisweilen ein kiihler Wind, die tibrige Zeit des Jahres ist zimlich 
temperat, im anfang muss man den Tribut mit Einem Fieber zahlen. — 

Die Indianer nun betrefend, so sind sie nicht zubeforchten, so man 
einen Bund mit Ihnen macht, welches schon Sollenisch, Sie wahren 
anfangs uns aufsetzig, weilen Sie von Jalousen Kaufleuthen dahin 
angestiftet worden, ist aber jetzund alles still. — ■ 

Das Gouvernement ist wohl angestelt, die guten Ordnungen und 
gesetz aber schlecht exequiert, wahre, wie gemelt, bey meiner ankunft 
alles in grosser Confusion zu meinem grossten Schaden, ist nun aber 
besser, allein die Einkiinften, so ich pretentire sind hinweg, weilen der 
Lieut: Gouv: Cary, der sich des gantzen Gouvernements anmassen 
wollen, den ich aber durch den Neuwen Goubernatoren und Raht 
einsetzen lassen, aus der Gefangenschaft gerissen und fliichtig worden, 
zuvor alles verkauft und nun mitgenohmen : Dieser neben noch Zweyen 
andern haben eine solche rebellion angestelt, dass ich dem Gouverne- 
ment mit unsern Leuthen zu Hiilf Kommen mussen. Aus diesem 
Anlass vermelde nochmahlen, dass ich in einer so grossen extremitat 
gestanden, aus mangel exequierend guter Ordnung und Gesetzen, dene 
der Situation halben ernes neuwen lands, dass es nur um den Kopf 
gestanden, wan ich anders Procediert, dan ich der Koniglichen Comite 
mussen fur 5000£ Sterlin Biirgschaft geben, wegen diesen Volkren, so 
ich nun anfangs, da ich gesehen, das alles fehlt, diss arme Volk im 
Stich gelassen, mich anderswo retiriert oder Sie vor Hunger lassen 
verderben: Ware ich umb die 5000£ verwiirkt und ohne gnad aufge- 
hanckt worden, und wo ware darbey noch mein Gewissen geblieben, 
konnte ich nun anderst thun als ich gethan: Ist noch viel dass in 
einem wilden Lande, wo ich sonderbahr keine Frtind noch Bekannten, 
so viel Credit, dass ich alles dasjenige so uns zur Nothdurft vonnohten, 
bekommen hab; Ist aber jetzund zu thun wie mich aus diesem Labi- 
rint zu wiglen, dass ich nicht gar zu Schanden werde, und wir alles 
miteinander verlieren mussen, dan ich in forchten wegen der Protesta- 
tion der Billets arrestiert zu werden; und dorfte sich Coll: Pollock als 
der Strengste Creditor alles Emparieren, welches uns alien ein un- 
widerbringlicher Schaden und grosste Schand verursachen wiirde, und 
die gantze Colloney verderben, dan Sie sicher alle darvonlaufen 
wiirden. — 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of New Bern 183 

So finde nun keine bessere Mittel als noch um 8. assossierte auf das 
minste zu sehen, wo moglich mehr per 300£ Einschuss ein jeder oder 
4. und mehr per 600£, So wir in die Handlung etwas thun wollen, 
solten wir unsres auch verdoplen, dieses aber dorfte noch lang her- 
gehen, und mtissen diese Wechselbriefen, forderlichst bezahlt werden, 
kost was es wolle, so dunkte mich hierin noch ein experient gut, so die 
Companey zu meinem Vater gehen wiirde Ihne ansprechen auf eine 
Obligation und Einsetzung des gantzen Tract ats, von seinen gelteren 
so er in der Banque zu London hat 2000£ zu geben, bliebe Ihme dennoch 
eine Considerable portion, und wurde Ihn diss gantz nicht incommo- 
dieren, ist aber diss experient nicht erheblich, so wiisste ich nichts 
besseres als sich bei Mng: Herren anmelden Ihnen gleiche Sicherheit 
gebend. — 

Ist hierbey diss zu merken, dass diss nicht verlohrne Schulden die 
verschwendt, und nicht widerzubringen, sondern alles nach Verfiies- 
sung 3. Jahren mit provit ersetzt wird, Die Spezial Rechnung werde 
diesen Sommer maehen dismahlen nur en gros. — 


l./Fur Indianisch oder Ttirkisch Korn zur Nahrung der Col- 

loney und anzuseyen 6000 Maas p. 2 Schillings thut__ 600£ 

2./Weitzen 400 Maas p. 4 Schillings 80£ 

3./Saltz 200 Maas p. 10 dit 100£ 

4./Friisch fleisch und gesaltzes fiir 250£ 

5./Fuhrlohn aller dieser und andrer Sachen 100£ 

6./Die Schlop oder Brigantin, welches Fr. Michel in meinem 

Abwesen gehandlet, da ich nicht so kine wagen dorfen__ 200£ 

7 ./Ein Stoor oder Wirthshaus zu bauwen 60£ 

8./Mulli und Sagi 70£ 

9./Unser Losament so zugleich ein proviant Haus 70£ 

10/Stiick 10 Kiihe und soviel Kelber 30£. 10 Schwein 10£. 4 
Pferdt da zwey fiir den Lechenman 30£. 8 Schaaf 6£. 

noch 4 Kiih fiir die Haushaltung 12£. Summa 88£ 

ll./Fournierte Schwein 2 p. familie 160£ 

12./Provision fiir 150 Stuck p. 3£ 450£ 

Summa Summarum 2228£ 

NB: das Brigantin miisste erkauft werden aus grosser Noth weilen 
die Fuhren uberaus thiir und schwerlich zu bekommen, nur eine Reis 
mit 600. Mass Korn und etwas kleiner zu fuhren kostete 20£. haben 
schon den halben Theil an fuhrung gewonnen, ist _ _ _ gut zur Hand- 

184 North Carolina Historical Commission 

lung zu gebrauchen, ohne das ist hier nicht zu leben, ist wiirklich 
jetzund auf der Reis in die Slid — Inselen, Saltz, Malasis, Corn, Zucker 
und andere Sachen zu holen./Das Wirtshaus auch nohtig, diente an- 
fangs fur das Provianthaus, dan wir Schermen und Platz haben 
mtissen, die Provisionen zu logieren, sonsten ware darzu noch dieser 
Grund, das theils wegen wanders theils Lebens Mittel herzubringen, 
alles daher kam solchen Kosten verursachet, dass in die Lenge nicht 
zubestehn, dan in diesem Land keine Wirthshauser alles gastfrey, wan 
ich Ihnen nicht geben wollen, haben Sie gefordert, und konnte man die 
Leuth welche 10. 20. 50. bis 100 Meilen weit herkamen, nicht mit 
dem hungrigen Bauch lassen gehen, so bin ich nun desshalben ruhwig, 
muss aber provision gemacht werden, tragt aber ein Schones ein. 
Miihli und Sagi sind auch sehr nohtwendig, waren darzu gleichsam 
gezwungen, dan die Leuth ihr Korn nicht mahlen konten, die Sagi 
tragt ein Namhaftes ein, so sie einmahlen recht im gang, man sagt in 
Engelland, so wohl als hier alles von hand, die laden kosten unsag- 
lich viel, fur 1. Laden will ich bey einer Sagi 6. bekommen, ja wohl 10. 
Ein Engellander hat mir fur das jahrliche Einkommen von der Sagi 
50£. Sterlin offeriert, wan aber die Stadt angeht wie sichs wohl an- 
lasst ist 100£. werth Jahrlich. — 

Die Haushaltung ist Stark konnte wohl nicht seyn, wie sie H. Ritter 
und Isott zu Londen vermeint in particular zu leben, und in eine 
Kost zu gehen, Sie waren libel informiert, musste die Plantation 
zuerst gemacht werden, Losament wahre sehr schlecht, und in Eyl 
gebauwen, damit man auch im Grund arbeiten und darvon zu essen 
habe, und nicht gezwungen mit grossen Kosten die Nahrung zu ver- 
schafen, dene was nutz sonsten das Land und Leuth, ist noch fur 
jemand in particular etwas aufgenommen worden, ich fur mich selb- 
sten, hab noch nichts, wird aber inskonftig fur eint und anderer Vor- 
sehung gethan werden 

Uebrigens sind viel gute Sachen noch neben der Handlung und 
rentes zu verschafen, diss ist ein Neuwes Ohrt vor 5 Jahren noch 
wild und nicht bewohnt, haten die Leuth genug zu thun, mit ihren 
Plantationen, haben nicht Zeit nach der Industriam Sachen zu er- 
finden, und zu nutzen: Die Statt wird vest zunehmen, es kommen 
schier alle Tag Leuth die ein Lott, das ist ein Ackerland, um Haus, 
Kraut und baumgarten zu Bauwen, der Goubernator und die Fiir- 
nemsten dess Lands haben schon alle ihr Lott, ein Lott soil Jahrlich ein 
englich Crone geben. Euch H. haben wir schon einen schonen Bezirk 
reserviert, und an dem gesundest Ohrt, aber was sage ich hier, diss 
ist alles schon und gut, die bose und ungluckhaftige Bottschaft so von 
Londen angelanget, verderbt alles: Die Wechsel Brief e sind protest- 
iert, meine Ehr, Credit und reputation dahin, und die Coloney leydet 

Gkaffeneied: Account of the Founding of New Bern 185 

im hochsten grad, der Oberst Pollock so versprochen mich mit Vich zu 
versorgen, hat meine Leuth lehr zuriick kommen lassen, nun habe fur 
diss gantze Jahr/: Trachte demnach die aller Ernsten zu versehen, 
damit die Klag nicht gar zu gross :/Die Leuth haben keine Kiihe, 
welches einen sehr grossen Schaaden verursachet, gibt so viel Murm- 
lens, dass ich bald meines Lebens nicht sicher bin/: haben gedroht 
eine Klag Schrift an die Koniglich Comite zu senden, :/ln solcher 
Desperaten Condition was nun zu thun, mein gut, mein Ehr dahin, 
nichts als grosten Verdruss, affront, schand und Spott zu erwarten, 
wurde das Kurzeste seyn mich zu absentieren in eine Insul oder in die 
Bergen oder gar in Canada zu den Frantzosen iibergehen. Indessen 
wurde die Coloney verschwinden, Pollock sich dahin in possess setzen, 
so were alles dahin, und vergebens was bisher mit grosser muh und 
Kosten geschachen; doch thut es weh ein so schon Ort wo ein so 
schoner . _ . Ausblick guter Sachen zu verlassen, eben mit dieser 
bosen Zeitung, kamen auch Schlim Neuwes von Londen ein, betrefend 
Virginiam und Marienland wegen der Tabak Handlung: 1st alle ver- 
derbt weilen von anderen orten her, Tabac wohlfeiler gebracht, so 
sind nun diese arme Virginier schier ruiniert, welche all ihr Sach in 
Pflantzung des Tabakes gehabt, weilen nun Carolina che Einzige 
Provintz in Englisch America, wo das Vich sich ohne Kosten mid 
Miine wintern kann, so kombt alles Schwallweis daher, schlagt das 
land vast auf, so dass ich wohl versicheren, dass was man jetzund mit 
10£. in fiinf Jahren nicht mit 100 thun kan. — 

Messieurs, Sie wollen diss nur wohl erdauren, den schonen provit, so 
in den 100000 ackers oder Morgen Landes, welches noch ausser lassen, 
zu machen, und was weiter mehr, Item die schon ergangenen Kosten, 
die er der Nation und Companey der schone bevorstehencle Nutzen 
und profit anderer sachen, so zweifle nicht, sie werden alles thun, was 
nur moglich, einen so grossen Schaaden abzuwenden, und diese so 
schone Vorteille zu embrassieren : umb so viel desto eher, weilen nun 
alles an seinem Orth, keine grosse Kosten mehr als die 50 p. Cent und 
mehr eintragen, gehet von nun an das Einkommen schon an. H. 
Betschi ist vor 14. Tagen verreiset, sende Ihne express um die Leuth zu 
gstellen, dene damit ihr H. von Ihme, als persohnlich und Zeugen, 
mundlich alien bericht der Sachen vernehmen konnet, ist gern gangen, 
und hat sich selbst offeriert./. 

Will noch gedult haben, ja so ich den arrest erwehren kann, bis Ant- 
wort auf H: Betschis bericht kombt, kann ohngefehrt wohl ausrech- 
nen, wann es sein kann, so aber die vorgemelte Guter bis darmit 
Einkommen, so werde sicher zu einer grossen Extremitat gezwungen 
werden, und wird hernacher zu spat seyn, zu remedieren, ach wann ihr 
wtisstet und glauben kontet, was hier ein wenig zu thun, wtirdet Ihr 

186 North Carolina Historical Commission 

H. mich nicht so stecken lassen, sondern alles was nur moglich auf- 
bringen, mich aus diesem Labirint zu ziechen, und diss Coloney- 
Geschaft mit Kraft fortzusetzen. — 

Weilen wir von Londen kein Hausrecht noch Waaren bekommen, so 
waren wir froh H. Haubtmans Zechenders Sachen zu gebrauchen, wird 
hiemit vonnohten seyn Ihne darfiir zubefriedigen, und so er noch 
resolviert hieher zu kommen, Ihne dessen zu wahrnen, damit er sich 
demnach versehen konne. — 

Fr. Michel hat die gewehr alle mit genommen aussert zweyen, hie- 
mit in Holland provision zu machen, aber keine mit Moschern, Pla- 
tinen./ — 

Hatte aber liber eint und anders wohl noch viel zu schreiben, 
allein die Viele der geschaften, mein verdrossenes und verwirtes ge- 
miiht lasst mir dissmahlen nicht zu, wann ihr H: mich werdet aus 
diesem Labirint gezogen haben, durch iibersendung schleuniger wex- 
len, so werde dann schon Exactern relation, oder gar keine mehr 
iibersenden, dann an diesem hanget alles; wo nicht Efectuirt wird alles 
den Krebsgang gewinnen, und weiss Gott was aus mir werden wird. 
Thue Sie dess Allmachtigen Obhuet allerseits wohl Empfahlen und 

Messieurs ! 

Dero bereitwilliger Diener 

Von Grafenried. 

P. S. Nach deme gantz verzagt nach diesem Geschriebenen Brief in 
meinen Gedanken herumb schweifende, nicht wiissend was weiters in 
dieser so vertriissigen und gefahrlichen Conjunctur zu thun, So ge- 
dachte an etwelche Psalm: so sich wohl auf meinen Zustand schickten, 
meine Zuflucht mit denem eifrigen Gebet bey meinem H: Jesu dem 
rechten Heifer und Erloser nehmende, und munterte mich mit gewalt 
ein wenig auf. Zwey Tag hernach kam etwas daher so mich ein 
wenig trostete, kann doch nicht vorbey selbiges zu erzellen, will doch 
nur die Substanz vermelden, da es wohl erne gantze Histori ware, und 
dieser Brief schon ohne das lang genug. — 

So kam zu mir ein altlecht Englisch Manli vom Meer hinauf mir 
Uesters zu verkaufen, welches nach Fr. Michel fragte, weilen er aber 
nicht mehr vorhanden, fragte ich das Manli, was es wolte, gab mir 
zur antwort, wunschte mit Fr. Michel zu reden, weilen er aber nicht 
vorhanden und verstehe dass wir gute Friind, so woll er mir Etwas 
anzeigen, so mir villicht angenehm seyn werde. Sagte er seye mit Fr. 
Michel und Goubernator von Virginia . _ _ Mines gereiset schon vor 
einer geraumen Zeit, Er wiisste aber wohl eine bessere und reichere, 
darbey konte er mir alle Umstand von Fr. Michel Reis vermelden, 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Bern 187 

stimbte wohl iiberein mit dem was ich schon wohl wusste, da ich 
Juncker Michel Sache schon gantz verschetz habe, sache hierbey dass 
doch realitaten, nun diesen Bericht nach, hab ich etwas Hofnung, der 
allerhochste, der durch Seine unaussprechliche guete, dem Menschen 
so vielerley ding zu gutem erschafen, gebe seinen Segen darzu, und 
uns die Gnad dass wir seyne gutaten nicht missbrauchen, sondern Ihn 
ob allem preise. — 

Diese Mine so das Manli anzeigt ist ein golt Mine in Virginia da Fr. 
Michels ein Silber Mines in Pensilvania, und soil lauth aussag diese 
golt Mines 8 Tag von hier aus seyn, da die andere mehr als 14 Tag 
von Philadelphia aus ist. — Bey Erfindung dieser naheren und bes- 
seren Mines, war Fr. Michel nicht, sonder der Goubernator Nichol- 
son aus Virginia, von der gold Matery wolte der Goub: noch weder 
ihme noch andern lassen, auch Ihnen verboten keinem Menschen 
nichts zu sagen, indessen sache sich der Goub: um einen in solchen 
Dingen verstancligen Mann, auch funde er Einen welcher die Sach 
gantz reich und auf der prob befund. Thaten schon alle anstalten 
dieses zu efectuiren, dieser Berg Meister oder Chimist starb aber 
bald hernach. etwas Zeit hierauf entstuncle erne Aufruhr in Vir- 
ginia, da wurde der Goub: in Neuw Engelland berufen, selbiges Gou- 
vernement anzunehmen, und ist er wiirklich dissmahlen in einer nahm- 
haften Expedition gegen die Frantzosen in Canada begrifen, hat auch 
Fort Royal eingenommen, so ist bey ihm diese Mine verschwunden, 
und diss Minenwerk unterwegen blieben. Dieses Manli gab mir noch 
diesen Bericht, dass einer von denen der mit Ihnen wahre, mit Namen 
Clarck, ein halber golt Schmid, gotloser mami, der einem andern sein 
Frau geraubet, unci mit ihr sich in die Bergen hinaufgemacht, an 
diesem Ort Golt gefunden, daraus Muntz gebraget, aus Forcht, so er 
die Goltklompen verhandlete entdeckt zu werden, ist entlich seyn Gelt 
so gemein und etwas unterscheid darin gefunden worden, dass es an 
Tag kommen und ware er als ein falsch Mtintzer aufgehangt: Fr. 
Michels Knecht, so in erwartung bis seyn H. widerkombt, nun bey 
mir, hat diesen Clerck sehen aufkntipfen./ 

Diese obvermelte Mines ist nicht mehr als 20 oder 30 Meilen von 
dem Land wo die Konigin uns geben, so diss geheim, konnten wir ein 
Stuck Land weiter hinauf nehmen, konnten wir also der Mine uns 
emperieren, verstehet sich der Konigin Ihr portion vorbehalten, funde 
gut den jetzigen Goub. mit uns hierin auch zu interessieren, damit 
er uns an die Hand gehe, hatte auch bald das Manlein mit 2. Berg- 
leuthen so ich hier bey mir hab mitgenommen und wehren hinauf in 
die Bergen gereiset, um da den rechten Augenschein zu nehmen, und 
zugleich eine nahmhafte Curiostat zu sehen, ohnweit von diesem Ohrt 
soil eine steinene Tafel Seyn 40 Schuh lang und 10 breit auf 4 

188 North Carolina Historical Commission 

wohlgehauwenen und geschnitten Fiissen. darauf Etwas geschrieben so 
aber diese Leuth nicht lesen konen, ohnweit darvon sind noch rudera 
von einer Mauren, und eine zerborstene Schantz./ 

Dissmahlen aber ist nicht Zeit wegen der dicke der Biischen, da 
man darvor die Schlangen nicht sehen kan, wird aber konftigen 
Herbst geschachen, so mir Gott die Gesundheit und das Leben lasst, 
von Bern auch Ein bessere Zeitung einlangt, dass ich auch ein wenig 
respirieren kann./ 

NB: Ueber diese Sum und noch etwelche Fr. Michels Schulden 
nicht bezahlt zu Londen, und etwas an Wahren, so wir mit ihrem 
eigenen Consens zu Londen genommen, Item wird von nohten sein 
uns noch Etwas an gtiteren aufs minst fur 300£. herzusenden, dan 
ohnmoglich ohne dem hier zu leben, weil kein gelt vorhanden, alles 
mit Gtiteren gemacht wird, muss also fur alles zusammen wohl eine 
Sum von 3000£. aufgebracht werden. Das ist in unserem Land tiberaus 
viel, kcmbt aber alles hernacher auch mit grossem Nutzen Eyn. — 

Was inskonftig verschrieben oder an gelteren vermacht wird, 
wollen sie dem Danson und Wrag nicht zusenden, dan Sie falsch an 
uns, hat ein schlimmer Berner, er sey wer er wolle, uns sehr libel zu 
Londen angeschrieben, nebem dem haben wir erst hier ersehen dass 
Ihre Sachen eben nicht bim besten, Danson als einer von den Propriet: 

haltet zwar Bona Mines Commission zu geben, 

konnte aber durch mein Vaters Conto geschachen, 

welcher ein ordentlicher Mann, von Ihme auch im Frantzosisch ge- 
schrieben werden, und blieben die Sachen in geheim. Diese Danson 

und Wrag haben meine Briefe aufgethan, welche H: mir 

im Nahmen der Societet geschrieben, welches einen sehr bosen Efect 
hier in Carolina gethan, dann alles hierher geschrieben worden. 

NB. glaube nicht das H: Botschi wider komme, und so er kame 
konnte ich Ihn zur Handlung nicht brauchen, weilen Er die Buch- 
haltung gar nicht versteht, aus vielen starken Griinden ist nohtig, dass 
jemand von Euch H: harkomme aber nicht ohne wexel oder gelt, und 
das forderlich, dann wann ich sterben sollte, alles wunderlich herging; — 

Die Reis ist nicht so beschwerlich und gefahrlich, sonderlich in 
Friedens Zeiten, wie man sich einbildet, wir hatten das beste Wetter, 
und auf der gantzen Reis von Londen aus nur einen kleinen Sturm, ja 
so man liber Schottland saglet und im Meyen ausf ahrt : — Der Plan der 
Stadt und Colloney ist im vorigen Brief versendet und H: Botschi 
bringt auch ein.— 

NB: So Wexel vermacht werden, kann mann die Billets bey Mon- 
sieur Wrag zu Londen fin den. Thomas der Balbierer und Chirurgus 
will nur seine zwey Jahr hier ausmachen, wird also gut seyn einen 
guten Chirurgum zu senden, kan hier gewinnen, was er will, H. Botschi 

Geaffeneied : Account of the Founding of ZSTew Been 189 

hat eines der kleinen Pistolets mitgenommen, wird gut seyn selbiges 
durch derin Buchhalter wider zusenden ist schaad das Paar zu ver- 


Unser Hilf und anfang seyn in der Kraft des H: der Himmel und 
Erden geschafen hat. Amen./. 

Zuwissen seye hiermit, dass zwischen hernach unterschrieben H. und 
Frunden, als H. Frantz Ludwig Michel und Christofer von Grafen- 
ried an Einem und H. Georg Patter und H. Peter Isot in ihrem und 
H. Allbrechts von Grafenriedts H: Johann Anthoni Jarsing, H. Samuel 
Hopf, und H: Emanuel Kilchbergers Xahmen andern Theils mit ein- 
andern gegenwertigen Wahren, aufrichtigen Societet Contract aufge- 
richtet und beschlossen in folgenden puncten bestehend. — 

1. /Soil en zum fundament dienen diejenigen Hundert Siebenzechen 
Tausend und 500 Ackerland in Xord Carolina zwischen der Neuws 
Rivier und Cap fear gelegen, so in dieser Societet Xahmen von denn 
Lord proprietaris von Carolina sincl erkauft worden, Lauth der der- 
entwegen erhaltene Patenten, mit alien darzugehorigen priviligien und 
Vorrechten, was Sie auch firr Xahmen haben mogen, auch derjenigen so 
noch inskonftig von Selbigen werden erhalten werden, und konnen 
gehoren auch hierzu diejenigen 1200 unci 50. Ackerlands so von H. 
Lawson gekauft, in clem Egen, bei Rivier Xews und Trent; gelegen. — 

2./lst auch zum Fundament gesetz die von der Konigin von Gross- 
britanien erhaltene Concession in Virginia, auch was noch ferners von 
selbiger Konigin oder von Ihren Xachkommen daselbsten fiir Frey- 
heiten, gerechtigkeiten BergWerk, oder andere Concessionen, was 
nahmens sie immer se^m erhalten werden konnten, so alles zu gutem 
dieser Societet seyn soil. 

3./Wir sejTL unter dem Segen Gottes ftihrende Handlung. — - 

4./Soll diese Societet unter dem Xahmen Georg Ritter. und Comp. 
Gefuhrt werden, sollen auch alle acten und Schrhten, Briefen und 
Obligationen in diesem Xahmen unterschrieben werden. wird auch 
darzu die Societet Ihr eigen Sigl haben, soil auch kein assossierter. als 
der, oder diejenigen so die Societet, darzu begwaltigen wird, macht 
haben einige Acten noch Schriften in der Societet Xahmen zu unter- 
schreiben noch zu versiglen. — 

5./Das Capital dieser Socitet soil bestehen hi 7000 und 200£. 
Sterlin welche zur Bezahlung obbeschriebnen Lands, zu Lnterstiit- 
zung der schon dahin gesandten Pfaltsischen und Schweitzerischen 
Coloneyen, und denen hernach volgenden wie auch zu fiihrung vor- 
habender Handlmigen, und Bergwerken sollen angewent werden. — 

190 Worth Carolina Historical Commission 

6./Zu formierung dieses Capitals sind gesetzt 24. portionen jede zu 
300£. Sterlin, welche allhier zu Londen dem darzu bestelten H. sollen 
ubermacht werden, der Ihme dann auch ein Recipisse darfiir senden 
wird, wird Ihme auch in den Haubtbiicheren darvon Credit gegeben 
werden.- — 

7./Soll keiner mehr als eine portion fur sein persohn besitzen kon- 
nen, wohl aber konen Zwey oder aufs Hochste drey fur eine portion 
conjungieren, warm aber nach Verfiiessung dreyer Jahren diese 24. 
Portionen nicht complet, so soil es denen so schon eine portion haben, 
noch eine zu nehmen frey stehen. — 

8./Bey Abhandlung vorfallender Haubsachen, als Erwehlung eines 
Directoren, eines oder mehr Deputierten bey dem Koniglichen Hof, 
bey den Lordproprietaries oder anderstwo zu Negotcieren, bey Be- 
satzung aller von der Societet Salarierten bedienten und Embteren, 
wie auch bey annehmung Eines oder mehr neu assossierten zu Bau- 
wung, und Einkaufung, der zur Handlung dienlichen Schifen, und 
Erofnung der Bergwerken, soil alles nach dem Mehr der Stimmen 
gemacht und erwehlt werden: mit dieser erleuterung dass wo mehr 
als einer zu einer gantzen Portion sie nur fur eine Stimm solten ge- 
rechnet werden; soil auch keiner der kein gantze Portion hat, zu 
einem Directoren erwehlt werden; — 

9./Bleibt einem jedweden frey sich in Carolina oder Virginia zube- 
geben, oder aber in seinem Vatterland zu verbleiben, da dann sein 
befehlhaber an seiner Statt gleiche Privilegia geniessen soil, Uessert 
dass er zu keinem Directoren kann erwehlt werden. 

lO./Stehet auch einem jeden frey seine portion einem anderen zu 
verkaufen, zu verhandelen und zu vergaben, und zu schalten und zu 
walten darmit, gieich wie mit andrem seinem hab und gut, und so er 
ab Intestato absturbe, soil selbige gieich wie sein iibriges gut seinem 
Nechsten Erben heim dienen, behalt sich allein die Societet vor bey 
Verkaufung das Zugrecht darzu zu haben, und dass nicht in Tode 
Hand falle, und Papisten verkauft oder vergabet werden solle. — 

ll./Wird einem jeden participanten ein Land an einem Ihme be- 
liebigen Ort in der Aufbauwung einer Statt gezeichnet werden, wie 
auf ein freyes guth von 500 Jucherten in Virginia aber so viel ihme 
belieben wird, Zins und Zehnd Frey nur was den Lord proprietaris 
gebuhrt vorbehalten./. 

12./Behaltet sich der H. Michel vor, weilen er das Pensilvanische 
Bergwerk der Societet zum besten einschiessen thate, dass Ihme die 
drey ersten Jahr anzufangen, wann selbige Bergwerk werden erofnet 
seyn und anfangen Nutzen zu bringen vorauszukommen sollen, im 4 
Jahr dan wird der H. Ritter und H. von Grafenried, das Mehr der 
Kosten, so sie als der belauf Ihrer Portion eingeschossen vor dem 

Graffenkied: Account of the Founding of New Been 191 

Eingang desselben Bergwerk vorausnehmen, das iibrige wie auch die 
noch restierenden 17 jahr soil der gantze sonsten zuhorende Theil der 
Societet zukommen, verspricht hierbey bey gliicklichem Succes obge- 
melter Mine von diesen ersten Jahren der Societet des H: Ritters 
Capital zu vergtitigen./. 

13./So wird H. Michel fur seine grosse gehabte Mtihwaltung, und 
fiir die eingeschossenen Bergwerk zu gutem der Socitet, eine gantz 
portion gut geschrieben, doch soil er alles dasjenige so ihme von der 
Societet bis Dato vorgestreckt : und noch mochte vorgestreckt werden, 
so bald moglich wider vergiiten. — 

14./Dess H. Christoph von Grafenried Gelt fiir 5000 
Ackersland in Carolina, wie auch die wegen den Pfaltzeren und 
anderen gehabten Kosten, lauth eingelegter Specification, soil Ihme 
fiir eine portion gut geschrieben werden, das mehrere aber soil er 
lauth des 13. artikuls von der Pensilvanischen Mines nehmen. — ■ 

15./Dessgleichen wird H. Georg Hitter fiir seine gehabte Kosten, 
eine gantze Portion gut geheissen und geschrieben, das mehrere aber 
soil er auch lauth 13. articuls von der Pensilvanischen Minen nehmen. — 

16./lst keinem erlaubt in Nord Carolina fiir sein eigen Conto land 
aufzunehmen, aussert der genamseten freyen Gutern, sondern alles 
Land daselbsten soil per Conto der Societet aufgenommen werden. — 

17./Soll auch kein mitassossierter weder in Nord Carolina noch 
Virginia keine particularhandlung ftihren konnen, sondern soil dorten 
alles zum besten der Societet angewendt, clenoch bleibt einem jeden 
frey sich mit anderen die nicht in dieser provintz handlen zu assos- 
sieren, und fiir sein eigen Conto Handlung zu treiben, alles in dem 
Verstand, dass es dieser Societet unschadlich seye. — ■ 

18./Sollen die iibrigen hierobvernammseten, H. assossierten, so Ihr 
Capital noch nicht follig eingeschossen, selbiges bis nachst konftigen 
Herbst Monath vollig einschiessen mid an die in Engelland genam — ■ 
seten H. iibermachen, — 

19./Wird dieser Societet kein bestimbter Ausgang gesetzt, weilen ein 
jeder der nicht gern langer in der Societet verbleiben will, frey stehet 
seine portion zu verkaufen, im ansechen aber in dieser welt nichts 
steifes und unverenderliches kann gemacht werden so ist abgeret und 
beschlossen, dass diese Societet soil bestehen 20 Jahr lang ohne dass 
in dieser Zeit von Einicher Separation soil noch kan gered werden, 
nach Verfliessung aber dieser 20 Jahren kan auf gutbefinden dess 3 
oder 4. Theils der H. assossierte, diese Societet aufgehoben werden, da 
sie dann nach dem Zustand, der dann zumahlen befindlichen Sachen, 
Ihre Theilung nach dem Mehr der Stimmen einrichten Konnen. — 

20./Vor Verfliessung 4 Jahren soil kein separation gemacht werden, 
jedoch soil jahrlich die Beschafenheit der Sachen berichtet, eine Rech- 

192 North Carolina Historical Commission 

nung der Bylantz gezogen, und jedem participanten eine Copey zu- 
gestelt werden, nach Verfliessung aber der 4. Jahren soil jahrlichen 
jeder assossierter lOp. % von seinem eingeschossenen Capital be- 
ziechen, je nach gutbefinden der sambtlichen Societet, was aber durch 
den Segen Gottes in den Mines solte gewonnen werden, das soil jahr- 
lich repartiert werden. 

21./Bleibt der Societet frey mit dem Mehr der Stimmen diesen 
Tractat zu erleutern, und zu erklaren, zu vermindern und zu ver- 
mehren, je nachdem es der Nutzen der Societet erfordert. 

22./Versprechen die H. assossierten ein anderen Lieb und treuw und 
wahre frundschaft, und dass sie alles was zu dieser Societet nutzen 
und frommen dienen und gereichen mag, nach bestem Ihrem Ver- 
mogen wollen helfen befordern, und ihren schaden so viel an ihren 
wenden, alles ohngefehrt in Kraft dieses Tractats, dessen Zwey gleich- 
formig und gleichlautende exemplar verfertigt. Es gebe aber der Herr 
unser Gott seynen Segen darzu, demme allein gebuhrt das Lob, die 
Ehr und der Preis von Ewigkeit zu Ewigkeit Amen./. 

Beschachen in Londen D. 18. Mey 1710./ 
Bezeugen William Edwards, 
Edward Woods./ 

Fr: Ludwig Michel. 
Chr: von Grafenried. 
Georg Bitter. 
Petter Isoth. 


Ueber Eint und andre Puncten Carolina betrefend aus dem Eng- 
lischen iibersetzt. — 

l./Das land in Slid Carolina ausmessen zu lassen kostet per Juch- 
arten ein Pfennig Carolinisch Gelt, in Nord Carolina aber ein halber 
Pfennig, ein Certificat, die registrierung und Copey kostet 27 Schilling 
fur jede Stuck Land so erhandlet wird, es seye gross oder klein.— 

2./Betreffend den Wechsel, so ist kein gesetz der Wechsel zwischen 
Carolina und Europa, aber nach dem Werth der stuck von achten, ist 
der unterscheyd, ohngefahrt 35 p. % mehr in Carolina als in Engel- 
land. — 

3. /Die Wahren so mitzunehmen sind, betreffend, ist das Niitz- 
lichste, allerhand assortierte wahren, von engiischen Manufacturen 
uberzubringen, woriiber wir ihnen berichtlich erteillen konnen, wann 
wir wissen werden, was fur, und wie viel Volck hinuber kommen 
werde. — 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of !New Been 193 

4./Ein solches nach unsrer anweisung proportioniertes assortment 
von Wahren kan in Carolina, warm es erhandlet wird, 200 bis 
250 p.%, einiche sonderbahre Wahren aber bis 300 p.% profit geben. — 

5./Eine jede Person, es seye Mann, Weib oder Kind, landseinge- 
bohrne oder fremde, so sich in Eigenen Kosten in Carolina trans- 
portieren lassen, haben das Privilegium fiir jeden Kopf 50 jueharten 
Lands fur ewig aufzunehmen, und bezahlen jahrlich den Lords pro- 
prietaris ein Pfennig per Jueharten Boden Zins, — 

6./Das Land an Lehenleuthen auszuleichen. Es kan eine persohn 
welche eine gewiisse quantitet land erhandlet solches wieder in un- 
terschiedliche Plantationes abteillen, deren jede Zwey, 3 4 bis in 
500 Jueharten nach belieben halten thut, nach dem der Lechen H: 
mit dem Lechen Mann ubereinkommen kann, worzu der Lechen H. 
seinem Lechen Maim, mit einer gewissen Quantitat Werk Zeug, Negel, 
Schlosser, Rigel, Pfannen, Fenster Gleser. u. umb ein Haus zu bauwen, 
wie auch mit nothwendigen Vich als Pfert, Kiihe, Schwein u. Wie 
auch mit nothigem gewechs flir Samen und unterhaltung bis zur 
ersten Ernd, fiir welches der Lechen Mann, oder Pflantzer dem Lechen 
H: zustellen soil, jahrlich von allerhand auf waxes des Vichs 2/3 neben 
einer gewissen Quantitet Rys, Weitzen u. jenach inhald Ihres accords. — • 
Nachdem ich mich aller in dem land gebreuchlichen Conditionen 
halben wohl informiert und alles gegen einander ausgerechnet dass der 
Lehen H: vom aufwaxes des Vichs, und allem gewachs von Lehen 
Mann beziechen thate. — 

7./Die Productionen des Lands betreffend, ist gewiss, dass es hervor- 
bringt, das beste Reyss, indianisch Korn, Weitzen, Haber Bohnen, 
Erbs. Insonderheit in Nord Carolina, sie sayen gemeinlich ein gleiches 
Stuck Land ohne gebrauch des Bauws. Es mag aber rahtsam seyn, 
bisweilen mit dem Samen, nach Nothdurft abzuendern, welches die 
benachtbarten Pflantzer auch berichten konnen. — 

8./Frusches und gutes Land, ist ohnzeifelbahr zum Reyss das beste, 
nehmlich dasjenige, so etwas fucht und nass ist, wann es aber zu nass 
ist, ist nohtwendig mit langen Fourren, und aufgeworfenen Fauschen 
zu trochnen, und zum anbauw, bequemer zu machen. — Ist auch 
thunlich, eine gewisse Quantitet solch feuchten Lands, fiir die Pflant- 
zung des Reyses aufzubehalten, das trockene Erdtreich aber fiir 
Weitzen und andere gewechs zu gebrauchen; — 

9./Der Centner Reys/: Hundert und Zwolf £. haltet:/ wird verkauft 
zu 15 bis 16 Schilling, das indianisch Korn 2 l/2 Schilling die Bus- 
chel;/: zu 4 Mass gerechnet:/ Weitzen 3 1/2 Schilling die Buschel. 
Was die gersten, haber, Erbs, bohnen, anlanget habe keinen gewissen 
Preyss gehort, weil solche weniger gebraucht werden, was die Ver- 
mehrung einer jeden gatung Gewachs betrift, kann mann solches, in 


194 North Carolina Historical Commission 

Lawsons Buch welcher Beschreibung fiir gantz bescheyden gehalten 
wird, und ist gewiss dass solche darin vermelte Vermehrung das Land 
gemeinlich produciert, in ansehen des Preises Vichs, die Pfert werden 
verkauft von 4 bis 6£. Eine Kuhe sambt dem Kalb umb 2 l/2 biss 
3£. Ein Schwein mit ihrem Ferklein zu 12 Schilling, ein Ber 15 S: 
alles gerechnet nach Carolinischer Wahrung, so dass ungefahr 3/8. 
von abgesagdem Wehrt ausgelegt in englischen Wahren mag dieses 
Vich darfur erhandlet werden. Die Schaaf belangend, so sind diss- 
mahl wenig, aber ihr anzahl mag durch sorg und fleiss liecht ver- 
mehrt werden, da man sie alle Nacht in absonderliche Schaaf Hurden 
eintreiben soil, umb vor den Wolfen sicher zu seyn. Die Form dieser 
Hurden kan hier nicht wohl vorgestelt werden, konte aber besser 
mundlichen Bericht ablegen, das Vich vermehrt sich eben so wie in 
Engelland. Die Kiihe und Stuten einmahlen dess jahrs, die Schwein 
verjungern sich 3 mahl, und jederzeit 12 14 bis 16 auf einmahl. 
Ihre Nahrung ist meistentheils das was sie in Walderen finden, welches 
genennet wird Range fiir das Vich. So dass jede plantation bestehend 
in 500 Jucharten fiir Vich weyd behalten, dann sie haben nicht im 
brauch zu heuwen in ihren niederen Griinden oder matten, wie in 
Engelland, all wo das Vich den Winter durch damit gefutert wird, 
obschon die Winter in Carolina viel kiirzer als in Engelland, so wird 
doch das Vich, in dieser kurzen Zeit mager und diinn, aber fiir die 
Schwein dienen die Walder, welche allerhand Nuss und Euchlen her- 
vorbringen, zu sonderbahrem Vortheil. Anfangs Winters und ein 
wenig vor der Zeit, da die Schwein gemetzget werden, nimbt man von 
der Hard so viel, alls man gesinnet zu toden, und futret solche noch 
zwey oder 3 Wochen mit indianischem Korn, Bohnen oder Erbs, sie 
konnen auch wohl unterhalten werden, in den Baumgerten deren 
einiche 2 3 bis 4 Jucharten inhalten, von allerhand gattung apfien, 
Biren, Kirsen, Pfersich, Parillen u. Sie ernehren sich anfangs des 
jahrs von gras, hernach von denen abgefallenen Friichten, und wann 
sie fiir iiber, werden sie wider in die Walder gejagt, damit sie aber 
nicht vollends erwilden, werden sie von 10 zu 10 Tagen durch das 
Horn blasen, nach Hause zu kehren gewohnt, da ihnen ein wenig 
indianisch Korn fiir geworfen wird; wann sie nun das Horn blasen 
horen, laufen sie stracks nacher Haus. Das Heuw fiir das Vich 
konnte zweifelsohn, aus den griinden, oder Savanas wohl zubekommen 
seyn, weillen an solchen Ohrten viel Gras wachset, es wird aber aus 
mangel abmajend grob und unkiistig, wann selbiges aber wie in 
Engelland gebrauchlich oft abgemahet wurde, konte frisches und zum 
Heuw bequemes Gras wachsen, Wan hiemit das Vich darmit gefiittert 
wurde, konnte solches in gutem Stand erhalten werden, dann bey 
diesem Futter und dem Erbstroh, wird das Vich frisch und mastig. — 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of New Bern 195 

lO./Der Transport kost fur jede Persohn 6£. dass also 100 per- 
sohnen fiir den Transport allein Kosten werden 600£. Von Holland 
bis Engelland, kostets 5 Schilling von der persohn, welches sambt der 
Bagage kostet 20 Schilling oder 1£. Sterlin, welches in allem 100£. 
ausmacht. — 

ll./Derowegen ist rahtsam in Holland eine tiichtige Persohn zu 
bestellen, welche wir ihnen anrecommandieren konnen, umb ein 
englisch gefangenes Schif in einem frantzosischen Seehafen von ohnge- 
fahrt 120 Tonen zu erhandlen, welches beylaufig 250£. kosten mag, 
die Wiederausriistung dieses Schifs mit Saglen und anderen Noht- 
wendigkeiten zuversehen, kann zum besten und wohlfeilsten in Holland 
gemacht werden, die Lebensmittel und proviantierung aber in 
Engelland zu bekommen, welche zur Einladung konne fertig ge- 
halten werden, bis zur ankonft des Schifs. welche Ausrustung diss 
Schifs und Proviantierung der 100 Persohnen,* bis nach Carolina 
sich allso belaufen wtirde, auf 450£. aufs vilste, so dass das Schif aus- 
geriistet und proviantiert Euer eigen ware um 700.£. und hiemit umb 
etwas wenigs mehr als der Transport kosten wtirde. Es ist aber noch 
der Meister und die Sagler zu versorgen, von Welchen Sagleren 2/3 
miissen Engellander seyn, nemlich 9 Mann und ein jung, oder 8 
Mann und 2 Jungen, welche wir auch verschafen konnen. Ihre 
gage belaufen sich 20 bis 24£. monathiich. — Die lenge ihrer Reys von 
Holland nach Engelland, die Wartezeit auf den Wind und andere 
Hindernusse, bis sie von dem land ab, und in Carolina ankommen, 
mag sich aufs vilst auf 4 Monat belaufen. ich setze also, dass der 
Schifleuthen, sambt andern unerwarteten unkosten von der Zeit an, 
da das Schif von Holland nach Engelland, und nach Carolina fahret 
auf 100£. Sterlin sich belaufen mogen. — Ist das nicht ein wohlfeiles 
Schiff ; und ist das nicht rahtsamer dan ein frachtschif zu mieten, und 
700£. zu bezahlen, wormit man anders nichts ausrichten kann, als 
die Colloney bis an die Carolinisch Kiisten transportieren und aus- 
setzen, allwo sie vor sie selbsten Sorgen, und noch Schaloupen mieten 
muss, um sich und ihre Guter ins Land hineinzufiihren. — 

Ich setze nun ein solches Schif mit ausrustung proviantierung wtirde 
kosten 800£. und 100£. Gages fiir die Schifleuth, fiir 4 Monath, thut 
zusammen 900. £. von solchen abgezogen 700. £. Transportgelt fiir ob- 
gemelte 100 persohnen, wie auch noch 50£. das Volk in Carolina von 
den Kiisten ins Land hinaufzufuhren, restiert 150£. So das Schiff 
noch kosten wiirde; Ich setze nun das Schif in Carolina fiir die Schif - 
leuthe wider zu proviantieren kosten wiirde, 30 bis 40. £. Sterlin, ich 
setze ferners das Schif wiirde sich daselbsten bey 3 Monath, dem 
Volk mit dem Bood aufzuwarten, und widerumb Fracht nacher 
Engelland zubekommen, aufhalten. Innert diesen dreyen Monathen 

196 North Carolina Historical Commission 

kann man sich darauf verlassen, in Nord oder Slid Carolina oder 
Virginien solche zu bekommen, und ist glaublich das selbige sich auf 
550 bis 600. £. belaufen mochte, die ganze Versaumnuss, das Volk ins 
Land hinaufzubringen, und die vollige Ladung des Schifs anzuschafen, 
mag sich in 6 Monath verziehen. Der Schifsleuthen Sold fur diese 6 
Monath und andere zufallige ausgaben, sambt zu 150. £. sich be- 
laufend, von obiger Fracht der wahren, abgezogen restieren 450£. 
wormit das Schif in Engelland wider mag ausgerlistet werden, und 
bleibt noch darvon ubrig 150£. welches gelt fur englische Waahren, 
fur euren Conto kann ausgelegt werden, kann auch das Schif mit 
frischem Volck, wieder in Carolina versand, und dorten wider mit 
Wahren beladen werden, aus welchem allem liecht zu ersehen, dass es 
euwer Interesse ware, ein solches Schif zu erhandlen. — 

Ist allso wohl werth zu betrachten, wie dienlich Euch ein solches 
Schif sein wurde, im fahl das Volk zu einer solchen Zeit in Carolina 
ankommen wurde, da selbiges nicht genugsame Provision daselbsten 
zum Etablissement finden konnte, in Ermanglung derselbigen, konnte 
besagtes Schif einige andere englische Wahren nach Pensilvania oder 
andere benachbarte Kiisten fiihren, und dargegen dasjenige, was zu 
der Coloney fernerer Subsistentz notig ist dorten erhandlen. Ist auch 
rathsam einen Schif Zimmermann mit hinuber zu nehmen, welcher 
mit Hiilf eines oder Zweyer Hauszimmermanner oder anderen von 
dem Volk in kurzer Zeit ein Schalouppen, ohngefahrt 40 Tonen 
Ladung haltet bauwen mochten. Das Eysenwerk, Seylwerk, Segel 
muss von Engelland mit hinuber gefiihrt werden, und mag ohngefehrt 
80 oder 90£. kosten. Eine solche Schaloupen kann bestandig zu 
gutem Nutzen gebraucht werden, in dem man an unterschiedlichen 
Orthen, englische Wahren kann erhandlen, wie auch Reys, gesaltzen 
Schwein und Rindfiiesch, Blunder und Weinfass Tauben, Boden und 
Reisten an andere Ohrt zu Verhandlung transportieren, auch bisweilen 
eine Ladung Saltz in der Insul Tudos oder anderstwo zu holen, damit 
man solches nicht von anderer Hand desto theurer kaufen miisste. 
aus welchen Betrachtung noch viele andere, so da ferners konten 
vorgestelt werden, erhalet, dass es euch so wohl wegen eigener ge- 
machlichkeit, als profits halber hochst niitzlich seyn wurde, ein solch 
Schif und Schaloupen zu halten. Inskonftig dan konnte zur gelegenen 
Zeit, widerum Holtz gefelt werden, daraus noch andere Schaloupen 
zu bauwen waren, umb die an banachbahrten flussen, wohnende 
Plantationen zur gelegenen Zeit mit englischen Wahren zu besuchen, 
welches Sie zu alien Zeiten Nohtig haben, wordurch Ihr grossen Niit- 
zen geniessen und zugleich dem Volk mit allerhand Nohtwendigkeit 
beyspringen konnet, welches hierdurch, je langer je mehr Fleiss und 
Arbeit anzuwenden bewogen wird; weilen selbiges auf solche weys des 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Bern 197 

Lands production gegen nohtige Kleydung, Werkzeug, Hausgerath 
etc: vertauschen kann, woriiber wir euch particular Nachricht und 
exacte anweisung konnen geben, und sind unsres theils willig, solches 
in Engelland commissions weis zu unternehmen./. 

Neben dem werden Eure englischen Nachtbahren in Carolina froh 
seyn, ihre Wahren in euer Schif und Schaloupen, fur Frachtgelt zu- 
laden, oder ihr Reys, gewechs, Rind und Schweinen Fleisch, Heutte und 
Beltzwerk, wie auch lebendig Vich gegen eure englische Wahren auszu- 
wexlen, welche ihr konnet an gelegene Ohrt, zu euren Schifen hinbringen, 
als Reys, Heutte, Fehl und Beltzwerk, Harz und Pech nach Engelland; 
Schwein und Rindfleisch in Tonnen eingesaltzen, Fasstauben Boden 
und Reisten, Mehl und Reys Jamaica Barbados, und Antheyoa, von 
dan kann man wider zuriick bringen, so viel Zucker Rum, Zucker 
Rovalis :/Zucker mahl als ihr werdet nohtig finden, und in Carolina 
kan uberbracht und verkauft werden. der iibrige dargegen erhandlete 
Zucker, dan kann auf englischen Schiffen, der in diesen Inseln alle- 
zeit anzutreffen, nacher Engelland versendt, und dorten versilbert 
werden, oder von uns nach Dortrecht oder Roterdamm und von dann 
in die Schweitz verschickt werden, wie dan euch anweisung konnen 
geben, wie ihr in Stand zu bringen waret mit der Zeit, das gantze 
Schweitzerland mit Zucker zu versehn. Eine andere Schaloupen mag 
auch beladen werden mit Fasstauben, Reisten und Boden, und nach 
Maderas gesandt werden, diese Wahren gegen Wein auszuwechslen, 
und selbige in Carolina zu fiihren, woselbst wie auch in Virginia urn 
einen guten Preys kann verkauft werden; konnen auch an besagten 
Ohrten, an gewisse Corespondenten recommandieren. — Warm ihr aber 
im anfang mehr als hmidert persohnen zu transportieren wiirdet 
nohtig finden, konnten wir in solchem Fahl Euch andere Schif mie- 
ten, und den uberrest sambt ihren Gutem zu transportieren, die 
Fracht aber des Schifs muss in Londen bezahlt werden. — 

Wan ihr konntet mit etwan einer famillien versehen, welche ver- 
stunde mit Seyden Wurmern mid Seyden umbzugehen mit dieser 
Arbeit, konnte eine anzahl weiber und Kinder occupiert werden, diese 
Waahr wurde von sehr grosser Ertragenheit und Nutzen seyn, welche 
sehr liecht und gemachtlich in Carolina produciert wird, wie die Er- 
fahrung solches an wenigen erwiesen, wann nur cler Hande genug 
wahren, mochte ein grosses Wesen daraus werden, weilen eine grosse 
menge weyser und rother Maulbehr daselbst zu finden. 1st kaum 
glaublich wie grossen Nutzen hieraus zu hoffen wahre, wann nur 
fleisige Arbeiter wie auch cleren, die sich hierauf verstunden gnug 
verhanden, eine einige famille so dessen gute Wisenschaft hatte, komite 
viele andere unterweisen. — 

198 North Carolina Historical Commission 

Der Endich ist auch in Carolina geplanzet worden, umb zu zeigen, 
was darmit zu thun seye, ist so gut befunden als einiger so von andern 
Ohrt ist gebracht worden. Es wird von grosser Nohtwendigkeit seyn, 
unterschiedliche Handwerksleuthe mit uberzunehmen, als Kuster al- 
lerhand, Gschirr zu machen, deren man eine grosse menge haben 
muss, Zimmerleuth die Hauser zu bauwen, welche gantz von Holtz 
gemacht werden, aussert dene Caminen von Ziegelsteinen, deswegen 
auch ein oder zwey Ziegler nothig sein wiirden. Tischmacher Schaft, 
Sttihle, Bettstatten, Tische und andere dergleichen Hausgerahte machen 
zu lassen: Schmieden sind von absolluter Nohtwendigkeit, nicht allein 
allerhand Eisenwerk zu Haus, Feld und Walte dienlich, sondern, die 
Flinten zu verbessern, und allerhand eisern Werkzeug zu verfertigen. — 

Der Preys des Schwein und Rindfleischs, Mahl etc: Ist als volget — 
Rind fleisch in Fasslein eingesaltzen, haltend jedes 2521bs. : welches wir 
nennen 2 l/4 Centner, der Centner ist 112£. wird in Carolina ver- 
kauft von 30 bis 35 Schilling das Fassli in Barbados aber Jamaica und 
ander englischen Insuln, nach dem Solches, auf dem Markt in kleiner 
oder grosser Quantitet sich befindt, von 45 bis 60 Schilling das 
Fassli: Schwein Fleisch in Fasslin eingesaltzen haltend 2 l/4 Centner 
ist in Carolina wehrt von 40 bis 45 Schilling, und wird in gemelten 
Islen verkauft, von 50 zu 70 Sch. je nach dem der Markt darmit 
versehen. — Das Mehl wird in Carolina verkauft von 12 zu 16 Schil- 
ling der Centner; gilt auf Barbados 20 bis 24 Sch. Fassreifen, Tauben 
und Boden, der Preys in Carolina ist mir unbekannt, auf Barbados 
aber werden verkauft das tausend 8£. und bisweilen nur 4 oder 3 l/2.£. 
dessgleichen auch die Reifen, die Tauben und Boden werden ledig in 
die Schif gelegt, die Reifen aber werden in Burden zusammen ge- 
bunden, ein 1000 Reifen sind fur ein Tonen Fracht gerechnet, von 
weisen Eichen, werden die Besten Tauben gemacht, insonderheit fur 
Maderas, allda keine andere kauflich sind, auf Barbados aber sind die 
Tauben von Roseichen und anderem Holtz, auch gebrauchlich fur 
zucker Fesser, fur Wein, Rum, Malases, und alle nasse Wahren 
miissen Fesser von weisen Eichen seyn, die unkosten Zucker von 
Barbados, Jamaica, antheyoa nach Londen zu, oder Wein von Maderas 
nach Carolina zu transportieren, konnen nicht specificiert werden, 
weilen die Fracht bisweilen mehr, bisweilen minder kostet, als in 
diesen Kriegszeiten, hat man bezahlt 8 bis 10 Sch. per Centner, zu 
friedens Zeiten aber kann mans zu 2 bis 2 l/2 p. % Cent Schilling 
haben. — 

Der Wein auf Maderas gilt bisweilen 7£. auch 7 l/2. bis 8 l/2 p. 
Pipe, jede Pipe haltet 2. hoxheats, jeder Hoxheat haltet 63 Gallons, ein 
Gallon thut 4 Quart englisch Mass, so dass jede Pipe haltet 126 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of ISTew Bern 199 

Gallons oder 504 Maas, eine solche Pipe wird in Carolina und Vir- 
ginia verkauft zu 15 bis 16 £. etc. 

Das Land warm es von den Proprietarys also Erhandlet wird, ist 
ohnzweifelbahr des Kaufers eigen und freyes gut, und hat gewalt 
solches wieder zu verkaufen, oder nur einen Theil darvon zu vereus- 
sern, ohne Begriisung des Eigenthums H: warm der Kaufer des Lands, 
ein Untherthan von Gross Britanien entweders frey gebohren oder 
Naturalisiert ist, kann er wohl Land verkaufen, an wen er will, ist 
aber nicht rahtsam solches an fremde protestanten die nicht natural- 
isiert sind, damit nicht einige Disputes daruberentstehn, wann aber 
der Kaufer naturalisiert ist, und andere Leuthe die nicht natural- 
isiert waren decliniert sind, einen Theil daran zu haben, mag es wohl 
geschachen, wann selbige ihr vertrauwen auf den naturalisiert setzen 
konnen, weilen aber ein act des parlaments zu naturalisierung aller 
fremden protestenten gemacht worden, auch die Unkosten nicht mehr 
als 3 oder 4 Schilling belaufen, so ist es rahtsamer fur alle diejenige, 
so an dem Land theil haben wollen, sich naturalisiern zu lassen: Her- 
nach dorfen sie wohnen, in Teutschland, Schweitzerland, oder wo es 
Ihnen beliebig ist. — 

Im fahl Ihr ein kleines Schif erhandlen woltet, so konnen wir sel- 
biges mit Meister und Schifleuth und andren Notwendigkeiten versehen, 
und nach Roterdam versenden, allwo das Volk kann eingeschifet 
werden, das gelt solches zu bewerkstelligen kann ubermacht werden 
an Abraham Edens, Kaufmann in Amsterdam, oder Egbert Edens, 
Kaufmann in Rotterdam, welches so wohl wird versorget seyn, als 
wann Ihr solches, nach Londen remittieren wurdet;: Besagte Abraham 
und Egbert Edens sind Briider und Gemeiner wie auch sehr wohl 
bemitlete Leuthe, welche dem Volck bey dessen Ankunft in Roterdam 
konnten gute Htilfe leisten, im fahl Ihr das gelt in Ihre Hand re- 
mittieren wurdet, welches Ihr mit grosser Sicherheit thun konnet. — 

Es ist gewlisslich das rahtsamste solche Leuthe zu nemmen, welche 
ihren transport selbsten bezahlen konnen, und noch das Vermogen 
haten, bey ihrer Ankunft in Carolina sich selbsten zu setzen, mit 
Gewex, Vich u. sich zu versehen. Solchen kan man das Land lehens- 
weys fur 11 14 oder 24 jahr a 2. Stiiber pro. — Jucharten jahrlichen 
Bodenzins ausleichen, und die Freyheit ertheillen, selbige Lachen 
wider verflossener Zeit, auf Leydenliche Bedinge zu erneuwern; Es ist 
gewuss diesem Volk nutzlicher, 2 oder wann es schon 3 Stiiber waren, 
zu geben, fur solches Land, welches bey oder in einer Colloney ligt, 
deren Vorsteher Ihnen mit Schifen mid Schaloupen, zur verkaufung 
und Transportierung Ihrer Wahren von Ohrt zu Ohrt oder mit dero 
auswexlung gegen englische Wahren, als Werkzeug Kleydung p. c. 
accomodieren kann. Ich sage es ist viel besser fur solche Leuth 2 

200 North Carolina Historical Commission 

oder 3 Stiiber zu bezahlen, wo sie solche bequemlichkeit geniessen 
konnen, als Land von denen Lords proprietarys fur einen Pfenning per 
Jucharten Land auf zunehmen : Dann so sie von denen Lords Land 
nehmen, mussen Sie in alien Dingen fur sich selbsten sorgen, und 
konnen nicht diese obgemelte bequemlichkeiten geniessen, aus deren 
Mangel Ihre Lands production Beyweitem nicht so viel ertragen 

Die Unkosten Volk zu transportieren von Engelland in Carolina, 
werden sie Jedemnach sie mit Kleydung, Bettzeug, Zinigem und 
Kupfern Geschirr, Werkzeug zum Bauwen, und Feld Bauw werden 
versehen seyn, und wann das Volk, so hintiber fahrt, eine gewtisse 
Quantitet von diesen Dingen und gelt, Ihre Eigene tiberfahrt zu be- 
zahlen hat, so habt Ihr weiters nichts zu thun, als auch mit einer 
gewissen Quantitet englischen Wahren, welche mit hintiber zu nehmen, 
das Rahtsamste sein yard, zu versehen, umb Vich und Lebens Mittel, 
und Sammen darmit zu Ertauschen, wie auch Vorraht zu haben, 
mit clenn so wohl Englischen als Indianischen Nachtbahren zu hand- 
len, welche fur gewtiss Euch besuchen werden; um gegen Eure Europe- 
ische Wahren, Ihre Landsproduction auszuwechseln; Die Indianer 
dann werden suchen, Ihre Hirsche und Rehe Heute, Beltzwerk u. 
gegen Wahren die Ihnen anstendig bey Euch austzutauschen, — : diese 
Gattung Trafic da Wahren gegen Wahren ausgewexlet werden, wird 
Euch ser Nutzlich seyn, wesswegen wir Euch konen Instruction geben, 
so wohl welcherley gattung wahren mitzunehmen das Rahtsambste./, 
als auf was weis Ihr solche mit dem Volk im Land vertauschen konnt: 
Ein solches assortiment mit Wahren wird kosten 1500 bis 1600£. 
Sterlin welches mag gnugsam seyn, wir mussen aber 2 oder 3 Monath 
darvon bericht und gelt haben, alle diese Dinge anzuschafen, dariiber 
wir auch den folligen bericht Schriftlich zustellen konnen, auf was biss 
jede Gattung dieser Wahren konnten in Carolina verkauft werden. 
Was Euwer Volk anlangt, nehmlich die so nicht vermogen, sich selb- 
sten zu setzen, denen musset Ihr Credit geben, bis Sie der production 
des Lands geniessen, und euch wider billichen Ersatzung fur diesen 
Vorschuss thun konnen, dardurch werdet in der Fehichkeit seyn, 
einen guten Theil von des Volks arbeit zu geniessen, dariiber wir Euch 
nohtwendige Instructionen fertig halten und zustellen wollen; Es wird 
auch Rahtsam seyn, mit Euch einige dienliche Sachen hintiber zu 
nehmen, um den fiirnemsten Indianern present zu thun, welche nicht 
viel gelt kosten mogen: konnet sie durch dis Mittel zu guten Nacht- 
bahren machen, und Einen guten Willen verschafen mit euch zu 
handlen, worbey Euwere plantationen Ruhig und sicher seyn werden. ; 

Es' wird auch ratsam seyn, allerhand Garten Samen mit Euch 
hintiber zu nehmen, als Cabiss, Rtibli, Ruben, Sallath, Herdapfel u. 

Graffeneied : Account of the Founding of New Been 201 

welches das Volk mit aus der Schweitz nehmen wird, was aber da 
nicht zu finden, kann in Engelland gekauft werden. — 

Sie konnen auch mitnehmen, einig grobleinig Tuch von geringem 
Preis aus der Schweitz, so da dienlich ist fur den gemeinen Haus 
Branch und warm solches der Miihe wert befunden wird, kann man 
Eine mehrere Quantitet verschreiben; — 

Man konte auch mit ein paar Fassern Wein einen \ r ersuch thun, 
ob er mit Nutzen in Londen konnte angebracht werden, in welchem 
fahl inskonftig ein meheres verhandlen konnte: dann was unser Vor- 
haben in diesem Unternehmen ist, kann zu be}' der Theilen Nutzen 
gereichen, nicht nur ftir die allein, welche Land erhandlen und in Caro- 
lina gehn, sondern insgemein fur die gantze Schweitz, welche Sie durch 
die handlung geniessen konte. Ein exempei welches dahin dienet, 
habe albereit angezogen, kann nehmlich die Production in Carolina 
gegen Zucker in Barbados und Jamaica auszuwexlen, welches nach 
Engelland, und von dami, nach Roterdam oder Dortrecht, und so 
fort nach dem Schweitzerland versandt werden, das Rys aber wurde 
zum grossen Vortheil der Mitassossierten in der Schweitz nach Hol- 
land, spanisch Niderland Bremen und Hamburg verhandlet werden, 
von welchen orten die Interessierten in der Schweitz das Gelt per 
wexel beziehen. 

Warm Leinwand, Wehr und einig ander Wahren mit etwas profit in 
Engelland konte angebracht werden, warm schon selbiger gering ware, 
konte es doch zu grossem Vortheil dess Lands gereichen. — 

Es wird auch notig sein, 2 oder 3 Manner mitzunehmen, welche 
sich auf das Mullwerk verstehen, Wasserpferch oder Miihlen zu machen 
sowohl fur das Korn als ftir das Rys: worfiir dennoch andere Miihlen 
erfordert werden, als nur gemeine Kohrn Miihlen, und warm man 
dieser Leuthen in der Schweitz nicht genug finden konte, mtisste man 
solche aus Engelland oder anderstwoher anschafen und weil es von 
absoluter Nothwencligkeit ist, Schaloupen und Bood auf den Flussen 
zu halten, welche dem Yolck zu grosse bequemlichkeit dienen wiirden 
ja noch dienlicher als man sich einbildet und es so nutzlich ftir die, 
denen die Schaloupen zugehorte, ware also nothwendig, das Geriist 
darzu von Engelland mitzunehmen, da man dann in Carolina all wo 
das Holtz besser zu bekommen selbige Einwanden und ausfertigen 
konnte. Wann aber das Geriist zu einer solchen Schaloupen aus 
Engelland konte angeschaft werden, wurde es inskonftieh zu einem 
Muster dienen konnen, ein solch Geriist mag in Londen ohngefehrt 30 
a 35£. kosten, Segel, anker, Eisen und Seilwerck, zu einer Schaloupen 
mtissen in Engelland gekauft werden, kostete 90 bis 100£. auf 
Meiste — 

202 North Carolina Historical Commission 

Aus dergleichen Anmerkungen ist liecht zu sehen, wie viel kosten 
aufgehen wiirden, warm man 4 bis 500 persohnen transportieren und 
etablieren wolte. Warm ich die Zeit hatte, hatte ich diese Observa- 
tionen in besserer Ordnung vorstellen konnen, muss aber solches dis- 
mahlen aufschieben, hofe doch, dass gegenwartiges gnugsam sein 
werde, daraus schliessen zu konnen, was zu einem solchen Unter- 
nehmen nothig seyn wiirde. — 

Es ist auch mein Begehren, dass H. Ludwig Michel, solches lesen 
ja eine Copey hiervon nehmen moge, wann er solches der Muhe werth 
achtet. — 

Wehre sehr niitzlich, ein Schif von ungefahr 90 Last oder Tonen zu 
kaufen. Ein Schif mit 3 Masten ist besser als ein Brigantin, und 
wann es geladen ist, muss es nicht tiber 8 Schuh tief im Wasser fahren, 
ja vielmehr einen halben Schuh weniger als mehr. Das Segel und 
Seylwerk konet ihr besser in Holland bekommen, und muss mit allem 
doplet versehen seyn, wie auch mit nohtwendigen ankern: damit es 
auch vor den Wurmen gesichert seye muss es gefutret werden, diese 
Wiirmer setzen denen Schifen allezeit zu, von dem Meyen bis in den 
Herbst Monath, ihr konnet in diesem Schif etwas Volck von Holland 
in Engelland und von dannen in Carolina uberfuhren; — Wann also das 
Schif beladen ist, und Sieben und ein halben, oder aufs hochst 8 
Schuh tief fahrt, konnet ihr damit in den Land, und in die Neuss 
hinauf fahren, Ein so kleines Schif von gutem Holtz vest gebauwet, 
und wohl genaglet, kann allezeit gebraucht werden, um bisweilen 
Schwein, Rindfleisch, Mehl, Fasstauben, Reifen etc. nacher Barbados 
zu uberfuhren, und von dannen wexelweiss Zucker, Baumwollen Rum, 
Malasis nacher Carolina mitzunehmen, Bisweilen Carolinische Wahren 
nacher Maderas uberzufuhren, und gegen Wein zu tauschen, bis- 
weilen mit einer Ladling von Rys, Heuten, Beltzwerck, Hartz und 
Pach, nacher Engelland zu fuhren, das Hartz, Pech, heute und Peltz- 
werck in einem Hafen daselbst auszuladen, das reis aber in Holland 
zu bringen, und zu verhandlen, und so wider allerhand englische 
Wahren, als Eisenwerck, Wollenzeug, Tuch Dufils, Mentel fur die 
Wilden, grober Leinwad, Heute, Striimpf, Schuh, Pulver, g'srot, 
flinten und was mehr rahtsam seyn wird, in Carolina zu fuhren. Ihr 
konnet aber ein solches Schif nicht selbsten erkaufen, sondern miisset 
hier zu Egberd und Abraham Edens gebrauchen, mit welchem ihr 
sowohl der Zeit als Condition halber miisset accordieren zweifle nicht 
dass sie nicht werden bescheyden sein, und euch selbiges sowohlfeil 
anschafen als moglich seyn wird, : Sie miissen Euch selbiges verkaufen, 
und ein auf pergament geschriebenen, besigleten unterschriebenen 
Kauf Brief zustellen, damit wann solches in Engelland ankommet, Ihr 
erwiesen konnet selbiges von Hollandern und nicht von Frantzosen 

Graffenbied: Account of the Founding of New Been 203 

gekauft zu haben, sonsten kan es nicht in Engelland frey gemacht 
werden. — Auf mehrere Nachforschung hab ich gefunden, dass es ein 
englisch gebauwen Schif muss seyn, sonsten kan es nicht frey ge- 
macht werden : Ihr miisset auch wiissen, an welchem Ohrt es gebauwen 
und mit welchem Nahmen es in Engelland eingeschrieben seye, son- 
sten kan es nicht wieder registriert werden, das Schif muss inwendig 
150 Schuh lang und 18 breit seyn. — 

Wann das Volck im Vermogen stehet, seinen Transport zu bezahlen, 
und fur sich selbsten eine gewiisse Quantitet Bettzeug, Werckzeug, 
provision, Vich und Samen zu kaufen, so habt ihr weiters nichts zu 
bezahlen, als das Land innert 4. jahren Terrain, das Schif, das gestell 
fur eine Schaloupen, Segel, Anker, Cabel und Seilwerk fur 2 Schal- 
oupen, und einen gnugsamen Vorraht allerhand englischer Wahren, 
welches alles mag kosten, uberfliissig versehen zu seyn, auf hoste 
3000£. Sterlin, Wann dann Euwer Schif 100 persohnen zu Roterdam 
einladen, und nach Carolina transportieren, auch 2 oder 3 Monath 
daselbsten zu dessen Diensten gebraucht wurde, konnte es dardurch 
per Kopf 8£. verdienen thut 800. £ 

Restiert 2200.£ 

Die erste Bezahlung fur das Land 200. £ 

Zufellige Ausgaben 100.£ 

S. a 2500.£ 

Das Schif und die Schaloupen werden Euch alle jahr provit bringen; — 
Wann ihr die Anzahl Eures mitbringenden Volckes, wissen werdet, 
konet mirs berichten, damit ich bezeiten Schif dingen moge fur die- 
jenige, die in Euwer Schif nicht konnen eingeladen werden. — 

Nach dem ersten Transport werdet ihr nicht mehr vonnothen haben, 
Schif zu mieten, sondren es wird euwer Schif alle jahr von Carolina 
nach Engelland mit Wahren beladen versend werden, und von damien 
wider, mit frischem Volk zuruck kehren./. 



Neben friindlicher begrtissung thun ich Euch berichten, dass ich 
mit sambt meiner Haushaltung frisch und gesundt in Carolina an- 
kommen, und das mit Gltick, aber den 26. Hornung ist m'ir mein 
Sohn Hanss mit grossem Verlangen nach dem H. Jesu gestorben. 
Hingegen hat meine Tochter einen schonen jungen Sohn, dem letsten 

204 North Carolina Historical Commission 

Heumonath 1710 gebohren, wir sind gar auf einem guten und fetten 
Land, ich bin der Hoffnung dass ich iiber Jahr liber die 100 Stuck 
Ross, Rind Vich und Schwein haben werde. Wann man mir schon die 
gantze Niederey schancken wolte, dass ich wider ins Schweitzerland 
solte, und die Vorigen Diensten annehmen, so wolte ich es nicht thun 
wegen dess gwiissens Freyheit. Wann wein Sohn Uhli Es wurde 
wagen sich auch auf die Reys wurde begeben, solte er zu Gelt machen 
was er konne, und wann er sich nicht sind meiner Abreis verehlicht 
hat, so solle er ein ehrlich redlich Mensch zur Ehe nehmen, wann sie 
schon nicht viel zeitliche Mittel hat, wann er nur die Ueberfahrt be- 
zahlen kann, wer heriiber will, der kan sich beim H. Ritter in Bern 
anmelclen, wann du mein Sohn, die Reis wilt vor dich nehmen, so 
halte allezeit Gott vor Augen, und auch wann du nicht kommen wilt, 
dass wir einandren dermahleins droben im Himmel mit geistlichen 
Augen mit Freuden konnen sehn, : wann du aber kommen wilt, so will 
ich dich berichten, wie du sollest machen, kauf ein par hundert stehlene 
Tabackpfeifen sambt den Rohrlenen und fur 4 Thl. arrouwer Messer, 
und etliche moscherne Messer, darvor kannst du schon zu Roterdam 
2 mal die Helfte Kriegen, in Engelland und Carolina noch so viel, auf 
dem Meer verseche dich etwan selbsten, aussert was auf dem Schif 
gibet mit Speis und Trank, dann Hunger und Durst darf man mit 
zusparen, wann etwan mein Schwager Hans mit dir wolte, so kan ers 
thun, Ich bin der Hoffnung wann ich gesund bleibe 5 oder 6 Haus- 
haltungen mit Speis und Trank zu versehen, wohl auf ein Jahrlang, 
Heissen will ich niemand, dass er sich auf die Reis begebe, wer nicht 
die Anleitung von Gott hat, der kann im Schweitzerland bleiben: 
wann meine Schwager Peter Seemann und Uhli Ktintzi Lust auf die 
Reis hatten, so konnen sie es thun: unser H. Landgraf von Grafen- 
ried wile sie mit gutem Land versehen, hernach wile er ihm 4 jahr 
lang Lehen geben, mit Vich und Hausrath versahen, dass sie hernach 
ihr Leben lang wohl versehen seyen, wann sie gliick haben, hernach 
will ich euch wenig berichten wie es uns auf der Reis ergangen ist. 
Den Rhyn hinab bis Rotherdam haben wir die grosste gefahr aus- 
gestanden, zu Roterdam sind war 6 Wochen stillgelegen, da sind 2 
Kinder und ein Mann gestorben, von Rotterdam bis nach Neuw 
Castlen, sind 2 Weiber gestorben, zu Neuw Castlen sind wir 4 
Wochen stillgelegen da sind wir aufgebrochen, auf dem Meer gefahren 
8 Tag still gelegen, hernach ist die Flotte aufgebrochen, da hat meine 
Tochter einen jungen Sohn gebohren, da haben wir 8. Wochen gehabt 
iiberzufahren, 6 Wochen haben wir neut gesehen, weder Himmel und 
Wasser, da sind von 100 Persohnen niemand gestorben, so sind wir in 
Virginia an clas Land kommen, da sind wir noch 100 Meil zu Wasser 
und Land gereiset, sind auf Michels Tag bey unsres H. Landgrafen 

Graffenkied: Account of the Founding of New Bebn 205 

Haus angelandet, darzwischen ist ein Weib gestorben, hernach ist man 
still gelegen bis zum Neuwen jahr, So hat man angefangen ein jeder 
auf sein ausgetheilt land zu ziechen, bis jetzt sind von 100 persohnen 
9 gestorben, ich und Tochtermann sind von einander gezogen, ohnge- 
fehrt eine halbe Meil, derhalben wurde ich meines Sohns vonnothen 
seyn, darneben thun ich auch H. Pfarrer, und alle meine Verwante, 
wie auch mein Schwacher und die Seinen, auch Uhli Mullers Weib 
und Vogt; ja auch die gantze gemeind zu thausendmahlen griissen mit 
dem Kuss der Liebe. Bendicht Kupfer Schmied, mein Tochtermann, 
lasst sein Vater und Briider wie auch die Schwester frundlich griissen, 
und mochte erwiinschen, dass sie alle bey ihm waren, er wolte den 
Vater und die Seinen konnen mit Speis und trank versehen: Uhli 
Muller der Buchsenschmied solle mir recht bim H. Bitter schreiben, 
wie es um meine Mittel stande, wie auch umb die Nachtbauren und 
Sohn, fiir dissmahlen nicht mehr dan Gott befohlen; geben den 7. 
Aprilis aus Carolina 1711. Jahrs. 

Von mir Hans Ruegsegger./. 

Aus India oder America in d. Insel : Nord Carolina an dem Strohm 
gelegen an der Neuss. 

d. 8. aprill 1711. 

Neben Dienst und Gruss, lieber und getreuwer Vater, Mutter, Briider 
und Schwester, Kinder und Verwandte, und alle gute frund, was mich 
anbelangt wie ich gesund lebe, vergniigt, und wollte nicht dass ich zu 
Haus geblieben were. Bin auch verheurathet mit Margareth Pfund 
von Zweysimmen, das Land betreffend that, ist sehr heiss, weil Wasser- 
strohm, Waldung, die Einwohner oder Indianer sind schwartz, halb 
nacket, doch verstandig und vertreglich, unglaubig, untuchtig zur 
Arbeit, ich will nicht viel ruhmen noch schelten hat man gelt und 
gut, golt und Silber, so kann er herschen gleich wie in Europa, doch 
will ich sagen fiir ein Arbeiter oder armen Mann ist es besser dan 
hier. Er kann Land Kriegen, so viel er nothig, Vich kann er halten, 
so viel er vermag, die Schwein kosten nichts zu erhalten, das 
Vich geht das ganze Jahr auf der Weyd, wird von sich selbsten fett, 
und gut zu schlachten, man macht kein Heuw, wahr ist es, dass mancher 
bis 1000 Stuck und mehr Vich und Schwein hat, das Land ist unge- 
bauwet, doch zu hoffen ziemlich fruchtbahr, doch ich keinen Men- 
schen darzu will verursachet haben, noch rathen wegen der kostbahren 
und beschwerlichen Reis, iiber das grausame und wilde Meer, doch 
sind wir gliicklich ankommen, und wenig Krankheit ausgestanden, und 
fiir mein part so gar saur nicht ankommen, fiir alte und Junge ist es 
beschwerlich, doch haben wir einen jungen Sohn bekommen auf dem 
Meer, der grosse Gott hat alles erhalten, wahr ist es viel hats gekostet 

206 North Carolina Historical Commission 

und langsam hergangen in diesen teuren schweren Kriegszeiten, 8. 
Merz wie bekannt sind wir zu Bern abgereiset den 9. April kamen 
wir zu Rotterdam an daselbst wir geblieben 7 Wochen 2 Tag auf 
unsrem Kosten, den 30. Mey segleten wir ab zu Rotterdam, den 4. 
Brachmonath sind wir zu Yarmut in Engelland ankommen, weiters 
segleten wir fort bis 11 dito, kamen wir in Nord Engelland zu Neu- 
kastlen, an daselbst bleiben wir 5. Wochen, darnach d. 11. Heumonath 
sind wir von dort abgereiset auf den Seen und Stunden an dem Anker 
7 Tage lang auf die Flotten gewartet, alwo eine grosse Menge Schif 
zusammen kommen, d. 24. ditto seglen wir ab, und fahren 8 Wochen 
lang auf dem See und haben Sturm wind und andere gefahren aus- 
gestanden, doch der grosse Gott bald zu Ende geftihret hat, den 10. 
Herbstmonath sahen wir Land, den 11. warfen wir den Anker aus zu 
Virginia, darnach haben wir, noch eine grosse Reis gemacht bald iiber 
Wasser, bald iiber Land, wohl bey 80 Stunden, allwo wir wohnen an 
dem Strohm, die man heisset Neuss, hiemit so sind ihr noch einmahl 
gegriisst Vater und Mutter, Briider, Schwestern, Kind und alle gute 
Friind, griisset mir den Uhli Treut in der asseyten und seyn gantzes 
Haus, Hans Klasner und sein geliebtes Ehweib, Rufascher und sein 
gantzes Haus. wann ich jemand beleydiget oder zuwider gethan, so 
bitte ich Ihr wollet es mir vergeben, wie uns Gott in Christo vergibt, 
ich wtinsche euch von Gott alles wohl Ergehen, er segne Eure Arbeit 
und einkommen, von nun an bis in Ewigkeit Amen. 

Euwer geliebter Samuel Jacob Gabley 
und Margreth Pfund./. 

Aus America oder India d. 9. Aprillis 1711. — 

Neben meinem Dienst und Gruss lieber und getreuwer Vetter 
Christen Egger, und euer gantzes Haus, konnt ich vernehmen dass ihr 
gesundt waret, so wurde es mich freuwen, was mein Zustand anbe- 
langt, bin ich gesund und lebe verniigt, und wolt nicht dass ich zu 
Haus blieben ware, was das Land betrift, ist so beschaffen, wer Richtum 
hat, Gold und Silber, der kann ein H. seyn, gleich in Europa, doch 
sag ich fur einen armen Mann oder Arbeitsmann, ist es besser als 
hier, will er im Taglohn arbeiten, so hat er alle Tag eine halbe Cronen 
an Frucht oder Vich, Gold und Silber ist rar, Land kann er kriegen so 
viel er vonnothen Vich und Schwein kann er halten, so viel er vermag, 
und die Schwein werden von sich selbsten fett und gut zu schlachten: 
Das Vich geht das gantze Jahr auf die Weyd, ich sag mancher Mann 
hat hier bis auf 1000 Stuck Vich und mehr: Das Land ist heiss, unge- 
bauwen, viel Wasserstrom, grosse Waldungen, die Einwohner oder 
Indianer sind schwartz halb nacket, doch vertreglich, doch zu hoffen 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of JSTew Bern 207 

das Land sey ziemlich fruchtbar, doch ich keinem gerathen haben 
noch verursachen, daher zu ziechen wegen kostbahrer und beschwer- 
licher Reys, liber das grausame und wilde Meer, doch vor mein part, 
ist es mir niit saur ankommen aber alte und junge Kinder ist es be- 
schwerlich, Langsam ist es mit uns hergangen von wegen der teuren 
und schweren Kriegszeit. d: 18. Mertz wie bekannt sind wir von Bern 
abgereyset d: 10. April kamen wir zu Roterdam an, daselbst blieben 
wir 7 Wochen und 2 Tag. d: 30. Mey segleten wir ab, d. 14. Brach- 
monath kamen wir in Nord Engelland an, daselbst blieben wir 5 
Wochen, darnach traten wir auf das Schiff, und fuhren auf dem See, 
daselbst stunden wir 8 Tag am Ancker, und auf die Flotten gewartet, 
daselbst erne grosse Menge Schif zusammen kommen, darnach seg- 
leten wir ab, und fuhren iiber das grosse oceanische Meer, Eine Zeit- 
lang fuhren etliche Schif mit uns, darnach so fuhren wir allein, und 
hatten Sturmwind und andre actionen ausgestanden, darnach hat der 
grosse Gott in 8 Wochen ein End mit uns gemacht, und auf das Land 
gesund gebracht, und Einer mehr ab dem Schif gebracht, als in Engel- 
land draufgangen sind, darnach so haben wir noch eine grosse Reys 
gemacht, bald iiber Wasser bald iiber Land wohl bey 80 Stund weg 
an den ohrt wo wir wohnen, an den Fluss den man heisst die Neus. 
Was neuwes, die Krummen sind grad worden, und haben die Kranken 
auf die Seyten gethan, die Weibsleuth sind gar rar, die Monzua hat mei- 
nen grossen geheurathet, aber seine Unterthanen dienen Ihm zum Ver- 
derben, und trachten ihn aufzufressen, ein Knaupen auf dem Buggel, 
ein Knaupen im Bart, ein Knaupen an heimlichen Ohrten, das ich 
nicht melden will, und ein Schneider zum Handwerk, ein Graf zum 
Nahmen. Wann es sich solte zutragen, dass mehr leuth in dis land 
kommen solten; so bitte ich Euch, schicket mir ein l/2 Dozet ge- 
machte Hemder, ein paar Leinlachen, mehr 10 Ell Leinen Tuch und 
10 Thlr. in gelt, ein halb Dozend Messer von Barbli, und ein Axt die 
probiert ist, und packets zusammen und gebets gewissen Leuthen dass 
sie mir sorg darzu haben, das mir neut erfaule auf dem See zu Rotter- 
dam, oder in Engelland, kauft mir ein Camisohl und Hosen. Hiemit Gott 
wohl anbefohlen, griisset mir den H. Pfarrer, und sein gantzes Haus, 
Schulvogt Zergen, H. Statthalter und seyn gantzes Haus, H. Seckel- 
meister Martge, beyde Kilchmeyer Triiwhart und Ihr gantzes Haus, 
Heinrich Egender von St. Stefan, des grichts und sein gantzes Haus, 
von wegen seines Sohns Jacobs und Peter Treuthart, Joseph Biillre 
von Wyssenbach, und sein Ehweib Wassle anna Mary, Jacob Goblei, 
und sin gantzes Haus oben im dorf: Griisset mir meine geliebte 
Cameraden nemlich die frommen Saumer, ich wiinsche Ihnen, dass sie 
mogen viel gewinnen, und reich werden in dieser Welt, dann in jener 
Welt saumet man Neuth, hiemit so wiinsch ich Euch von Gott zeit- 

208 North Carolina Historical Commission 

liches und ewiges wohlergehen: Gott segne Eure Nahrung und ein- 
kommen, das wtinsch ich zuletst meinem Vaterland amen. 

Euwer geringer Jacob Wahre von 
Zweysimmen : 

P. S. Es soil Euch nicht wunder nehmen, dass mein Bruder mit 
schreibt; er hat die gelegenheit nit haben konnen wie ich./ Das zu 
berichten an Daniel Zant in Eriswyl, ich Johannes Zant in der Vogtey 
Trachselwald nunmehr zu begeben und gelegener Zeit mit meiner 
Hausfrauwen Anna Eva Zantin Witwen, so er hinder lassen mit einem 
Tochterli. So dass er mit Frauw und Kind mit dem H. Landgrafen 
von Riet in Nord Carolina gereiset, nunmehro aber die Frau Ana 
Eva Ihr fortun und Kind wider zu versehen angefangen, Eh wir uns 
auf die Reis zwar ungern aus forcht der so grossen gefahr, die auch 
mein Mann Johannes Zant wegen dess Todes nicht hat ausgestanden, 
dan er in dem Herrn Sel: entschlafen, er aber hinderlassen, und mir 
befohlen, dass ich solle nach Haus schreiben, Nunmehro weil ich ge- 
legenheit hab zu berichten, dass ich widerum anfang zum Haushalten 
mache, dasselbe aber schwer fallt ohne Mittel, desswegen ich alle und 
jede friind, Geschwisterte, Bruder und Schwestern und die 12. gesch- 
wornen, und der Weibel, der Landvogt und H. Pfarrer alle tibrige gute 
Friind, thun ich zu tausendmahlen griissen und befehle Sie in all weg in 
Gottes Hut und Wacht, bitte darneben Ihr wollet doch so bruderlich 
und christlich seyn, und mit schicken was ich zu meinem hauslichen 
Niderlass gebrauche, nemlich ein benantliches Gelt, welches stehet bey 
meinem lieben und getreuwen Vetter, Daniel Zant, nemlich 100 
Gulden, ist die Haubt Summ und. 15 Gulden ist Zins, dis Gelt konntet 
Ihr mir mit dem H. Landgrafen von Riet. seinem wexel zuschicken, der 
Ohrt und das Land, die Rivier wo wir jetzund leben und hausen ist 
ein guter Grund und Vich Zucht auch gute sichere und Freyheit in Nord 
Carolina um uns, was anlanget mein Zustand und Leben, so ist mein 
Tochter Catarina auch in dem H. entschlafen, Ehr und bevor ich an 
das Land vom See kommen bin zu Virginien und Nord Carolina. 
Hiemit in die Schutzhand Gottes befohlen und seyt nochmahlen zu 
tausendmahlen von mir gegriisst Anna Eva Zantin in Nord Carolina. 

A 1711. d: 15. aprillis — 
Ein frundlichen Gruss an meinen Grossvatter Bendicht Schetele von 
nider Linog und meines Vatters Bruder im Buche, Heinrich Simon 
und Andreass Krachig und mein Grossmutter im Buche, — So hat 
unser Vater Bendicht Simon in seinem Todbett hinderlassen, dass wir 
hinderlassene Kinder noch etwas zu suchen hetten, an meinem Gross- 
vatter Bendicht Schettele: So haben wir ein frundliches Bitten an 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of !New Been 209 

Heinrich Simon und Andreas Krachig, wann wir Gelegenheit haben, 
auf dismahl wanns moglich zu verschicken in Carolina und in Neuw 
stadt Bern, mit des H. GrafenRitters Wexel. So ist Bendicht Simon 
seine Hausfrauw, und sein Kind Catarina Tod, und sein Tochtermann 
Joseph Stern von Riggisberg ist auch tod, so ist Madlena hinder- 
lassene Wittib wider verheurathet, mit Jacob Himler von Madiswyl, 
und hat Madlena noch ein Kind Johannes Stern und Anna Margreta 
ist verheurathet mit Andreas Weinmann von Mentzingen, Johannes 
Simon dies drey geschwisterte sind in Carolina beim GrafenRitter. — 

So ist Maria Magtalena zuriick geblieben, mit ihrem Mann Johann 
Heinrich Hanss von Buchse, in Londen, so haben wir Kinder ein 
friindliches Bitten an unsere Vorgesetzten, sie wollen unsre annehmen 
als Vater, so seit nun 1000 mahl von uns gegriisst alle guten frtind und 
bekannten, Jacob Himler und sein Hausfrouw Madlena, Andreas 
Weinmann und seine Hausfrouw Anna Margretha und Johannes 

Dass dise hier vernameten persohnen verlangen und Begehren bezeu- 
ge von Grafenried. 

Johann Jacob Botschi 
Landschreiber und Haubtmann 

in Carolina./. 

Neuw Bern in Carolina den 20. aprillis 1711. 

Mein frundlicher Gruss und alles guts bevor an Euch, min hertz- 
lieber Vater und Mutter, Bruder und geschwister, und Hanss und 
Bartlome und Basi wie auch den Gross Vatter alle guten Friind und 
Nachtbauren. Es sey euch kund dass ich durch die Gnad Gottes friisch 
und gesund bin, solches von Euch zu vernehmen wiird mir sehr er- 
freuwlich seyn, Es gehet mir wohl an Nahrung und Kleydung fehlet 
mir nicht, aber das gelt ist ziemlich rar im land, ich habe mich ver- 
dingt zu dem H. Christopp von Grafenried, Burger von Bern, gewes- 
ener Landvogt jetzt und Landgraf in Carolina: dess Lands beschafen- 
heit ist sandachtig, aber doch zu alien Sachen was man pflantzet, doch 
gibts unterschiedlich strichen, es geratet ziemlich wohl, sonderlich 
das welsche Korn, wan schon jemand vordert, dass ihr mir schicket, so 
gebet Niemand nichts, ich bin niemand schuldig, wan es Gott gefelt, 
und er mir das Leben gont, will ich noch mein Vaterland besuchen, 
hiemit lass ich Euch wie obgemelt allesambt zu tausendmahlen frtind- 
lich griissen, ich befehle Euch Gott dem Wort und seiner Gnaden. 

und verbleibe Euwer lieber Sohn 
Benedicht Zionien./. 


210 North Carolina Historical Commission 

Neben tausendfeltiger Begriissung wiinsche ich alien getreuwen 
Friinden, Nachtbahren und Bekannten Gottes gnad und Segen, ich 
und mein Weib 2 Kinder und mein alter Vater sind gottlob friisch 
und gesund kommen, in Carolina, und wohnen 20. englische Millen 
von Neuw Bern, ich hofe dieses Jahr Korn genug zu pflanzen, das 
Land ist gut, danoch der Anfang beschwerlich, die Reis gefarlich, 
meine 2 Kinder Maria und Hansli sind mir zu Rotterdam in Holland 
gestorben, und an die gewohnliche Grab Stett begraben worden. Zu 
hoch wird dis land in Europa gelopt, und zu viel geschulten, ich hofe 
auch in kurzen Jahren Ktih und Schwein zu haben so viel ich be- 
gehre: Der H: von Grafenried ist unser Landgraf, unzifer, Schlangen 
und dergleichen ist nicht so viel, wie man in Europa darvon ret, Croco- 
tillen hab ich auch gesehen an den Wassern, sind aber bald geflohen, 
mit g'wild soil man sich nicht trosten, zu erhalten, dan es sind keine 
wilde Ochsen und Schwein, Hirschen und Reh, Enten und Schwanen, 
und welsche Hiiner sind viel; ich mochte wunschen, dass ich mein 
Kind so ich bey meinem Schwacher Vater gelassen hab, bey mir hatte, 
sambt den 45. £. So ich hinder der gemeind Tofen gelassen und wann 
mein Schwacher zu mir kommen wolt, so wollte ich ihn von meinem 
Land geben, Schwein und Vich kann man haben, so viel man will ohne 
Miihe und Kosten, Mich dauret sehr dass Christen Balsiger sein Uhli 
zu Bern wider von mir genommen hat. — 

Dieser Brief zukommen Hanss Wichtermann 
zu guten. Brunen. — 

P: S: Anna Wiill von Riimligen ist auch hier und reich genug — 
hiermit Gott befohlen 1711./ 

Wer zu reisen Lust hat, der kann 100. eiserne Tabac Pfeifen, 
Messer, Eiserne Hafen, und kupferne Kessel in Holland bringen, 
daran kann er in America wohl 3. oder 4. Mahl so viel haben als sie 
ihn kosten, 3. Ktih und 4 Schwein ist mein Anfang in Nord Carolina, 
der H. Jesus sei mit Euch alien. Amen./. 

Unsern frundlichen Gruss alles guts bevor an Euch unsern Viel- 
geliebten Vatter, Grossvatter und beyde Mutter, Briider, Schwager, 
Schwastern, und Geschwey, es sey euch Kund und zuwiissen, dass wir 
durch die Gnade Gottes, friisch und gesund sind, solches von Euch, 
zu vernehmen wurde uns sehr erfreuwlich seyn, die Salome ist lang 
krank g'sin, aber durch die Gnad Gottes ist sie wider gesund worden, wir 
haben noch keinen Predikanten, wir hofen aber bald einer zukommen, ich 
hab noch kein Land angenommen, die Taglohn sind gut, hat einer 1. 
tag 18. Stiiber macht 9. bz. und die Kost. Ich bin jetzt von meinen 
Brudern gezogen doch in Frieden, ich will bald ein plantage Land 
annehmen, welches bis in die 300 Morgen begreift, dess Lands ist 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Bern 211 

genug, Arbeit braucht es im Anfang viel, wann man aber einmahl ein 
anfang mit Vich und Schweinen gemacht hat, so kann man sich mit 
geringer Arbeit fortbringen, es kann einer wohl bis auf 300 Stlick 
ohne kosten haben, dass sie feyss genug werden, aber ziemlich wild, 
aber die Keys bis daher zu kommen ist kostbahr und beschwerlich 
eine persohn iiber Meer von Roterdam aus Holland 34 Thr. alwo wir 
7 Wochen und 2 Tag auf unsere Kosten gelegen sind, den 30. Mey 
sind wir auf des Transport Schif getreten, und sind gefahren bis nach 
Brull auf das Meer, den 4. Brachmonath sind wir bis nach Jarmouth 
kommen, den 11. in Neuw Castle, an ein ohrt in Engelland gelegen, 
all wo wir 5 Wochen still gelegen sind, den 17. Heuwmonath sind wir 
wieder auf das Schif getreten und zurtick bis nach Schiel auf das 
Mehr gefahren, alwo wir 8 Tag stille gelegen, und auf die Flotten 
gewartet haben, welche 4 Tag mit uns gefahren ist welches iiber die 
100 Schif gewessen sind, hernach sind wir allein gefahren, sind oft in 
grosser Gefahr gewesen, und sind durch die Gute Gottes gllicklich 
allhier ankommen, ist Niemand unter uns gestorben, darum wir dem 
gutigen Gott nicht genug konnen danken, den 10. Herbst umb 9 
Uhren haben wir Land gesehen, dess Nachts den Ancker geworfen, 
den 11. sind wir auf das Land getreten, welches uns sehr erfreulich 
gewesen ist, dann wir haben eine lange Zeit Nichts als Wasser und 
Luft gesehen, von Virginien ist es noch gar beschwerlich mit dem 
Bagage bald iiber Wasser bald iiber Land, wir wohnen in Nord Caro- 
lina am Strohm Neuss gennant, das Land betrefend ist ziemlich sandig, 
doch fruchtbar, zu alien Friichten ziemlich gut, sonderlich zum wel- 
schen Korn, Obs belangend wachst ohngepflantz nicht, weder schlecht 
noch gut, die gebohrene Einwohner dess Lands sind geschwind aber 
nackend, um die Heimlichkeit haben Sie Rock, und sonst Schiirtz; fur 
dissmahlen neut mehr, griisset mir mein friind Ziorien, und mein 
Mutter lasst Euch fiirbefohlen seyn; griisset uns alle guten Friind und 
Nachtbahren, und ich befiehlen Euch Gott, dem Wort und seiner 
Gnad, und verbleibe eure liebe Kinder Michel Ziorien und Salome von 

An Christen von Miihlenen in der Schweitz im Bern 
Gebiet, im obern Simmenthal in der Kirchfary Boltigen 
auf dem Fliihli./. 

Min friindlicher Gruss und alles Guts zuvor Hans Aeschbacher, den 
Wirdt Uhli Bache, dess Vetter auch alle meine g'fatter Leuth und 
gute Nachtbauren, Euch zu berichten, dass wir gottlob frisch und 
gesund sind, das Ani ist mir g'storben, es reuet mich sehr, Es ist 
Niemand gestorben als 3. Weiber, mein Ani ist die ganze Reys krank 
g'sin, wir haben kein Weibervolck das uns wascht und flickt, ich bitte 

212 North Carolina Historical Commission 

Euch, wann das Erb g'fallen ist, so schicket mir es, ihr dorft es nur 
dem H. Ritter iiberliefern, schicket mir einen guten Knecht, 2 gute 
Magt, 2 gute achsen, dann der Dietrich hat nicht Zeit zu Schmieden, 
ich hab viel zu arbeiten, 250 Morgen Land angenommen, wann ich 
will kann ich 400 nehmen, ich hab Gelt von nothen dass ich konnt 
Ross Vich und Schwein haben, ich konnt wohl 200 Stuck haben 
Sommer und Winter ohne Muhe und Kosten, es ist hier miesch an den 
Baumen, das den Winter so gut ist als das beste Embd und Eichlen 
auch sollen mir die Diensten ein Kistli machen lassen, und sollen 200 
Ell flachsig Tuch, 100 Ell reistige Zwilchen, bey dem Schmied 4 
sieben pfundige Leg Eisen, mit sambt den Lungen, Ein klein Naben 
Neyer, fur Pflug reder zu bohren, 2.£. Pfeferkorner, l/2.£. Nageli 2 
Mollstein die um das halb schwerer seyn, als ein Hand Miihli, aber 
die Spetzerey und Miihlisteinen miissen sie erst zu Rotterdam kaufen, 
auch kaufet mir ein Baar gegossene Tabackpfeifen, und ein 12 Von der 
andern 2 batzigen 2 Dotzen, etwas von Eysenpfannen von doppleten 
nur die Schalen ohne Fuess und ohne Stihl, dass in die kleinste ein 
Maass gehe, die andern aber grosser, und ein Dotzend harnige Rohrli, 
ich konnte fur eine Pfeifen 5.£. kriegen, und auch ein paar Moschig 
Schuhringen, die Indianer kaufen solche Sachen so theur, als man will, 
Es ist der Grosste Fehler und Mangel hier in Carolina, dass zu wenig 
Leuth hier sind, und kein rechte Miihli, es wird aber von uns Leuthen, 
die hier in Carolina sind, kein Mensch Verlangen tragen noch einmahl 
ins Schweitzerland zu seyn oder zu bleiben, dann man kann in dem 
Schweitzerland gar wenig Fleisch essen, hier aber in Carolina darf ich 
nicht Kummer haben, fur diss jahr hin, dass ich nicht alle Jahr 30 
oder 40 bis 50 Schwein metzge, mehr wann ich will, und wann mir 
schon Vetter HaldMann den ganzen Hofacker wolte schencken, und 
alles was darzu ghort, so wollte ich nit, dan ich Weid und Waldungen 
fur die Schwein und Ackerfeld alles genug an einandren, wann ich nur 
Gelt hatte, dass ich konnt ein halb dotzend Kiih, und auch so viel 
Schwein, ein paar Ross kaufen, so verlangte ich hier zeitlich nicht 
mehr als die liebe Gesundheit nach dem das ewige Leben. Wie ich 
auch alien Menschen gSnnen mochte, auch mochte ich erwunschen, 
dass die Nohtleidenden Nachtbauren bey uns waren, son dorften Sie 
nit Kummer haben, dass Sie miissten Hunger leyden, wann sie nur ein 
wenig arbeiten wollten, darum welcher Lust hat, der wage es nur 
kacklich unter dem Schutz des Allerhochsten, Zwar man gibt eim 
nicht gebaute Hauser und gebutz Land, es mag darnach ein jeder 
selber arbeiten und Butzen, zwar die Reys ist schwer und hat mich 
am hertesten gehabt, aber nach dem Regen kombt Sonnenschein, aber 
jetzunder sind wir Gottlob so frisch als wir nie gewesen sind, und dess 
Wiebels Tochter hat ein Sohn gebohren auf dem Meer, und ist alles 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of New Bern 213 

noch frisch und gesund. Sie sind des H. Gouverneurs Lehenleut und 
haben die beste sach, das Lechen aber wehrfc 4. Jahr, und alle Wochen 
kann er ein Tag auf seinem Lechen arbeiten, und der halb aufwachs 
ist seyn an denn Pfannwarten, auch ist die Reys gar kostbahr gewesen, 
wir haben 8. Wochen zu Rotterdam ligen mussen, und ist gar theur 
gewesen, auch wie fur 6. persohnen, den Schifmann von Bern, 31 
Thr. zahlen, auch dem Schif Capitain liber meer zu ftihren, 204 Thr. 
bezahlt, von dem Schif liber Meer haben wir durch Virginien bis auf 
unsern Platz mehr als 100 Meil liber Land mussen reisen, von wegen 
den Seeraubern, da wir zu spaad in Holland ankommen sind, und die 
Flotten versambelt haben, sind mit unserm Schif allein gefahren, und 
sind 8. Wochen auf dem Meer gefahren, aber jetzund haben wir gut 
flirtreflich Land. Schicket mir auch ein paar Dotzend ordentliche 
Messer, es ist grosser Mangel an teuschem Weiber Volck, griisst mir 
mein SchwacherVatter, warm er noch lebt, meine Schwager und 
g'sweyen, voraus aber den Christen Hausmann im Heybtihl und seyn 
Frauw, ich und der Dietrich sein Knecht lassen den Schmied und 
Harms zur Fllih frlindlich grlissen, Es war gut, warm die beyd bier 
wahren, Sie konnten g'wunnen was sie wolten, was die Handwerk 
betrift, so sind das die besten, Wafenschmied, Blichsenschmied, Zimmer- 
leuth, Schneyder, Schuhmacher, Plattmacher und Seyler, warm diese 
kamen, so ware es kostlich gut, auch Weber, wann ich flir 30£. Messer 
und die obgemelten Wahren hier hatte, so konte ich mehr als 100 
Englische £. g'winnen, ein Cronen ist mehr als in Teuschland ein 
Thlr. den 8. april 1711./ Der Casper Gerber solle dem H. Ritter in 
Bern libergeben, und verhofend wann mein Schwacher noch lebt, er 
werde mir auch noch ein Ehelich Reysgelt schicken, wann wider Volk 
solt hieher kommen, und ihr mir Diensten schicken konnt, so schickt 
mir doch die obgemelten Wahren, die aber gehen wollen, mussen sich 
bey H. Ritter anmelden, dass wann das ander Volck verreisen wolt, 
sie mit einander reisen, und wann das Erb gef alien ist, so gebet jed- 
wederem Gotti ein halber Thr. nemlich, dem Peter habegger, Helm 
Kupferschmied, Uhli Burger, und Niclaus Baits, wann sie noch bey 
Leben sind, hiermit nichts weiters, wir wlinschen Euch gute Gesund- 
heit und langes Leben, zeitliche und ewige Wohlfahrt an Seel und 
Leib: Lasst mir auch ein halb Dotzend deren Drucken kaufen, wie 
der Uhli Lerche mir eine geben, auch bezahlet dem H. Ritter den 
Brief. Es Ware gut, wann einer oder 2. Kessler nemlich Flicker 
kamen, ich hab nicht Zeit mehr zu schreiben, sie ist mir zu kurtz./. 

Christen Engel. 

Copia eines Briefs geschrieben, von Christen Janzen aus Nord Caro- 
lina den letsten aprillis 1711. — 

214 North Carolina Historical Commission 

Gott zum Gruss liebste Seelen, Vatter, Mutter, Geschwisterte, Frtind 
und Nachtbauren, neben unser allerseits tausendfaltigen Gruss und 
g'horsame Dienste, hat unsere G'sundheit zu dieser Stund zu ver- 
nehmen, und zu wiissen, dass ich mein Schreiben, so kurz als ich es 
fassen kann, geben muss; ich hofe ihr habet die Brief en die ich aus 
Hol-und Engel-Land geschrieben, der nohtwendigst Inhalt war, dass 
wir den 10. Brachmonath in Neuwcastle in Engelland gliicklich 
ankommen, aber den 6t. war ich ein sehr betnibter Wittlig worden, 
in Castell lagen wir 5 Wochen, den 17. Heuwmonath kamen wir 
wieder in das Schif und lagen 8 Tag am Ancker, darnach fuhren wir 
in 8 Wochen unter Gottes allgewaltigen Schutz und Schirm in Vir- 
ginia gliicklich an das Land, haben auch nicht ein persohn verlohren 
ist auch ein junger Sohn auf dem Meere gebohren worden, sein Vatter 
heisst Bendicht Kupferschmied, hat bey unserm lieben Bruder Christen 
Biirki ein jahr gedienet, darnach sind wir noch ohngefahrt 100 Stund 
zu Wasser und Land, doch alle Zeit gefiirt und verproviantirt und 
haben die Leuth uns fast aller ohrten sehr gutes gethan und ist hier 
im Land kein wirdt, als von einem ohrt zum andern umsonst zu zehren, 
und halten es vor ein Schimpf, wann man nach der Werte fragen wolte, 
gliicklich und gesund hierher gebracht: Der Schumacher Moritz ist 
erst hier auf sein Land gestorben, auf der gantzen Reys ist er friisch 
g'sin, sonst ist von uns Siebenthalern keins gestorben, der andern 
aber noch drey Pfelzer, aber unter welchen wir wohnen, sind sehr viel 
gestorben; Betreffend das Land insgemein, so ist fast lauter wald mit 
unbeschreiblich schonen Cedern Holtz, Papelen, Vohrlen, Eichlen, 
Buchen, Nuss und Kestenen Baum, die Nuss aber sind gar hart und 
griiblig, und die Kestenen sehr klein doch gut; Item Sasafras, und 
sonsten so viel wohlriechende Baum, dass ich das 100 ste nicht be- 
schreiben kann; das Cedren Holtz ist roht wie der schonste einge- 
beizte Kirschbaum, und riecht noch besser als der schonste Wach- 
holder, sind auch ins gemein wie auch andere Baum, 50 bis 60 Schuh 
lang unter der Esten; das Land insgemein, ist fast allerohrten schwartze 
Erden, und vetter Grand und kann ein jeder so viel kriegen als er 
haben will, sind 5 Jahre frey, darnach soil man ein Morgen, welches 
viel grosser als ein Jucharten bey uns, 2 Stiiber geben, sonsten gantz 
frey, Eigenthumlich zu Nutzen und zu erben nach belieben: Aber 
diss ohrt ist noch gantz ohnbewohnt g'wesen, dann wir haben gar 
kein Merkzeichen gesehen, noch da von gehort, dass hier etwas anders 
solte gestanden seyn, als die sogenanten Wilden und Nakende: Sie 
sind aber nicht wild, dann sie kommen viel zu uns, mid kleiden sich 
gern von uns, welches auch g'schicht, wann sie es mit wilt, fleisch und 
Leder, Speck, Bohnen, Korn, welches die Weiber pflantzen und Man- 
ner jagen, und die Christen Leuth, wie auch am allermeisten, und 

Geaffenbied: Account of the Founding of jSTew Been 215 

durch die Walder fuhren, und Neuwe weg Zeichen, bezahlen, Sie 
haben Hiitten von Cedrenrinden, konnen auch etliche gut englisch 
reden, haben auch ein Abgott, und halten Vest zu gewissen Zeiten, : 
Von dem wahren Gott aber wollen sie leider nichts wissen, die Vich- 
zucht betrefend, so kostet die auferziehung schier nichts, wie das zu 
Franckfort getruckte Biichlin meldet, dann alles Vich ist den Winter 
so wohl an der weid als den Sommer, und weiss in diesem gemeldten 
Biichlin nichts zu tadlen fur dieses zwey Stuck, wie wohl es von Slid 
Carolina schreibt, man schlachtet auch kein junges Thier, da kann 
man schon schliessen, wie bald sich die Zahl vennehren kann, die 
Ktih geben kaum halb so viel bey Euch, dann die Kalber saugen so lang, 
bis sie andertalb jahr alt sind, so haben sie auch schon wider junge, 
Wir kaufen ein Kuh mit dem Kalb fur 3£. Sterlin oder 12 Thr. Ein 
Schwein ein £. mit jungen oder Vett, ein Schaaf auch so viel, Geissen 
hat man noch wenig, doch hab ich g'sehen, der Juncker Michel hat 
mir gesagt, sie wollen uns herbringen, die wilde oder ungepflantzte 
Baumfrucht sind hier nicht so gut zu finden, als der Kocherthaler 
schreibt von Slid Carolina, Kirschen hab ich noch keine gesehen, 
Reben gibt es sehr viel, auch viel Trauben daran, deren etlich gut zu 
essen, und wohl zu glauben, warm man viel bey einander hatt, man 
wird aber trachten zu pflanzen dann es wachst alles sehr g'swind auf, 
und sind alle friicht von sehr gutem Geschmack, aber wir geniessen sie 
noch nicht viel, wir ligen an einem Strohm Neuss genannt, da haben 
vor 6. jahren die ersten, bis vor 2. jahren englische und Schweitzer 
Leuth ihnen angefangen zu Bauwen, dass die Meisten so arm wahren 
als wir sind, die sind wie mich bedunkt an Vich, an allerley Fruchten, 
den schosten Baumfruchten, alle reich genug, und das gantze Jahr 
etwa 2 Monath, wir haben uns der Natur nach hindenan setzen mussen, 
dass wir es noch nit haben, aber wir hofen es, durch Gottes Segen auch 
zu kriegen, wir sind kurtz vor Weinachten auf unser Gut kommen, 
und haben durch Gottes Beystand die Zioria mein Tochter Mann, 
Petter Reutiger und ich und noch andere, viel sterckere Hauser als die 
Englische, auch Land darzu gebutz, und haben die meisten schon 
eingezaunet, ist auch zu hofen, dass wir von nun an aus der Erden, 
und von dem Vich, durch Gottes Gnad, welcher seine mildreiche 
Hand, allezeit so hilfreich ausgestrecket hat, und uns fur so vielen 
Finden, geistlichen und weltlichen, und iiber das grosse Meer, so 
sicher und ungehindert hindurch gebracht, auch zur gniige Kriegen 
werden, aber eins ligt uns noch hart an, welches ich ohne Weinen 
nicht schrieben kann, nemlich der Mangel eines treuwen und eifrigen 
Seelsorgers, dann wir haben wohl Ursach mit Asaph zu klagen, unsre 
Zeichen sehen wir nicht mehr, kein Prophet predigt uns mehr, kein 
Lehrer lehrt uns mehr: Wir haben zwar alle Sonntag Betstunden in 

216 North Carolina Historical Commission 

unsern Hausern, aber der Eifer umb unsrer alten Siinden Rost aus- 
zusfagen, ist so schlecht, dass zu forchten ist, er fresse noch alles bis 
auf den Grand, wann nicht der erbarmende Gott, zu Hilf kombt, 
wann es dem lieben Gott hatte gef alien wollen, von unsren Brtidern 
und Schwestem, oder doch aufs Wenigst Christen Burki, zu einem 
Instrument, Leibs ud d Seelen Arzt mitzusenden, so hatte ich gute Hof- 
nung gehabt, das Liecht ware nicht zu einer stinkenden brachen worden, 
dann ich glaube nit, dass ein Mensch hier war, weder englisch, noch 
teusch, noch frantzosisch, der ihn nicht hertzlich lieben solten, dann 
seyn Kunst ist hier tiberaus gut, dass er ein Hof nach Wunsch ohne 
Feldarbeit machen korjnte: dann gut getrank, und solches arzney- 
Mittel ist der grosste mangel im Land, darumb ich ein fnindliche Bitt 
an dich lieben Bruder hab, nemlich also: Ich hab Christina Christeler 
ein Wittib von Sanen geheurahtet, ich bin ihr der dritte Ehmann, von 
dem Ersten hat sie 4 Kinder gehabt, 2 sind in Londen gestorben, der 
Mann und ein Kind auf dem Meer, das Eltest aber ein Knab von 13 
Jahr heisst Bendicht plosch, er ist zu Morigen, in der Vogtey Nidauw, 
bey seines Vaters sellig Kundschaft geblieben, und hat vor 4. Jahren 
noch g'lebt, ihr Vater hat Peter Christeler geheissen, so hat ihr Christen 
Walcker, welcher sambt dem Weib hier am Land gstorben und hat 8 
Kind hinderlassen ihr gesagt, sie habe ein ziemlich gross Erb, von 
Ihres Vatters Seel. Bruder: Moritz Christeler gethan, dann er hab 
100 Thr. dafiir uberkommen, wann nach Sannen geht, darnach zu 
fragen, ich hof, Heinrich Perret werde dir helfen konnen./. Dann sie 
sind die nachsten Nachtbahren g'wesen, und wann dem also ist, wie 
Walcker gesagt, so kannst zu deinen Handen nemen, weil mein Weib 
das Brauen so wohl versteht und es viel jahr getrieben hat, und das 
getrank hier sehr rar ist, und hier weder gelt noch Brauhafen zu be- 
kommen ist, sonst wolte ich es dir nicht zumuthen, der Hafen aber 
muss 2 Rohr aber keine Schlange haben, wann nicht etwan ver- 
trauhte Leuth kommen, so wtirde der H. Ritter noch wohl so gut 
seyn, dass er mir ihn hierher schafete, auch 4£. gewiirtz, als Imber, 
Pfefer, Safran, Muscatnuss, Galgan, Nageli, jedes nach Proportion 
dess gelts, dan hier ist noch nichts als Lorbehr, hab ich an den Baumen 
in Waldern gesehen, wann es aber zusammen nit ware mit dem Erb 
so wolte ich doch dich und meinen Vatter, wann er noch lebt, friind- 
lichst gebetten haben, etwan noch von den Minen helfen, dan mir 
sehr viel daran gelegen, und sonderlich den Weibs Leuthen, welche 
hier gar rar sind, wann noch mehr Leuth kommen wolten, so rathe 
ich dass sie Weiber mitnehmen, wann sie haben wolten, dann sind 
hier die bravsten die keine Weiber finden, weil sie nicht hie sind, die 
Reys ist wohl zu uberwinden, wann man sich recht darauf versehen 
kann, mit altem Kas, durrem Fleisch, durr Obs, Essig, Wein, Bier, 

Geaffeneied: Account of the Founding of New Been 217 

Fesser, Butter, Zweyback in Summa was gut essen, und kumlich zu 
fergen ist, dann wan das Meer ungestuhm so haltet sich das Schif auf 
eine Seiten, dass verschuttet wird, doch aber nut gehort, dass ein 
Schif auf dem hohen Meer untergangen sey, wer sich mit obgemelten 
Mittel versehen konnt, und ein accord mit dem Schifshaubtmann 
machte, dass er freyheit Hess zu kochen und ein guter platz zum ligen, 
so were mir die Reys nicht schwer, dann wir haben Junge und alte 
Leuth gehabt, sind alle friisch und gesund, was man an Wahren hieher 
bringt, ist alles zum Wenigsten noch einmahln so viel wehrt, sonder- 
lich das leinig Tuch, und Glas ware auch vonnothen und ist in Hol- 
land gut kaufen. Es grtissen Euch Beter Rohtiger, und meine zwey 
Tochter, dan wir wohnen neben einandren, das Dichtli ist noch bey uns 
und leg ab den gruss von uns Allen, bey unsrer lieben und getreuwen 
Seelsorgern der gantzen Ehrbarkeit, sonderlich dem Gfatter Kilch- 
Meyer, Dreuthart, und Andreas Aescher, Christen Jantz. Ich hatte viel 
zu schreiben, ich muss abbrechen, habt gedult mit meinem schlechten 
Schreiben, dann wer mein Hand und Arbeit sicht, der wird wohl 
glauben, dass ich nit viel g'schreiben und g'studiert hab. Grtisset uns 
den Christen Biirki und ich wolt gern dass er den Inhalt dieses Briefs 
vernehmen konnte; 

Verbleibe euer genigtwilliger Diener, und meiner Eltern, 
gehorsamer Sohn bis in den Tod./. 

Griisset uns Anna Drus, Item Speismannsleuth und dein Schwester 
und Gschwey, auch meines Vatters Schwester, und voraus den Schul- 



This account was written in haste, without much thought, just as 
the things occurred to my weak memory, so that here no especial 
style is to be observed; and it has been arranged in 12 chapters or 
"misfortunes" for my society and for others who might have unfavor- 
able ideas with regard to my American projects, thinking that I had 
undertaken them without consideration and foresight, and had passed 
my time in Carolina in splendor and luxury. So then I have shown 
the contrary. The beginning is also arranged to show that it was 
not merely carelessness which brought me to this distress, but serious 
reverses and unfortunate accidents. If ever I revise this in time of 
leisure, everything shall be better written and arranged. 

Note: — The references are to the English Translation of tne French Version and show wherein 
that version varies from the German. 



Written on Account of Certain Persons Who Complained 
That I Had Undertaken This Colony Imprudently, to the 
Disadvantage and Ruin of Many People — a Charge Which 
is Easily Cleared Up. 

After I had, at the end of my travels, been living in England for 
two years, and had made such advantageous and eminent acquaint- 
ances in that country during the reign of Charles II that had I re- 
mained I might have made a considerable fortune, at that time I in- 
formed myself, partly from oral and partly from written accounts, 
and more recently, from a more accurate report, and especially after I 
had heard through a citizen of this city, who had lived in America 
five or six years, what fine lands there were and how cheap, what liberty, 
what great, good, and increasing trade, what rich mines and other 
advantages there were, and had been told what fine rich silver mines 
he had discovered and found, and when I considered that I was bur- 
dened with rather heavy debts which I had contracted even before 
my travels, due, in part, to a venture which turned out badly for 
me and for several other gentlemen, to sureties, to great expenses 
incurred during my candidacy, to hard times during the tenure of my 
office, (for I did not wish to flay the peasants) ; hard times due partly 
to the newly made reformation; and, in addition to all this, the 
troubles of Neufchatel and the attendant lack of prosperity coming 
on, the way to a better office was cut off. Moreover, on account of 
the newly made reformation it would be a long time before I could 
hope for even a small office. In the meantime having been blessed 
with a big and sturdy family, I was impelled to do something to 
satisfy the creditors and to help my family. 

Since there was now in the Fatherland little hope of my being able 
to relieve such great distress, I took strongly into consideration the 
fine propositions of the above mentioned citizen, to whom out of 
consideration I shall here give no name, and consoling myself with 
my old and new friends of rank in England, and relying upon them, 
I finally took a firm resolution to leave my Fatherland and to see 
if fortune would be more favorable to me in England. Not to be 
detained by the creditors and my own people, I began my journey 
secretly, leaving to my father, who was financially able to do so to 
take charge of my debts and business. l 

224 North Carolina Historical Commission 

When I arrived in Holland certain persons almost turned me aside 
from my plan, and other propositions were made me in which I was 
to be given my support and something as a profit, but I did not 
find enough in this to make good my losses, and continued my journey 
to England, where I immediately heard of my people, and was inspired 
by such a desire to continue in my undertaking, by persons of rank 
and others, who promised me all sorts of assistance, that I was brought 
into negotiations according to which very advantageous propositions, 
conditions, and privileges were made and given by the proprietors 
above mentioned which brought me also to my resolution. 

At this very time there came over 10,000 souls from Germany to 
England, all under the name of Palatines, but among them were many 
Switzers and people brought together from other provinces of Ger- 
many. This caused the royal court as well as private^ individuals 
much concern and also unspeakable costs, so that they were em- 
barrassed because of these people, and therefore there soon went out 
an edict by which it was allowed to many persons to take some of 
these people and care for them, and a good share of them had been 
sent into the three kingdoms, but partly because of their laziness, 
partly because of the jealousy of the poor subjects of the country, 
they did not do so well as it was supposed they would, and so they 
had begun to send a considerable number of these people to America 
and the Queen had had great sums distributed for that purpose. 

At this juncture different persons of high and of middle rank, to 
whom my undertaking was known, advised me not to lose so favor- 
able an opportunity; and at the same time gave me good hopes that, 
if I wished to take a considerable number of these people, the Queen 
would not only grant me the money for their passage, but in addition, 
would give me a good contribution for them. These hopes were 
realized and the sum reached almost 4,000£ sterling. Besides this, 
the Queen had granted to the royal council land upon the Potomac 2 
River, as much as we immediately needed, and moreover had given 
strong recommendations to the governor of Virginia. 3 All this with 
the advantageous promises of the proprietors of Carolina gave to 
the undertaking a good appearance, and there was as much hope 
for a fortunate outcome as the beginning seemed good and prosperous. 

To provide for and send this colony I took indescribable pains, 

1. I tried to choose for this project healthy, industrious people and 
among them those of all sorts of trades necessary for this undertaking. 

2. A supply of all kinds of necessary tools and things. 3. As also suf- 
ficient and good food. 4. Good ships and sailors, also certain over- and 
under-directors for this people, to keep every thing in good order. 
5. In order that no negligence or lack of knowledge should be at- 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Bern 225 

tributed to us, I have begun nothing without the knowledge, advice, 
and instruction of the royal committee. 6. Upon the ships, as after- 
wards upon the land, the over-directors were three of the most 
prominent persons from Carolina itself, who had already lived there 
many years and were acquainted with everything in those parts. 
These were the Chief Judge or Justice of the Peace, the Chief or 
General Surveyor, and the Receiver General, who were on business 
in London at this very time and were appointed by the royal com- 
mittee, as well as by the Lords Proprietors, to have a close, faithful, 
and good watch over these people. The under-directors were com- 
posed of more than twelve of the most orderly and honorable men 
among the people — according to appearances. 

So then, after everything had been adjusted, concluded, and rati- 
fied, by the royal committee as well as by the Lords Proprietors for 
me and the people, yet even before the departure, I begged the royal 
committee to be pleased to send some of their members, who were 
experienced in travel by ship, to examine whether everything was 
arranged as it should be, and to talk with the captain; this they did 
and the report was given in the committee. The day before the 
departure I went, with the pastor who remained in London after the 
company had gone to America, to Gravesend; to which place, because 
I was waiting for the little colony coming on from Berne, as well as 
for some of my associates, I could not go with them. I took nry 
leave of them with a necessary exhortation, and then, when the 
German minister, 4 Mr. Caesar, had given the people a fine sermon, 
commending them to the protection of the Most High, I let them 
sail away, yet not without taking precaution on account of the dan- 
gerous war times, for I then obtained this favor from the chief 
admiral, Count Pembroke, that he ordered Vice Admiral Norris to 
accompany our people or ship with his squadron out upon the broad 
sea or towards Portugal. This took place in the winter — in Janu- 
ary — and then, because of the rough winds and storms, this ship was 
so driven about that it did not arrive in Virginia until after thirteen 
weeks. This, along with the salt food to which the people were 
not accustomed, and the fact that they were so closely confined, con- 
tributed very much to the sickness and death of many upon the sea. 
Others could not restrain their desires when they came to land, drank 
too much fresh water and overloaded themselves with raw fruit, so 
that they died of fever, and this colony therefore had half died off 
before it was well settled. 5 N. B. The one ship which was filled with 
the best goods and on which those in best circumstances were travel- 
ing, had the misfortune, at the mouth of the James River, in sight 


226 North Carolina Historical Commission 

of an English man-of-war, which however lay at anchor, 6 to be at- 
tacked by a bold French privateer and plundered. This is the first 

After the surviving colony had regained health in Virginia where 
they were received very kindly, they betook themselves about twenty 
English miles towards Carolina, all of which, along with the goods 
cost a great deal. 7 And now when they came into the county of 
Albemarle to the home of one Colonel Pollock upon the river called 
Chowan, a member of the council and one of the wealthiest in North 
Carolina, he provided these people, (but for money or the worth of 
it) with ships, so that they were conducted through the Sound into 
the County of Bath upon the River Neuse, with provision for only 
the most urgent necessity; and there the Surveyor General settled 
them on a point of land between the Neuse and the Trent River. 
This place called Chattoka is where the city of New Bern was after- 
wards founded. 

Here begins the second fatality or misfortune. This surveyor 
general L by name, who should have located the people imme- 
diately upon their allotted land and the plantations assigned to them, 
claimed that, in order to save time to enable them to clear their land, 
he had placed them on the south side of this point of land along the 
Trent River, in the very hottest and most unhealthy portion, instead 
of toward the north, on the Neuse River, where they could have been 
better placed and in a more healthy locality. But he did it for his 
own advantage, because this was his own land, in order that it might 
be cleared by these people for his benefit. But since he sold that 
same land 8 and ours — and dear enough — yes wrongfully, (for he had 
no right to it), and moreover, since it was inhabited by Indians, 
(although he sold it to us for unencumbered land) the poor people 
had to live in great distress until fall, when I came. From lack of 
sufficient provisions they were soon compelled to give their clothes and 
whatever they possessed to the neighboring settlers for food. 9 The 
misery and wretchedness were almost indescribable, for, on my arrival, 
I saw that almost all were sick, yes, even in extremity, and the well 
were all very feeble. In what a labyrinth and danger I then found 
myself, even my life not safe, the good Lord knows. 

Consider how my Bern people, who in every other respect had had 
a favorable passage with me in a good and favorable time of year, 
with plenty of room, and not one sick on the way, looked on this 
tragedy, where sickness, despair, and lack of the most necessary 
things reigned supreme. The thing that caused this distress was in 
part, the bad conduct of the superior and inferior directors as well 
as their faithlessness; however, the principal cause of this whole 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Been 227 

disaster, out of which, for the most part, the rest arose, and from which 
came my ruin and that of the colony, was the great audacity and 
unfriendliness of Colonel Cary, who, at that time, on the death of the 
old governor, contrary to right and propriety and to the orders of 
the Lords Proprietors, tried to force his way into the government, 
and, as was found out, wished, even, to line his purse and to make 
off with the revenues taken in by him and to betake himself to 
Madagascar, a place inhabited by all sorts of pirates. When the 
newly elected Governor Hyde (though he was the representative of 
the Queen) and when I and the above mentioned three directors 
wished to introduce ourselves and show our patents and credentials 
before the council, this same Colonel Cary, disregarding the command 
of the Proprietors, boldly refused us all. Thus the promises of the 
Lords Proprietors, upon which I and my whole undertaking especially 
rested, came to nothing. ■ I and the whole colony were shamelessly 
exposed to all those reverses which I have experienced up to this 
hour. And so this Cary finally became an actual rebel and made 
himself a following by spending money, so that Governor Hyde, for 
that reason, did not dare, at first, to take possession of the govern- 
ment by force; so much the less, because he really had no special 
patents in his hands. And since the governor of South Carolina 
had the order to install him, the time was already set for this purpose 
and letters were written to the council of North Carolina. Misfortune, 
however, would have it that the above mentioned governor of South 
Carolina, Colonel Tynte, died at this time. This death caused great 
confusion. In this interregnum I was not assisted, and because of 
the rebellion arising at this time, I was in great and pressing distress, 
since every one looked out for himself and kept what he had. The 
question arose whether I should risk my life and abandon this colony, 
yes, even let it die of hunger, or whether I should go into debt to save 
this people in such an extremity. As was only proper for a 
Christian-minded 1 ° man there could be no hesitation. Since at that 
time news of my arrival had gone abroad in America and I was in 
good credit, I sent immediately to Pennsylvania for flour, because 
fortunately, I had already made arrangements there, and in Virginia, 
and also here and there in the province, for the necessaries of life. 
Through notes which I gave the provisions eventually came, and 
slowly enough. Meanwhile our own goods and wares and those of 
the poor people were being used up for the necessaries which we man- 
aged to get from the neighboring inhabitants. 

During this time I had the land surveyed and every family given 
its own plot of ground, so that they could clear it, build their cabins, 
and prepare their soil for planting and sowing. And so there arrived 

228 North Carolina Historical Commission 

also with great expense and trouble, provision of corn, salt, lard in 
place of butter, and salt meat, also rum, and other products of the 
soil. But with the cattle there was difficulty. The people did not 
want to go where I showed them to get them, and I could not bring 
the animals right before their doors. But yet they accommodated 
themselves gradually, so that inside of 18 months these people were 
so well settled and had their affairs so well arranged that in this 
short time they had made more advancement than the English 
inhabitants in four years. Just one instance: for example, since there 
is in the whole province only one poor water mill, the people of means 
have hand mills, while the poor pound their corn in a hollow piece 
of oak and sift the cleanest through a basket. This takes much time. 
Our people on the contrary sought out convenient water brooks and 
in that way, according to the condition of the water and the strength 
of the current, made themselves regular stamping mills by which 
the corn was ground, and the good man-of-the-house had time to do 
other work. I had already commenced to build a grist and saw mill 
in a very convenient place, but what happened? When we were 
all hoping, after great effort and anxiety, to enjoy the fruits of our 
labor, aside from the reverses we had endured, and notwithstanding 
the fine prospect for a good establishment of the colony, there came 
the genuine storm of misfortune through the. wild Indians, who 
were inspired by certain jealous and revengeful rebels of Cary's follow- 
ing, which overturned everything. The outcome of this tragedy is 
told in a separate account, and it is unnecessary to tell about it here. 
But, because from Colonel Cary's audacious, unfriendly, and hostile 
procedure arose all the trouble which came over the province, myself, 
and the colony, it will not be out of the way to tell something more 
of these confusions, and to continue what went on further after 
Governor Hyde's death. 

As soon as I arrived from Virginia, 1 x at the bordering colony and, 
in expectation of a comfortable rest for myself and for my people, 
was staying in the first village, there came a troop of the most 
prominent Quakers since there were many of them in those parts, 
and they presented the most persuasive reasons possible, saying that 
it befitted me as Landgrave who, after the governor had the first 
rank, as the one who always presided in an interregnum and at 
other times in the absence of the governor, to take the presidency. 
But I 12 politely refused the honor. We answered that Governor 
Hyde was actually in Virginia and that I was one of the witnesses, 
who had there seen how he was chosen governor by the Lords Pro- 
prietors and how they had congratulated him in their council room 
in London. Moreover he was a relative of the Queen and had been 

Gkaffenried : Account of the Founding of New Been 229 

approved by Her Royal Majesty, x 3 and although the gentleman in 
question had no patent at that time in hand, one would soon follow. 
So then the province ought to have no hesitancy in receiving him 
at once as governor, so much the more, since Governor Tynte had 
given the council of Carolina notice to that effect. But this did not 
please them * 4 and they replied to me, but I did not refute them. 
After they were through with me they took their leave of me very 
politely and went away. Soon after this I came with my people 
farther into the province and arrived at the home of Colonel Pol- 
lock in Chowan, where a council was held by those who were 
inclined towards Governor Hyde, and I was very much urged to be 
present at the same. But in such a dangerous and delicate affair I 
did not go. And so there was soon given me a plan or report of 
the situation of things, and I can easily observe that because of my 
character as well as the number of my people, (since I could give 
the balance of power to whichever party I fell to), they looked on 
me with great respect. My ideas were in the direction of having 
a strong letter sent to Colonel Cary, representing one thing and 
another very well to him, and also finally threatening him, if he would 
not come to an agreement as he ought that I would throw myself 
with all my forces on the side of Governor Hyde. This brought him 
to the notion of taking other measures, but for all that he gave me 
a very haughty and shameless answer. He appeared to be sorry for 
it soon after, and we worked at it quietly to such good purpose that 
finally an agreement was reached and put into writing. According 
to this, Colonel Cary and his following were to agree to Governor 
Hyde's being president of the Council until new orders came from 
the Proprietors, but not to accept him as governor. 

Meanwhile I hastily betook myself to New Bern, from where my 
Palatines, who, because of a great lack of food were in the last 
extremity, 1 5 had written to me. Since as a precaution, I had some 
provisions from Colonel Pollock, there was soon a good amount on 
hand for such a number of people. 1 6 

Shortly after this Governor Hyde came out of Virginia into Caro- 
lina and settled not far from Colonel Pollock on Dyckenfield's 

plantation on Solomon Creek, where he received a rather fine dwelling. 

And because Colonel Cary feared that his trick above mentioned, 
which he had in mind, would not work, he had tried in a cunning 
manner to get his hands on the agreement, in order to remove his 
name or signature which he well knew was on it. Hereupon he 
began to take up his old cause again. Some of his followers he got 
by spending money on them, for he brought all the vile rabble over 
on his side with rum and brandy. In this way he made himself a 

230 North Carolina Historical Commission 

very strong following and began an open rebellion against Governor 
Hyde. In the meantime, the man was so crafty and sharp, that he 
tried to lull me to sleep; he came to New Bern on pretense of a visit, 
where I regaled him with the little which was then at hand. After 
dinner, * 7 when we had gotten into conversation over his improper 
conduct towards Governor Hyde as well as towards myself, and when 
I had spoken sharply to him about his disobedience towards those 
in authority, the Lords Proprietors, and with threats had given him 
to understand that I would take such measures as would make him 
sorry, he promised me in the presence of four of his friends whom 
he had brought with him, to send me within three weeks, grain and 
other provision, as well as some cattle, to the value of 500£, or else 
notes in place of the goods. As far as Governor Hyde was concerned, 
he left that in statu quo. And so he took his departure. This was 
only to blind me, which I also perceived, for I told him to his face 
that I feared that the performance would not correspond to the 
promises. This trip of Colonel Cary's was not in vain, for he attained 
his end, because by instigating some of the English or Carolinian 
inhabitants and people on the nearest plantations he so frightened 
my people that no one dared venture to go out of his house or out of 
the colony; for he had threatened that if they did not remain neutral, 
the English and Indians would fall upon them and destroy them. 

Not long after this Governor Hyde sent me expresses with a 
whole package of patents, one of them for me, which made me 
Colonel over the district of Bath County and gave to me the 
appointing of the under officers, for their names were left blank, and 
begged me earnestly to assist him against the rebels. Whereupon 
I answered him how sorry I was that I could not yet respond to his 
desire, reporting what I have remarked regarding Colonel Cary, that 
my people were not disposed to go to either party, but were resolved 
to remain neutral. This did not please the governor very well, and 
there soon arrived a sharper command, that in case nothing occurred, 
I should betake myself three good days journey from New Bern to 
be present at the council. This I did, very much in fear, to be sure, 
because I had also been threatened. 1 8 

When, now, I had reached the Governor, we were employed very 
busily in the councel advising how to put ourselves in security against 
this Cary faction, and it was ordered to get together, immediately, 
a company of chosen men with which to protect ourselves, and to see, 
further, how to compel different ones in some way or other to side with 
us. At this same time there came from London a turbulent fellow 1 9 
with a ship full of goods belonging to a Quaker who was also one of the 
proprietors, and wanted to trade in these parts. He was immediately 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Bern 231 

won over by the opposing party and this strengthened their courage, 
because he was well provided with shot, powder, and lead. This 
man libeled and defamed the Governor, giving out that he had 
different orders from the Lords Proprietors, but not in favor of 
Edward Hyde. This caused great doubt and confusion and made 
it hard for us. 2 ° He did me, in particular, great damage by making 
a note of 100£ 2 1 sterling ineffectual, saying he had orders to this 
effect. Although this money had been deposited with Hanson & Co., 
my correspondents in London, yet because of this, I could get nothing 
of it in my great need. So then this Colonel Cary, R. Roach, and 
a Quaker, Em. Lowe, who, contrary to the foremost article of his 
own religion or sect, had himself made a Colonel, came well pro- 
visioned before the landing 2 2 on a night when we were lodging at 
Colonel Pollock's house where we for the most part held council, in 
a brigantine, well armed and provided with pieces. We put our- 
selves in the best position possible, and had only two pieces and not 
more than some 60 armed men with us. Along towards morning 
the rebels let fly a couple of balls from the brigantine at the house 
in which we were, but they were fired too high and merely grazed the 
ridge so that we were not harmed by it. Upon this we also shot off 
our pieces at the brigantine, and likewise did no damage. So the 
rebels began to send some of their best armed soldiery towards the 
land in two small barques. When we became aware of that, we drew 
up our force towards the landing 2 3 as a defense, among whom was 
my servant in a yellow livery. This frightened our opponents not a 
little, and the reason for it was they thought that my whole colony 
was holding itself there in the bushes. We immediately fired off 
our piece again. When the one shot merely grazed the mast and it 
fell over, it had such a good effect that the barques turned back, and 
as soon as the men had climbed into the ship, they hoisted up the 
sails and made off. Thereupon we ordered our most resolute men to 
follow in a sloop, but they could not overtake them. However, when 
they had gone down into the Sound the brigantine landed at a con- 
venient place, and the most prominent ones got away through the 
woods. And so the small band won over the greater and the sloop 
brought the brigantine back, along with some provisions and the 
pieces. This scattered the opposing party and strengthened ours, so 
that we thereupon decided it would be well to amiounce a general 
pardon for all except the ringleaders, to which every one who de- 
sired to yield and submit to the Governor should subscribe. After 
this a parliamentary assembly was proclaimed in which, then, were 
treated the matters relating to these disturbers. The worst ones 
of the insurgents whom we could catch were taken into custody, but 

232 North Carolina Historical Commission 

those who repented of their wrong and had been debauched only- 
through instigation were accorded the amnesty. In this affair 24 I 
for the most part had to take the lead. This did not suit me very 
well because I feared it would make me enemies. After one thing and 
another had been arranged as well as possible and Governor Hyde 
and myself had been accepted and acknowledged, every one went 
home in the hope that all would quiet down. This calm did not last 
long; the authors of the revolt collected themselves together and 
the above mentioned Roach seated himself on an island, well pro- 
vided with food, shot, and munitions, and stirred up as many as he 
could. We tried, indeed, to drive him out of his nest, but it was 
not to be done. This fire of sworn conspirators gradually took hold 
again and increased, so that the last was soon worse than the first. 

Knowing how things were, it was thought best to make an effort 
to get other help. And so I was sent to Alexander Spotswood, Gov- 
ernor of Virginia, with two members of the Council, who were given 
to me, to beg assistance of him. 2 5 But before this we sent by expresses 
a writing to Governor Spotswood who appointed us a day in a village 
which lay between the two provinces, because, aside from seeing us, 
he wanted to muster his troops on the border. So I travelled by 
water in the captured brigantine because it was not quite safe by land, 
and in addition, we wanted to get provisions out of the neighborhood. 
After we had traveled several hours there arose such a contrary wind 
that we were driven back; and so we took the canoe, a little narrow boat 
made from a piece of tree trunk hollowed out, and continued our 
journey, now that the wind was somewhat quieted down. We came 
too late, however, for the muster was already past, but the Governor 2 6 
directed further, that when I came an express should be sent imme- 
diately to him, and so I wrote a polite letter to the above men- 
tioned gentleman, who came the next day with his secretary and two 
gentlemen to the appointed place where the conference was held, and 
the Governor received me in an exceedingly friendly manner. This 
business was more important than I supposed. After giving in my 
credentials I began my proposal, but there was immediately a 
strong objection made, namely, that the Virginians were not at all 
inclined to fight against their neighboring brethren, for they were 
all equally subjects of the Queen, and the cause was not so entirely 
just, for at least Governor Hyde had no patents. And so we had to 
try some other method. 2 7 And because Governor Spotswood wished 
to show himself somewhat more agreeable to me the first time he had 
seen me, since I had been introduced to him by the Queen herself, 
on account of the Virginia affairs, he finally considered that he should 
do Governor Hyde, myself, and the province the favor of sending 

Geaffeneied: Account of the Founding of New Been 233 

us a man-of-war with the usual equipment of soldiers. Since they 
were likewise servants of the Queen, were in their red uniforms, and 
moreover, were good soldiers, they would accomplish much. This 
was granted, and we took our friendly leave of each other. With 
what expressions he invited me to him, and what proffers of service 
he made, and what marks of respects he showed me I can not suf- 
ficiently indicate. Meanwhile I made my way home very joyously. 
After such happy negotiations, as soon as I had made my report, 
I was received with a general applause of the whole people, and this 
increased my credit not a little. 

Soon after this there arrived a valiant captain with his brave 
marines. When he had paid his respects and had delivered Governor 
Spotswood's letter, we besought him that he would show his com- 
mission before the assembly and speak as strongly as possible to the 
people, indicating that in case the revolters would not discontinue 
hostilities, as they were duty bound to do, we would proceed against 
them with the utmost severity. Upon this no one dared revolt any 
more, and the authors of the uprising got out of the province secretly, 
and they dared so much the less to stay because letters arrived from 
London reporting how the Lords Proprietors had chosen Mr. Edward 
Hyde to be governor of North Carolina and that the patents had 
therefore been sent by a trusty person. The often mentioned Colonel 
Cary, along with others of his associates, was arrested in Virginia 
and sent well guarded in a ship to London, and there suit was brought 
against him. The affair made a great stir in London; but this Cary 
was so fortunate in his base action as to have two of my Lords take 
his part and they saved his life. Hereupon he was let go on bail in 
order to defend himself, the Justice in Carolina was appointed to 
him, and so the affair still hangs to this hour. 2 8 

The confusion contributed not a little to the attack of the wild 
Indians, because several of the mutineers made Governor Hyde so 
hated among the Indians that they looked on him as their enemy, 
insomuch that when I was taken prisoner by the savages, thinking 
I was the Governor, they treated me rather severely until I had 
them informed through an Indian with whom I was acquainted, and 
who could speak English, that I was not Governor Hyde, upon 
which they treated me more kindly. 

Now when this also was past I betook myself again to New Bern to my 
people. But soon after this Governor Hyde had received his patents, 
so he called a general assembly again in order that he might present 
himself to it, on which occasion I also was present. I did it the more 
willingly because I thereby had the opportunity, and used it, of seek- 
ing to get from the new governor what I could not obtain from Colonel 

234 ISTorth Carolina Historical Commission 

Cary. In this, Governor Hyde showed, indeed, all good will, but when 
I urged him for something real, there was very little on hand, a cir- 
cumstance which in itself was (not) without evil results. After this 
I insistently urged upon the Parliament, that since I could not obtain 
anything upon the account of the Lords Proprietors, seeing this was 
the foundation of my enterprise, and since we could not subsist in this 
way, and it would be a long time before information could come to 
us out of Europe, and meanwhile we could not live on air, that the 
provinces should assist us on the same terms as we had with the Lords 
Proprietors; that is to say, they should supply us with the necessary 
food, and expecially with cattle, upon two or three years' credit. 
They refused me this, however, under pretext that this civil war had 
made it impossible for them to do it. Upon this I went sadly home 
to arrange my affairs as well as possible, as is to be seen in the pre- 
ceding. 2 9 

Now Follows the Indian War 

What caused the Indian war was firstly, the slanders and instiga- 
tions of certain plotters against Governor Hyde, and secondly, against 
me, in that they talked the Indians into believing that I had come to 
take their land, and that then the Indians would have to go back to- 
wards the mountains. I talked them out of this and it was proven 
by the friendliness I had shown them, as also by the payment for the 
land where I settled at the beginning (namely that upon which the 
little city of New Bern was begun), regardless of the fact that the 
seller was to have given it over to me free. I had also made peace 
with the same Indian inhabitants so that they were entirely satisfied 
with me. Thirdly, it was the great carelessness of the colony. 3 ° 
Fourthly, the harsh treatment of certain surly and rough English in- 
habitants who deceived them in trade, would not let them hunt 
about their plantations, and under this excuse took away from them 
their arms, munitions, pelts or hides, yes, even beat an Indian to 
death. This alarmed them very much and with reason. 

The Indians kept their design very secret, and they were even then 
about to take counsel in an appointed place at the time that I happened 
to travel up the river. 

I thought I was so much the more in safety, since only ten days 
before, when I was coming home from surveying and had lost my 
way in the forest, just as night overtook me I had fallen into the hands 
of the Indians, who before my coming had lived in Chatalognia, at 
present New Bern. They had now settled in this place and received 
me very kindly and in the morning accompanied me as far as the right 
way. They gave me two Indians who went with me as far as my 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of New Bern 235 

home, and out of thankfulness I gave them something and sent some 
rum and brandy to the king. This very king, together with the help 
of the Most High, contributed not a little to my rescue when I was 
captured by the Indians, condemned to death, and saved in a mar- 
velous manner. What took place among the Indians and how I 
finally came home and got to New Bern again is to be seen in the 
account sent to Governor Hyde. Right on the end of this account 
I had begun to tell what adverse and disagreeable things happened 
to me immediately on my return, and so there appears to be no end 
of my ill fortune. But since I could not foresee the future, I shall 
tell as briefly as possible, what took place further, up to my departure 
to Europe and my journey home. Firstly, How this Indian war 
was renewed and ended: Secondly, For what motives I left the 
colony and went to Europe, yes, clear to Berne. What happened 
to me after my arrival among the Christians was almost more dan- 
gerous and vexatious than when I was among the heathens. Before 
the heathen tribunal I had my accusers before me, everything was 
done in good order, nothing behind my back and under cover nor 
in a rebellious and turbulent manner; but when I came home, thinking 
to be among friends and Christians and hoping to rest a little, it 
became worse. 

There were a number of rough, jealous, and morose planters or 
inhabitants. And because I would not immediately accede to their 
notion of killing or of giving over to their discretion, an Indian to whom 
I had promised safe conduct because he had come to get my ransom, 
this sort of evil Christians, worse than the heathen, secretly got 
information against me, and there was much talk, and threats of 
nothing less than that I must be hanged. I had not considered it 
feasible for those to go to war with the Indians before the fifteen 
Palatine prisoners had been freed and delivered over, who did not have 
enough provisions nor munitions nor soldiers, since in addition, half 
of the Palatines had left my quarters in my absence. So now from 
a heathen tribunal I had to appear before a Christian judge's bench, 
yes, to a trial worse than the heathen, if it had gone according to 
the will of certain godless fellows. To this a Palatine blacksmith 
who wished to revenge himself because I had punished 3 * him for 
frightful execrations, disobedience, stealing, and horrible threats, 
contributed not a little, and this he did in a very treacherous manner. 
He went immediately over to the Indians, and made them very 
suspicious of me, as though my promise was of no value, as though 
I were deceiving them, since, instead of keeping peace and neutrality 
with them, I was entirely on the side of the English, whom I was 
supplying with firearms and munitions of war. 3 2 But as soon as I 

236 North Carolina Historical Commission 

learned of his treachery, and for that cause wanted to punish him, 
he had gotten wind of it and had betaken himself to William Brice, a 
common man, who because of his audacity had been chosen captain, 
and who was very much opposed to me. There, where a garrison 
composed of rowdies collected together and of disloyal Palatines were 
guarding his house, the above mentioned blacksmith had said the 
same things of me as before to the Indians, and more yet, so that I 
passed for a traitor. Very soon there was a list of 20 articles written 
up, of which not a point was true. As soon as I had heard of this, I 
wrote, nevertheless without fear, since I had a good conscience, to 
the governois of Virginia and of Carolina, informing them circum- 
stantially of all that had happened; and they approved of my con- 
duct, as did all other persons of understanding and reason. 

Along with this it happened that since I had caused the effects of 
the smith as a criminal and a fugitive, who was, moreover, much in 
debt to me, to be inventoried and put into safe keeping, 3 3 this 
abovementioned Brice wanted very much to have the smith and the 
detained goods given out. His intention was to do this by force in 
addition to bringing me bound to Governor Hyde, as one guilty of 
treason, and so he took counsel in secret with some of the most prom- 
inent of his crew, and the conclusion was to the effect that if I should 
refuse to give out the smith's goods, they would take them by force, 
giving as pretext that they needed them for defense, 3 4 and because I 
would doubtless resist, they would then take possession of my person, 
and so bring me to the Governor. But there was, by chance, a little 
Palatine boy in the room of whom they took no notice, who under- 
stood English. Hearing this he got out of the room as quietly 
as he could, and told his mother, one of those who were still my 
subjects. She got quickly into a little boat and came over to me. 
When she told me this conspiracy I immediately had the drum beat, 
the gate locked, and my people placed in a good position. I could 
scarcely get this done when Brice came with 30 or 40 neighbor- 
ing men, among them that same godless smith and probably 20 
of the disloyal Palatines. Not knowing that I was informed of the 
affair, they thought to go right into the yard 3 5 and take possession 
of me. But they found everything in a position that they did not 
expect, and when they asked our people what that was to signify, 
the corporal answered that we were well on our guard because of 
the wild Indians and the wild Christians. It was asked in reply 
whether we took them for enemies, then, and again it was answered 
that friends are not in the habit of visiting their neighbors in such 
a manner, that it seemed as though they were our enemies, especially 
since such traitors and deserters were among them, yet if Colonel 

Graffeneied: Account of the Founding of New Been 237 

Brice and one other wanted to come in he thought this would not 
be refused. When this was represented to me I allowed them to 
come in under good guard. When Colonel Brice complained of my 
actions I gave as answer that a fine design was known to me, but 
that I would know how to make his shameless and audacious pro- 
cedure known in the proper place. I asked him if it was the proper 
manner towards his superiors to thus raise a mutiny. I told him 
that I, as a member of the upper house, landgrave, and commandant 
of this district would be in the right to send him away bound. 3 6 
So I let these false, designing fellows go with short courtesy 
and severe threats until the next parliament. What other insults 
were done me and my people by this captain and the disloyal Pala- 
tines would be too lengthy and too disagreeable to write in detail, 
and so I have for the sake of brevity not cared to tell more. But 
yet a little more in passing. 

It is to observed that the agreement here below made and signed 
with the Indians, was entered into while I was still in bonds and to 
save my life, and so I could not be compelled to keep my word. But 
according to this, since I was not of the view quod hereticis non 
habenda fides (faith need not be kept towards heretics), I was re- 
solved to keep as much as I could conscientiously, with regard also 
to the duty which I owed to the crown of England. And if they 
had left me alone afterwards it would have been well for the entire 
country and much murder and misfortune would have been avoided. 

But this Captain Brice along with his gang was so heated, that, 
without having the wisdom to take counsel, following their blind 
passion, without reflecting upon any measures nor upon the smaller 
number of people nor the small amount of food and munitions nor 
upon the danger to the poor captured women and children, he 
rejected the proposed truce and immediately began hostilities, and so 
through his unreasonable caprices exposed the whole province to dan- 
ger and interrupted all my measures. But if they had let me manage, 
we should, in the first place, have gained time by this truce, so that 
the whole province and I could have put ourselves into a good position 
and we could in this time provide ourselves with soldiers, war and food 
supplies. Secondly, I was actually already at work during this truce 
to save the poor captive women and children, for I was not going 
to give over my ransom, except they had given the prisoners over to 
me. This had been agreed upon in the first conference, with great 
danger and difficulty. N. B. It has been very well shown, of how much 
importance it was and afterwards related in the history of the Indian 
war how this captured Holtzmann (woodsman?) had to manage the 

238 North Carolina Historical Commission 

Indians, unless one can make an end of them at the very first. Now 
while I was doing my best with the Indians in this good work, and 
thirdly, through my alleged neutrality and the delay, wished to gain 
time so that the English, as well as the Carolinians, and especially 
the colony, might get again what they had left buried in their planta- 
tions and houses, and likewise be able to catch as much of their cattle 
as possible in the forests, there came this Brice's mob, wilder and more 
unreasonable than the Indians, and spoiled all my negotiations for 
me, by an attack unbeknown to the rest. This whole bad busi- 
ness, the before mentioned treachery of the smith, and this action 
took all confidence of the Indians in me away. So that from that 
time on they made attack upon my colony also, since until then their 
houses and goods had been spared according to the agreement made. 
But following the untimely procedure of the Carolinians, the Indians 
have gone on to destroy everything, and my poor people's houses 
although the doors were marked with a sign, 3 7 had to be burned. 
The rest of the household furniture, although concealed and buried, 
was hunted up, taken away, and the cattle in the forests shot down. 
From there the Indians have beset one plantation after another, 
plundered, slaughtered, and done much harm here and there in 
the province, especially on the Neuse, Trent, and Pamtego Rivers. 
What caused worse retaliation by the Indians was the harsh pro- 
cedure of Brice, for when he got some of the Indians of Bay River, 3 8 
their chief, the king, was used most terribly, yes, severely roasted, 
tormented with all sorts of unchristian tortures, and so killed. This 
so embittered the Indians that it is not to be wondered at that they 
also treated the Christians cruelly. What grieved me most in this 
was that a disloyal Palatine did the most in this torturing and took 
pleasure in it. It was this same man who was the author of the 
disloyalty of the Palatines. There were indeed in Brice's following, 
bold and courageous people, but wholly inconsiderate. If the other 
Carolinians had behaved better and had not been so faint-hearted 
we should have become master of the Indians sooner and things 
would not have gone so badly. 

And now, since it was of so much concern to me to justify my con- 
duct and to show the godless and impudent behavior of Brice's 
rabble, I went in when the general assembly 39 was held and asked 
where these false accusers were, and demanded that they should 
bring these slanderers before my eyes, and give me copies of the com- 
plaints in order that I might defend and justify myself in a fitting 
manner, but no one dared to appear against me, and no one here 
wanted to tell the articles of complaint, and so there was an end of it. 
During this time I had much trouble and was in great danger, suf- 

Geaffexreed : Account of the Founding of Znew Bebx 239 

fering not a little in my honor and reputation and demanded satis- 
faction because the complainants and the slanderers were well known 
to me. I named them out. but the authors did not appear, and in 
such a confused government and in the midst of the Indian war I 
could not get any satisfaction. The Governor and the upper house, 
which consisted of the seven councilors and representatives of the 
Lords Proprietors, two landgraves, several colonels, and the secretary. 
made, indeed, their excuses and paid me a compliment in regard to 
this affair, and with this I had to be satisfied. I sent many memorials 
and letters to the Governor about this matter, in which these dis- 
agreeable stories and proceedings are to be seen in detail, especially 
in the register of my letters of the years 1711 and 1712. But 0. if 
all the adverse and grievous things which happened to me in Caro- 
lina and Virginia should be told it would make a big book. 

To give here as was done above, only a few of the causes of the 
Indian war: 

The carelessness of the Carolinians contributed not a little to the 
audacity and bold actions of these Indians, because they trusted 
them too much, and for safety there was not a fortified place 
in the whole province to which one could retire: also in case of any 
eruption or hostility no arrangements were made and much less were 
there the necessary provisions of food and war supplies. This was 
carried so far that in these times of unrest, whole shiploads of corn 
and meat were carried away and exchanged for sugar, molasses, 
brandy, and other less necessary things. In short, everything was 
carelessly managed. Instead of drawing together into one or two 
bodies of well ordered soldiery in order to drive the enemy from 
the boundaries of the settlements, every one wanted to save his own 
house and defend himself. This was the cause that finally the Indians 
or savages overpowered one plantation after another, and soon brought 
the whole province under them. My idea was that in case the sav- 
ages would not act in accordance with the agreement made with 
them, and could not be brought to a good treaty, to divert them 
with the peace I had made, to procure a truce, and meanwhile, with 
the help of my people to establish myself in some place and, pro- 
vided with all necessary munitions and food, by this means to make 
a greater and more vigorous resistance, or else entirely to destroy the 
savages. But there was nothing to be done with these wrong-headed 
Carolinians, who, even if some were more courageous than the others, 
took the matter up so heedlessly and clumsily, got around behind 
the Indians who were much stronger in numbers, good shots, and well 
provided with everything, so that this small handful of Christians 
immediately had to get the worst of it. Yes, without the help of the 

240 North Carolina Historical Commission 

Palatines and Switzers they would have been destroyed, as is to be 
seen in the first account. N. B. In the same account there is to be 
seen from a letter with the date and salutation, how the troops who 
were in Bath Town, a little village on the Pamtego River, about 150 
in number, would not go according to their word and the sign which 
they had given to them, and did not have the heart to cross the 
river to help their neighbors, in such urgent need; but rather, after 
they had eaten up the corn and meat of the inhabitants of this dis- 
trict, leaving us on the other side along the Neuse River in the lurch, 
they went home again. 

How I fortified myself and New Bern for 22 weeks long and sup- 
ported myself and the colony with my own means, and finally had 
to leave my post from lack of anything to eat, in order to go to the 
Governor, is partly to be seen in the first account. Yet I can not 
pass over without telling how it went with me on this journey 
into Albemarle County. 

So then after I had experienced and seen how miserably everything 
was going; what poor, yes, absolute lack of assistance; the impossi- 
bility of holding out so, for in the long run, indeed, we were reduced 
to the very extremity; how that through the invasion of the savages 
the whole colony had been destroyed, since, as has been said, about 
70 had been murdered and captured, the houses of all the colonists 
burned, their household furniture and whatever they owned carried 
off, most of the cattle shot down, and our own used for food. So 
upon the representations of Mr. Michel and other gentlemen from 
Virginia and Maryland, I resolved to take other measures and because 
the colony was divided, half of the Palatines having turned from 
me, to betake myself with the rest, along with the Switzers, to the 
above mentioned places. Hereupon I packed a part of my things, 
had my little sloop fitted out with the intention, that when I had 
reached Governor Hyde I should succeed in getting better assistance 
in the parliament or general assembly, failing which, I would con- 
tinue in my design to go to Virginia and Maryland. 

So I departed in great perplexity, because my people were in the 
greatest straits, 4 ° yes, so much that there was no longer a measure 
of corn left, but we had to make shift with pork, and that very 
sparingly. This journey was also unfortunate. I departed with good 
weather and wind, after I had collected my people and addressed 
them as best I could, comforting them with hope of speedy help. 
In the evening when we were almost at the mouth of the river and 
were about to sail out into the Sound, there occurred a noteworthy 
sign. On the tip of the mast there suddenly came a small fire and 
it whistled rather loudly for about a quarter of an hour, and finally 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Bern 241 

it ceased. When I asked the captain of the ship what that was, he 
told me nothing very good, that directly a great storm would follow 
and that was certain. I laughed at this and desired to continue my 
journey. But an hour did not pass, before the wind began to blow 
harder, and because it was toward night we did not venture, but 
looked about where we might drop anchor by the land. We were 
scarcely able to approach the land before the wind struck us so hard 
that a little later we should have come into the greatest danger. So 
we stayed over night with a planter, a good man, 4 1 who had settled 
there upon an estate. In the morning when the storm was past, 
we 'went on, and so came in the evening of the second day into the 
middle of the Sound, which is a sea much bigger than Lake Geneva, 
since in the middle one could not see land; but we struck against a 
sand bank, so that the ship gave such a loud crack that we thought 
it broken in two, and if it had not been very strong we should have 
had to suffer shipwreck there. We were, then, in the greatest anxiety, 
and took all imaginable means to get away from this dangerous 
place. The greatest fear was that even if the ship were finally freed 
it would have a crack, so that we should have been sent down with- 
out fail. But God was so gracious, that after the sea had risen 
and the wind had become better, we happily got away with spread 
sails. When we saw that no water came into the boat, we thanked 
God and started out. On the third day we had such a strong con- 
trary wind that in one place we had to sail towards land. There, 
where there was a broad expanse grown up to reeds, we drop- 
ped anchor, and were compelled to remain several days, until the 
wind calmed down somewhat, so that we could sail with a side wind 
through a canal which flows through the reeds. We were scarcely 
out of the reeds when ill luck would have it that we remained sticking 
upon a solid rock, so that for half a day we had enough to do before 
we were free, and again the sea had to help us. Finally the wind 
increased and we came off all right and reached the appointed place, 
and it was time we did, for all our meager provisions of food and drink 
were used up. Instead of arriving in twice twenty-four hours as 
we hoped to with good winds we used over ten days. Thus one sees 
what the weather sign upon the tip of the mast means. It seems 
to be a superstition, to be sure, but experience knows differently. 

After I had spent six whole weeks at Governor Hyde's, partly in 
waiting the termination of the council and the other affairs of the 
province, partly in providing my people at New Bern with the neces- 
saries of life and military stores, after the expenditure of great pains 
and much time, my sloop was filled with corn, powder, lead, and 
tobacco, and sent to New Bern. But oh, what a misfortune. The 


242 North Carolina Historical Commission 

good people in their extreme distress waited in vain for it. For when 
the sloop was clear past the Sound and far from the mouth of the 
river, the people on the ship drank too much brandy, so that they 
all went to sleep, thinking they were now out of danger; but because 
they had not entirely put out the fire in the kitchen, a spark sprang 
from a stick of wood and got into the tobacco leaves, which were 
not far from there. These caught more and more, until a fire started, 
and at length the smoke wakened the shipmen, who, out of fear that 
the powder cask would catch, tried to save themselves, got into the 
canoe, that is, a little round-bottomed boat, and left. Before they 
came clear to land the fire got into the powder, and the sloop went 
up in flames. 

Imagine what sad news for the half-starved colonists to hear a 
thing like that, instead of the assistance waited for so long and with 
such great desire, and how that went to their hearts. By the time 
I had learned this sad news, which had delayed a good while, I had 
worked with all my might to have them provision a larger sloop or 
brigantine, but this went forward so slowly that I became very angry, 
seeing well that such tergiversations in such critical times would not 
do. For this reason I disposed my affairs with this in view that as 
soon as my people should have received these provisions, they should 
sail immediately in the same ship with Mr. Michel to Virginia. This 
was very much delayed. After I had stayed a long time at Governor 
Hyde's, as has been said before, waiting for the affairs relating to the 
war and the province where there was much to do, I went into Vir- 
ginia in order to make the best arrangements possible. But before 
I go on to this journey, I can not omit to tell what in the mean- 
time was done for the safety of the country. 

After I had strongly represented to Governor Hyde and the General 
Assembly that we should make better arrangements than had pre- 
viously been made, otherwise we were in danger of all being killed 
by the Indians, we got to work, and never in my life should I have 
thought to meet such awkward and faint-hearted people. 

First of all it was of importance to find where provisions were to 
be obtained, for it was impossible to go to war, and yet these im- 
provident Carolinians were so foolish as to sell grain and meat out 
of the country. For this reason I urged Governor Hyde immediately, 
to publish a sharp command forbidding the exportation of certain things. 

Secondly, to find out what grain there was in the country, and to 
take measures accordingly. It was found that there was not enough 
by far, to carry on such a tedious war. Hereupon arrangements 
were made with the neighboring provinces which had plenty, to pro- 
cure some. 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Bern 243 

Thirdly, to provide powder, lead, and firearms, with which the 
province was not at all supplied, and of which the individuals had 
very little. Hereupon it was decided to send for it among those 
from other places. But no one wanted to give the money for this 
purpose, nor did the province which was then in bad credit, find means, 
and so I had to try to effect something with the Governor in Virginia. 

Fourthly, Suppose that all the above things of which the people 
had need were ready, there was still labor. We could with the great- 
est difficulty make out scarcely 300 armed men, and there were among 
them many who were unwilling to fight. They were mostly badly 
clad and equipped. With reference to this, commission was given 
to me to seek for help in Virginia. When, finally, Governor Spotswood, 
acting in the Queen's name, promised them this with the stipulation 
that the provisions and soldiers' pay should be returned, they did 
not want it, unless the Governor would send the soldiers and the 
provisions at the expense of the Queen, asserting that thej r could 
not pay back such sums, which was absurd. Why should the Queen 
have the expenses of the colony since the Lords Proprietors draw 
the revenue? This gave occasion for several to go to the Governor 
of Virginia to sound him to see whether he would take upon himself 
the protection of Carolina. But this the Governor refused, for good 

Fifthly, it was proposed that we fortify some place in the province 
to be used in case of need as a retreat, in which to keep ourselves in 
safety. But this did not succeed. 

With things as we knew they were, what was to be done? Mean- 
time the Indians continued their depredations, became bold with 
such poor defense, and overcame one plantation after another. 

The last resource was to send hastily to South Carolina for help, 
which we also obtained, otherwise the province would have been 
destroyed. So the Governor of South Carolina 42 sent 800 savage 
tributaries with 50 English South Carolinians, under the command 
of Colonel Barnwell, well equipped and provided with powder and 
lead. The theatrum belli was not far from New Bern. Only when 
these arrived did the Indian war begin in earnest, and these South 
Carolinians went at it, when they came to the Tuscarora savages, 
in such a manner that they awakened great terror among them, so 
that the North Carolina Indians were forced to fortify themselves. 
But our friendly Indians, after they had received their orders at New 
Bern went against Core Town, a great Indian village about 30 miles 
from New Bern, drove the King and his Indians out of the same 
after they had slain several, got into such a frenzy over it that they 
cooked and ate the flesh of one of the Carolinian Indians that had 

244 North Carolina Historical Commission 

been shot down. To this assistance from South Carolina we detailed 
200 North Carolina English with some few of our Indians who were 
friendly to us, and about 50 Palatines and Swiss under command 
of Colonel Boyd and Mr. Michel, whom we made Colonel. This 
small army went further up, to Catechna, a large Indian village, 
where I and Surveyor General Lawson were captured and condemned 
to death as has been told in the first account. In this village Catechna, 
our enemy consisting of Indians of Weetox, Bay River, Neuse, Core, 
Pamtego, and partly of Tuscaroras, had collected and strongly forti- 
fied themselves, and we could accomplish nothing against them; that 
is to say, in the storm planned against them, the orders were not 
properly executed, the attack should have been made in certain 
places. But Brice's people were so hot-headed that they stormed 
before the time, many of them were wounded, some were left dead, 
and so our forces had to withdraw. When the report of this was 
given to us in the council we were very much busied considering how 
better to subdue the enemy and how to make better arrangements. 
By chance I was looking about and saw six or eight pieces in the 
yard, lying there uncared for, all rusty and full of sand. My notion 
was that two of the smallest should be refitted, sent over, and the 
fort bombarded with it. At this I was laughed at heartily, and it 
was represented to me as impossible to take them through morasses, 
forests, and ravines. But I remembered what Captain Jaccard of 
St. Croix had told me. Just as he said he had done it before a 
fortress in Flanders (which made his fortune), each small piece was 
carried very nicely, as though upon a litter, 4 3 between two horses, 
the rest disposed further as suited best, and the scheme succeeded 
well. For when the approaches were made and only two shots had 
been fired into the fort of the savages along with some grenades which 
we tried to send in, such a fear was awakened among the savages 
who had never heard nor seen such things before, that they asked 
for a truce. Then a council of war was held by our highest officers 
to decide what to do, and it was decided to accord a truce and to try 
to make an advantageous peace. The principal cause of this was the 
Christian prisoners which they still held from the first massacre, who 
called to us that if the fort fell to us in a storm they would all miser- 
ably perish without mercy. Hereupon they surrendered under con- 
dition that first of all the captives should be set free. And this was 

Now when this was past and our troops had marched to New Bern 
to refresh themselves a little, for the food was getting scarce and 
scanty, and the response to Colonel Barnwell had not been to his satis- 
faction, he became impatient that he had not received more honor 

Graffenbied: Account of the Founding of New Been 245 

and kindness. His soldiers also were very badly provisioned. For 
these reasons, he thought of a means of going back to South Carolina 
with profit, and under the pretense of a good peace he enticed a goodly 
number of the friendly Indians or savage Carolinians, took them 
prisoner at Core Town (to this his tributary Indians were entirely 
inclined because they hoped to get a considerable sum from each 
prisoner) and made his way home with his living plunder. Whatever 
before this he did worthy of praise, was flung away by this action. 

This so unchristian act very properly embittered the rest of the 
Tuscarora and Carolina Indians very much, although heathens, so 
that they no longer trusted the Christians. Therefore they fortified 
themselves still more securely and did much damage in Neuse and Pam- 
tego County, yes, the last became worse than the first. This induced 
us to lay strong complaint against Colonel Barnwell and to write 
to South Carolina for new help, which followed, but not so strong 
as the first. But soon after there arrived a goodly number under the 
command of Captain Moore, who behaved better. After what could 
be raised had been brought together they went to this Indian fort 
at Catechna or Hancock Town and at last this was successfully 
stormed, set fire, and overcome. The savages showed themselves 
unspeakably brave, so much so that when our soldiers had become 
master of the fort and wanted to take out the women and children 
who were under the ground, where they were hidden along with their 
provisions, the wounded savages who were groaning on the ground 
still continued to fight. There were about 200 who were burned up 
in a redoubt and many others slain so that in all about 900, including 
women and children were dead and captured. Of ours there were 
also many wounded and some remained on the field. From this 
time we had rest, although some survivors still wandered here and 
there. It was now a question of providing for the future, for putting 
ourselves in complete security against the surviving neighbors. Cer- 
tain of the kings with whom we conferred yielded. N. B. The kings 
are really only the chiefs of a certain number of wild Indians, but 
still, it is hereditary and is passed on to posterity. We conferred 
with them and finally brought about a wished-for peace. 

At present there is not the slightest thing to fear, for the savages 
who live beyond Virginia and this same province are tributary, a 
guarantee of peace; and the surviving Carolina Indians have also 
become tributaries of the Lords Proprietors. 

Meanwhile, although in peace, it did not go well with our poor 
colonists; but they were dispersed here and there among the English 
or Carolina planters; others made their way back to New Bern where 
they tilled a little land to supply their most pressing need. I allowed 

246 North Carolina Historical Commission 

them to try to take service for two years and to go into the service 
of one or another of the wealthiest of the inhabitants of Carolina 
in order to have their living there and to save up something so that 
they could afterwards go back upon their fees or plantations. But 
for these two years they should be free from the quitrent imposed 
upon them. To Mr. Michel and the people from Berne I let it be 
known that I was going to Virginia to make the necessary arrange- 
ments there in the hope that they might settle there better than in 
Carolina, trusting myself upon the Mr. Michel's word which he had 
given, that he was minded to stay by the agreement which we had 
made before. At the same time it was impossible with my own 
strength and means to restore a colony so ruined, and from Berne the 
prospects were not only poor, but no hopes of any assistance what- 
ever had been given. 

With this I took my departure from the Governor and council 
and went to the Governor of Virginia, from whom I obtained this 
that he granted me, particularly because of the dangerous war times 
the captain of only one warship to accompany my people. This 
was a great and peculiar favor for an individual. Hereupon Mr. 
Michel, who was then at a conference held upon the frontiers between 
Governors Hyde and Spotswood, was advised and at that time the 
day was set when and where they should assemble themselves on the 
island Currituck in Carolina. While this was going on I went further 
into Virginia towards the Potomac and Maryland in order to have 
everything ready with lodging, food, and cattle. 

The place 4 4 was not far from the falls of the Potomac, with a civil, 
generous, and well-to-do man named Rosier, settled upon the main- 
land. There a certain baronet and other gentlemen from Pennsyl- 
vania came to meet me in order also to see how it was with the silver 
mine of which Mr. Michel had told and in which they were interested, 
and on this account had been to much expense. After we had waited 
there in expectation of Mr. Michel and the Bern people who were 
coming with him, after such a long delay and no news coming from 
him we became impatient, and in consideration also of Mr. Michel's 
strange actions with regard to the mines, we got the idea of visiting 
the place ourselves following the plans given us to ascertain the truth. 
We equipped ourselves for this truly dangerous journey, yet because 
I had had it in mind to do this even when the other gentlemen had 
not yet arrived, I had as a precaution, received patents from the 
Governor of Virginia, to whom I communicated my design, and 
orders had been given that at the first notice I could summon as 
many of the rangers stationed nearest as I considered necessary. 

Gbaffenkied: Account of the Founding of New Been 247 

When we came to Canavest, a remarkably beautiful spot, about 
four miles above, before the falls, we found there a band of Indians 
and in particular a Frenchman named Martin Chartier, who had 
married an Indian woman, and thereby was in great credit with the 
wild Indians of the nations which live beyond Pennsylvania and 
Maryland. He also, leaving Pennsylvania on the representations 
of Mr. Michel, had settled himself there. Before this he had also 
gone with Mr. Michel to look for the mines and had been to much 
labor and expense. He warned us that the Indians of this same region 
where the silver mines were supposed to be, were very much alarmed 
at the war which we had had with the Tuscarora Nation, and there- 
fore we ought not to expose ourselves to such danger without especial 
necessity. We believed him and postponed the matter to a con- 
venient time. Meantime we made a league with the Canavest 
Indians, a very necessary thing, as well in respect to the hoped-for 
mines as for our little Bern Colony which we wanted to settle there. 
We also examined the admirable situation of the same region of coun- 
try and in particular the charming island of the Potomac River above 
the falls, to this hour regretting that I can not live in this beautiful 

From there we went further back upon a mountain of the highest 
in those parts, called Sugar Loaf, for it has the form of a loaf of 
sugar. We took with us Martin Chartier, a surveyor we also had 
with us, and there came with us several Indians. From the mountain 
we viewed an exceedingly broad extent of country, a part of Virginia, 
Maryland, Pennsylvania, and Carolina, used the compass, made us 
a map, and observed especially the mountain where the silver mines 
were said to be, found that they were beyond Virginia, and incident- 
ally from the two Indians that they had looked up and down the 
mountain but had found not the slightest sign of minerals, and that 
the map that had been given us did not correspond to the report at 
all. This disturbed us greatly. What else happened on this account 
is not necessary to relate here. We discovered still finer land and 
three broad mountains each higher than the other. When we came 
down from the mountain we stayed overnight with Martin Chartier, 
and returned the next day to Mr. Rosier's quarters below the falls, 
where I stayed a considerable time in hopes of receiving my people 
there, as had been agreed. The other travelers returned to Penn- 
sylvania, but not very well satisfied on account of the confused plan. 

I believe there is no more beautiful site 4 5 in the world than this 
which we intended to divide into two small colonies; the first directly 
below the falls where there was a very cheerful island of good soil 
and opposite, in a corner between the Potomac River and a smaller 

248 North Carolina Historical Commission 

one called Gold Creek, suited to receive everything which comes up 
or down before the falls, and the greatest merchant ships can sail 
there. The other site was to be at Canavest as the map shows. 
Now after there had not been received the least news for about two 
months long from Carolina, the limping messenger finally came 
with bad tidings. Since Mr. Michel, so the bearer of this note 
reported to me in words only, demanded to have the command of our 
sloop, I should come to an agreement with them. He said the sloop, 
after it had finally brought the long desired grain to Neuse, on its 
return had gone upon a sand bank, was in bad condition and had 
become somewhat worm-eaten during the hot weather; that it needed 
to be fitted out with sails, cable, and with other things; that it could 
not get off; that I should betake myself quickly to Carolina, and told 
me nothing further; nothing of the warship which had been sent to us 
from Virginia, and of the other things which had gone on in the long 
interval, so that I almost pined away and died of impatience. Such un- 
favorable news and so strange a report overcame me so that it would 
be no wonder if I had lost my senses. After all the arrangements in 
the way of provisions had been made, now everything was in vain. 
Nevertheless I sent the captain who did not seem to be entirely satisfied, 
with orders to fit out the ship as well as possible, and that quickly, 
because it had to make only a small passage along the coasts, and 
wrote to Colonel Pollock since he was in the best circumstances that 
since the ship was in the service of the province, it should provide 
the most essential things for this need, indicating that I would do 
the rest through Virginia. But everything was postponed, and if 
I wanted to have my affair advanced I should have to go there my- 
self. When, now, I came to the Governor I found an entirely different 
face than formerly, cold, indifferent, and I could not guess the cause 
of it. Finally he helped me out of my consternation, nevertheless 
earnestly expostulating with me and asking what I took him for, 
saying that he had hoped that I would have been more grateful for 
his friendliness and services, yes, such noteworthy services which 
would not have been shown very soon to every individual; instead 
of our due thankfulness we had acted very haughtily towards him. 
The one who was in the highest degree astounded was I. I excused 
myself. I said that I did not know as yet what that all meant, and 
yet begged for enlightenment. So the Governor broke out, "Yes, 
yes, your fine gentleman has used me very badly." He told how 
that, as had been agreed, he, the governor, had sent out a warship 
to bring our sloop with the people and to convoy it; that the ship 
had waited about six days before Currituck Island; that the captain 
had at last become impatient since he saw no one coming, sent his 

Graffenkied : Account of the Founding of New Been 249 

small barque to the land in order to find out whether any thing was 
to be learned of our sloop of Switzers. No one pretended to know 
the least thing of it. When he traveled further to a little village 
called Litta (Little River), he finally learned that Mr. M. was at New 
Bern and the sloop was in bad condition on a sand bank and could 
not get off. When the lieutenant heard such news he went quickly 
back to his captain, who nearly jumped out of his skin to think that 
he had been so played with and had made such a dangerous voyage 
for nothing; for if a storm had been seen he would have been compelled 
to go out upon the high sea, and if the wind had blown towards the 
land he would have been in great danger because in these parts the 
water is not deep. So he turned angrily back to Virginia. Now 
When I had heard all this I half fainted away with vexation and shame 
that such a gentleman, from whom I had received so much friendli- 
ness, so many services, yes, after God, my life itself, had been so 
mocked. I began to excuse myself as best I could, telling him in 
answer how I had been exposed, since everything was arranged on 
the Potomac, that I was in the greatest anxiety how I was to work 
myself out of such a labyrinth. After the governor had offered me a 
drink to refresh me he began to express his sympathy for me that I 
had to deal with such a strange fellow. He advised me to get along 
without him. 

Now after he had treated me in a friendly manner, and I had passed 
the night there, I went hastily into Carolina the next day, in order to 
make the above mentioned necessary arrangements. I had also or- 
dered in one place sails and cordage, in order to equip the sloop in 
case of need. Now when I came to Governor Hyde's in Carolina I 
heard the whole affair for the first time really in detail, and I know 
not what more unpleasant things in addition. I wrote immediately to 
Mr M. requesting him to report to me the condition of everything; 
but was badly satisfied. Thereupon I demanded that he come to me 
in order that we might take the needed measures over one thing and 
another, but this was not to be obtained; and for good reasons I could 
not go to him, so I made arrangements elsewhere, obtained from the 
governor and the council that since the sloop was put into such a 
condition while it was in the service of the province, nothing was 
more fitting than that it should be given back to me in good condition 
again. This seemed good to me and so there was sent a man ex- 
perienced in such affairs to visit the sloop, but he was so badly pro- 
vided with food and other assistance that he came back again and 
indeed, sick, because it was in the heat of the summer. He gave 
us the report that the sloop could not hold together long because it 
had lain through the summer exposed to the heat and had been 

250 North Carolina Historical Commission 

damaged by the inhabitants, and would have to be equipped anew, 
and it was not worth it. With this I gave the sloop over to the 
province and wanted to have its worth estimated, at its value and 
price when it came into the service. But the response was by far not 
what I demanded, so that I had to lose the half part in it and there 
is nothing yet paid any more than in the case of the small one. 

In the meanwhile where was I to go with my people? I wrote again 
pathetically to Mr. M. and desired a conference in such a slippery 
conjuncture, especially since the creditors demanded to be paid. Not 
a word followed. But I learned that the gentleman had it in mind to 
pack all my things, under pretense of saving them, and to take them 
to South Carolina, and that he had persuaded several Palatines to go 
there with him. This never suspected scheme did not please me and 
I was warned to put my things into better keeping, but too late. In 
consequence of this, because Colonel Pollock, to whom I owed a toler- 
ably large sum for provisions advanced to the colony, became 
somewhat suspicious, as was proper, I asked him to inventorize through 
chosen men everything authorized, as well the remaining property of 
the Palatines as mine, and so they were put into safe keeping, but my 
best things were gone. 

Now when I reflected on the conduct of Mr. M. how he had ordered 
everything so strangely, how he had played with all those interested 
and nothing had resulted, I had no confidence in it. At last I wrote 
him a letter, as related, indicating what I had heard from one and 
another, but as a reproof, I said that if he was found to be under any 
suspicion he had truly given the cause for it himself, through his ac- 
tions, tergiversations, and fickle minded changes, such as were better 
related apart by word of mouth; as affairs then were in such an ex- 
tremity, strong resolutions would have to be taken, and it was abso- 
lutely necessary that we should talk out our hearts to each other in a 
personal conversation and take the last measures, that there was peril 
in delay. Instead of any meeting I received the most shameless 
writing that could be thought of. Indeed I believe he would have 
been glad to find a pretext to lend color to his tricks and to get himself 
free from that which, according to the information he had given, he 
could not carry out. I could have here a great matter for complaint 
over his inexpressible behavior. But to protect his eminent relatives 
more than him I will pass on with sighs and say nothing. 

There were in this letter so many things which showed clearly that 
I and others besides were duped, especially one thing that the afore- 
mentioned gentleman said about a new enterprise which he almost 
made effective, namely, to found a colony upon the Mississippi River 4 6 
to which three crowns, Spain, France, and England lay claim, under 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of New Bern 251 

the opinion that the state of Berne, as neutral, would be supported in 
this land. One can easily observe: first, 47 the jealousy of such mighty 
powers, since none of them would give way to the others: second, the 
unsuitablity of Berne to colonize distant lands, since it is no sea 
power. Thus one easily sees that Mr. M. in fact did not look care- 
fully at his calculations, and that such leaps from Pennsylvania into 
Maryland, from there into Virginia, further into North Carolina along 
with that into South Carolina, and finally to the Mississippi can not 
pass muster. 

The conclusion, as regards the silver mines of Virginia or Maryland, 
is soon made. For if there is anything real there, why withdraw from 
it a,nd go to the Gulf of Mexico? My hair raises when I think how 
many families were deceived, especially so many families of miners, 
who, building upon a formal contract, left their Fatherland, traveled 
at great expense to America and now met neither Mr. M. nor any one 
else there who showed them the reported mines. I must now cease to 
speak of the disagreeable matter, otherwise I should bury myself so 
deeply in it that there would not be room enough for the other things, 
for this is really not my purpose. 

I come again to my Carolina account. After I had reflected upon 
the above mentioned circumstances, how little assistance was to be 
expected from Berne, one note after the other protested, it was in- 
cumbent upon me to consider what means to seize in such urgent 
need; and nevertheless I had as yet no idea of going to Europe. Be- 
cause there were still two Negro slaves at Governor Hyde's, which 
belonged to me, I tried to take them with me, thinking to make use 
of them at Canavest; to which Indians I wished to retire, and gradu- 
ally draw there some of the colonists out of Carolina according to 
the plan before announced, and they showed a great desire for it. 
But Governor Hyde kept me so long because the peace was not yet 
entirely ratified with the Indians, which conclusion he absolutely 
would have, that one of my creditors found a scheme to slyly keep 
watch of these Negroes, so that they could not get away. 

Meanwhile we all became sick at the Governor's with the great heat 
and without doubt because we ate so many peaches and apples, so 
that eventually, in a few days the Governor died, which caused me 
much business, since he was a very good friend of mine. This death 
brought his very dear Madame Hyde almost to despair and she im- 
plored me with hot tears that I should not leave her in such a sad 
circumstance, but should remain with her, partly until the affairs, 
with reference to the governorship, were arranged, partly until her 
own affairs, relating to the deceased's claims and the debts of those owing 
him, were straightened out; representing to me further that accord- 

252 North Carolina Historical Commission 

ing to my rank and the law, as landgrave, the presidency was due me, 
and that lastly, she had observed at London with the Lords Pro- 
prietors, that if the place were vacant they would entrust me with 
the government. I thanked her politely for it, but gave her other 
reasons which kept me from accepting it. I signified to her, that 
I would remain there a few weeks more and contribute my best to 
settle her affairs although my own were right then pressing so much. 

After the burial Colonel Pollock, the oldest of the council, with the 
other justices came to me, and begged me to take the presidency. 
But I refused it for many weighty reasons, saying that Colonel 
Pollock as the oldest in years and in the council should assume it; 
that the affairs of the province were also better known to him than 
to me for I was entirely strange in this land; and after many compli- 
ments he finally accepted. 

In the meantime the Lords Proprietors were informed of all this. 
I gave them remotely to understand, that if the government were dele- 
gated to me I should not refuse it, but that I should not solicit them 
for it. This was without any hesitation. As already related it seemed 
good to me, because it was well known that I was very much in debt 
in Carolina, and already several notes had been protested, so I re- 
frained, waiting for news from Berne since I had written there to know 
if there was hope of any payment, for it is the custom that the can- 
didates present themselves in person in such circumstances. So then 
it was postponed six whole months until a governor was appointed. 
Yet since several persons had put themselves forward in London and 
among them this same Eden, now Governor, they became impatient 
because neither from Bern nor from me did any one arrive in London. 
The Lords Proprietors finally came to an election and elected the 
above mentioned Mr. Eden, whom I met in London and spoke with, 
yes, recommended to him, as well as I could, my interests as well as 
those of the colony. He sincerely promised his offices, and a com- 
mand to the same effect was given him by the Lords Proprietors. In 
passing I will say that I finally reached London and stayed with 
a gentleman, Chevalier Colleton, a Baronet and also a Lord Pro- 
prietor, a man who was my special friend. I was eight days upon his 
estate eight miles from London. At the first sight of me he evi- 
denced his joy saying (besides) that if I had arrived only a month 
earlier I should now be Governor in South Carolina, a thing which 
grieved me less than it did him because I, unfortunately knew very 
well that at Bern there was no disposition to pay my debts, either 
on the part of my own people or on the part of the Lords Pro- 
prietors who were discouraged by so many adversities. 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of New Bern 253 

Now I have gotten clear to London instead of Virginia. I will con- 
tinue where I left off. A few days before I took my leave of Mrs. 
Hyde, I had the two Negroes secretly informed through my servant 
that they should quietly get across the river in the night, and wait 
for me on the other side to go with me to Virginia. They were quite 
happy to do this, for they were harshly treated there, but I do not 
know how they managed it. Some one got wind of it and they were 
arrested so I had to leave them behind and by this my compass was 
entirely disarranged. Upon that I took my departure not trusting 
myself, and came to Governor Spotswood in Virginia to whom I told all 
these vexations. He felt very sorry for me, but because I was think- 
ing about making my rendevous with the Baronet upon the Poto- 
mac River, I did not stay long at Williamsburg, but set forth upon 
my way to Maryland intending to find him at Mr. Rosier's at the falls 
and there to make an agreement with him as one interested. So 
then I hastened as fast as I could. But when, at the point of Mary- 
land, I wanted to make the passage of the river with my horses, a 
strong wind hindered me. As soon as the wind left off I rode over 
and took my way to the falls, but would ill luck not have it that when 
I arrived at Mr. Rosier's house I should find neither him nor the wife 
nor the Baronet. The first two were distant a whole day's journey 
on a visit to their relatives, and the Baronet had departed just the 
day before, thinking to find me in Virginia. Although tired from my 
long journey, I took some food and a drink in haste and journeyed 
so quickly back that my horses were overridden, and I was compelled 
a day before we came to Williamsburg to go afoot. As soon as I 
arrived there I inquired whether the Baronet were there, but I learned 
that he was at Hampton, the first seaport of Virginia. I sent my 
servant there immediately with a lame horse, who also did not find 
him any more, the reason of which was that the Baronet having 
there by chance found a war ship ready to sail to New York and the 
captain of it being a very good friend of his, he had gladly availed 
himself of this opportunity for his return. After he had informed 
himself regarding the affairs of the colony and of myself, and had 
heard that Governor Hyde had died, and that my affairs were getting 
worse, he left me a letter which I never received and went to New 
York which is not far from Bartington, a beautiful village, built in 
the Holland manner, a place on the boundary between New York and 
Pennsylvania where he mostly stayed. But there was I left off one 
side, for this man was my last resource, because he was a prudent, ex- 
perienced, and upright merchant, a Gascon in nationality That which 
amazed me was that he as a cunning man trusted and advanced Mr. 
M. so much. I thought there was something in the business relative 

254 North Carolina Historical Commission 

to the silver mines, and if there had been the least appearance there 
of any reality, might still have held out. 

What was I now to do? If I could easily have gotten something, so 
that I could have settled myself at Canavest. But because we had 
gone too far for that, instead of to Governor Spotswood, I went to a 
well known and particular friend, wished him to make another trial, 4 8 
sent my servant into Carolina, in part to find out if he had changed 
his mind, in part to find out what route he had actually taken, 4 9 like- 
wise to. see whether possibly the Negroes had escaped, and in that case 
if I could get them I could yet have done something at Canavest, for 
they could, at least, plant corn and attend to some cattle. But my 
my servant came back without having accomplished anything, but 
it was told to him that if I wished to send a sloop or barque with 
provisions to my Bern colonists and a few honorable Palatines, they 
were disposed to come to me. I trusted to still maintain myself with 
the mines which I had in company with Governor Spotswood. 

On this report I wrote to Colonel Fitzhugh, a rich man of the royal 
council and my very good friend, who would gladly have backed me 
in this new colony with the offer of the necessary provisions and Other 
means. When I was now hard at work trying to open up a way, think- 
ing I had found a loophole there, I was warned that an English mer- 
chant, to whom a resident of Carolina had also sold one of my notes, 
wished to have me arrested on the protested note and that the arrest 
was actually laid in the house where I was staying, but I hid myself. 
After this I took counsel with good friends, asked whether I should be 
safe from the creditors at Canavest or in any other place in America 
and the answer was in no place, for even if I were among the Indians 
I should be discovered by the Indian traders or merchants. So I de- 
layed until there was no resource to be found for me in America. It 
was of importance to me that I should get hope of money from Bern or 
should find new associates. Of the latter there were, to be sure, some 
to be found, but they would have nothing to do with my old debts. 

When I reflected upon several letters that I had received which 
gave me little satisfaction, I very wisely went to Governor Spotswood, 
at Williamsburg, his place of residence, threw my misfortunes like a 
handful of necessities, or in these words, "Governor, I am so very," 
etc. When I had observed the time that he was in good humor and 
at leisure I asked if he could give me an opportunity for an audience, 
and that a long one. At which he laughed a little and I had from 
this generous gentleman an entirely favorable hearing. After I had 
told my unfortunate adventures, as also how they wanted to arrest 
me, the Governor evidenced at this a hearty sympathy, wondered 
that they should leave me so in the lurch, especially the society; knew 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding- of New Bern 255 

nothing better to advise me than that I should betake myself to 
Europe; offered me a recommendation to a good friend who was to 
procure it that the Count Orkney should present to the Queen a 
supplication. Then I should go to Bern, vigorously represent every- 
thing to my society, and solicit the moneys for payment of the notes. 
This counsel several of my best friends communicated to me. They 
also agreed with it. 

But because winter was coming on and at these times no ships sailed 
io Europe, I stayed with a good friend through the winter, which there 
does not last so long, and because I was going to Europe again only 
unwillingly, much less willingly home, I prayed unceasingly all this 
time that the almighty God should put into my mind what I should 
do in such a precarious affair, that he would conduct everything 
according to His holy will, in order that in the future I might have 
more blessing in my undertaking, that thus I might take such a resolu- 
tion as would be most profitable to my soul, for if I had sought barely 
to pass my own life I should likely have found expedients; but 
I had scruples about abandoning the colony. When I considered how 
much I owed to God, especially for such a marvelous rescue, and how 
disastrously and adversely everything had gone with me, I could well 
guess that it was not God's will that I should remain longer in this 
land. And since no good star shone for me I finally took the resolu- 
tion to go away, comforting myself that my colonists would probably 
get along better among these Carolinians who could help them better 
at the time than I. Herewith, and because I had no great hopes in 
myself, I departed, for what I did was not with the intention of entirely 
abandoning them, although a greater part had given me cause to, but 
in case I received favor of an audience with her Royal Majesty the 
Queen of England, also more assistance at Bern, I could with joy and 
profit come to them again. 

But I was unfortunate in these negotiations also, and so I had to 
commend this colony to God and the Lords Proprietors and hold my- 
self quietly in my Fatherland, to pass the remainder of my life there 
in sorrowing for the time lost, in a true humility and sincere conver- 
sion, in consideration that the sins of my youth brought all this upon 
me. Although all this chastisement is hard for human nature still it 
is not so sharp as I probably deserved. It should now be for me to 
leave all worldly and vain cares; on the contrary, take more care for 
my poor soul, to which may God give me grace. 

N. B. I have before this, said of this colony, when I was leaving 
them and so much misfortune was coming upon them, that they 
brought it upon themselves. Firstly, I mean to say of them that most 
of them were recreant to their lawful authority. What they did to 

256 North Carolina Historical Commission 

it, they did afterwards to me, since the half part went from me in my 
great need. Also they were a godless people so that it was not to be 
wondered at if the Almighty has scourged them with the heathen, for 
they lived worse than the heathen, and if I had known what these 
people were, those from Bern as well as the Palatines, I should not 
have taken up with them. 

Of the Palatines I thought to exclude the worst, as it did seem 
from appearances. What those were who died upon the sea and be- 
fore I came to America is not known to me. But of those whom I 
still met, among them several escaped Switzers under Palatine names, 
I found them for the most part godless, rebellious people; among them 
murderers, thieves, adulterers, cursers, and swearers. Whatever care 
and pains I bestowed to keep them in order, there helped neither strong 
warning, nor threat, nor punishment. God knows what I endured 
with them. Among the Bern people there were two households which 
were undoubtedly the excrement of the whole Canton of Bern, a more 
godless rabble have I never seen nor heard of, and when the pious 
ones died these remained as the weeds which do not quickly die out. 

I was sorrier to leave the beautiful and good land than such a bad 
people, and yet there were a few pious people who behaved them- 
selves well, who were dear to me, with whom I wish it may go well; 
the good Lord convert the rest. 

It was now a question of how to continue my journey, by water or 
by land. It could not be done by water because no ship captain, 
under penalty of losing a sum, might accept any person who was in 
debt and had not the power to get rid of his debtors. So it had to be 
by land, which is a long trip, and for which I had no money. I had to 
turn silverware, which I still kept, into money. Meanwhile I wrote 
letters to the colony representing to them my pitiful condition and 
how necessary my journey was. At the same time I sent also a writ- 
ing to the president of the council showing them my reasons and 
recommended as best I could the abandoned and wrecked colony. 

Now after I had taken my leave of Governor Spotswood who at the 
last regaled me well; and in return for my present which I gave as a 
small token of the gratitude due him, he made me a return present in 
gold which far exceeded mine. I began my journey with the help of 
the Most High, right at Easter 1713. Went by land clear through Vir- 
ginia, clear through Maryland, Pennsylvania, Jersey, and came, the 
Lord be thanked, at length to New York, which is a pretty city well 
built in the Holland style upon an island, along by a fine sea harbor, 
and between two navigable rivers. The situation is especially con- 
venient. It has a strong castle and the landscape round about it is- 
charming. In the city are three churches, an English, a French, and a 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Bern 257 

Hollandish in which there is preaching also in German. There is all 
abundance and one can have whatever he wants, the best fish, good 
meat, grain, and all kinds of vegetable products, good beer and all 
sorts of the most expensive wines. 

In this so pleasant a place I stayed ten or twelve days. After this 
I sailed in a sloop to England. I must confess that in the beginning I 
feared to travel over the great ocean in such a small vessel. But be- 
cause I was comforted with the information that there was less danger 
in such a little ship since, first, they are better masters of the sails in 
storms; second, that it goes better and faster; third, it rocks less than 
the big ones; fourth, it is easier to load and unload, and is useful in 
trade since such a ship makes two trips while the large one is making 
one, I ventured to travel on it. 5 ° Although we had the misfortune that 
for the most part contrary winds blew and very often there were 
heavy storms, yet we arrived, God be thanked, at the end of six weeks 
at Bristol. This city can, because of its convenience of importation, 
its size, great trade, multitude of people or inhabitants, and wealth, 
be called the little London. There I rested several days and because 
the stagecoach was not safe, I went horseback in good company, to 
London, where I stayed several months in hopes that I might pos- 
sibly get my supplication to Queen Anne through the Duke of Beau- 
fort as my patron, who was the first Lord Proprietor and Palatine of 
North Carolina. But a little while before when he was minded to 
bring my supplication before the Queen, swift death suddenly over- 
took him. Again a stroke of my unfavorable fortune, for soon after 
the Queen herself died. So there came so many noteworthy changes in 
the English court that I knew my supplication was laid on the table. 
Although I saw no hopes of any favor at this new court for a long 
time, yet there was appearance that in time the new king being of 
the German nation would feel inclined towards this business. 

Because the winter time is troublesome to travel in and I could not 
accomplish anything in London I was in a hurry to go home. 

Meanwhile I cannot omit to relate that when I reached London I 
was shocked to learn that Mr. J. Justus Albrecht with some forty 
miners had arrived. This caused me not a little pains, worry, vexa- 
tion and expense, since this people had come there so blindly, think- 
ing to find everything necessary for their support and their trans- 
portation to the American mines. But there was nothing on hands for 
them, and I was myself so lacking of money that I could scarcely get 
enough for my needs. Meanwhile no money remained from America 
and at London no note had been made for me, so that it was impossible 
for me to assist such a number of people. What an unendurable load 
this was for me can well be imagined, because they thought that on 


258 North Carolina Historical Commission 

account of the treaty I was under obligations to look out for them, 
and they had come, thus, at my command. But I had written to 
them from America, and that often, and they had received several let- 
ters to the effect that the chief miner Justus Albrecht with his com- 
pany should not come without my orders, saying that on account of 
the disturbances in Carolina and the Indian wars there was nothing to 
be done with the mines; that they had not been shown by Mr. Michel, 
but if the chief miner wanted to come immediately with one or two 
others to take a look, very well. But he went right about it in this 
thoughtless way. 

What was now to be done? I knew nothing better than to direct 
these people back home again, but this seemed so hard for them they 
preferred to hire themselves out for four years as servants in America 
than to return. In the meantime no ship was ready to sail to America, 
and they had to stay through the whole winter till spring in London. 
But what were they to live on? This question caused me much 
trouble. 5 1 Finally I ran to one great man and another in order to 
procure work and bread for them. For some I found places, for 
others not. Meantime I was pressed to go home. At last I found 
two merchants of Virginia to whom I represented the matter as best 
I could, and recommended myself to Colonel Blankistore and was ad- 
vised by him. I had been recommended to him by the Governor of 
Virginia with reference to the mines in order that his officers should 
help me at the court. The result was that these people were to put 
their money together and keep account according to the proportion 
of it. The rest of it certain above mentioned merchants advanced 
to make up the transportation and living charges of these people. At 
their landing the Governor was to accept them and look out for pay- 
ing the ship captain, who should pay back then, to the merchants of 
that country, the money they had advanced. For this purpose I 
wrote a circumstantial letter to Governor Spotswood to whom I repre- 
sented one thing and another as well as I could, telling him that the 
little colony should be appointed to the land which we had together 
in Virginia not far from the place where minerals were found and, 
as supposed, the traces of the mine, where they could settle them- 
selves according to the wise arrangements and under the helpful 
supervision of the Governor. 

Meantime if there were not sufficient indications for a silver mine 
they were to look elsewhere, and because in Virginia there were, at any 
rate, neither iron nor copper smelters but yet plenty of such minerals 
they could begin on these. And for these we needed no royal patents 
as we did for the silver mines. In the hopes that they would suc- 
ceed, I commended these good miners to the protection of the Most 

Gkaffenried : Account of the Founding of !N"ew Been 259 

High, and so they departed at the beginning of the year 1714. A 
whole year has now passed that I have received no report either from 
the Governor or from them, and for this reason I am in great anxiety. 

It appears that my American misfortunes have come to an end, but 
the very same ill luck which led me from my country, accompanied me 
clear back home. Out of fear that my American creditors, of whom 
unfortunately the sharpest of all was in London, would make arrange- 
ments that I should be inquired for and arrested, I took the resolution, 
instead of taking the common routes to Dover or Harwich, to make 
my journey home in a small vessel which was bound for St. Valery, as 
being shorter and safer. The day was set but, because I dared take no 
passport for fear I should be discovered, he, 5 2 to whom I had to en- 
trust my affairs advised me nevertheless to travel to Gravesend under 
another name, in a small boat, and he himself got ready. When I was 
half way there, such a contrary wind raged that I was compelled to 
go to land and to walk to Gravesend, where I stayed over night, 
and a whole day besides. But since it was costly to live, not know- 
ing how long this contrary wind would last, and besides this, now 
considering that this also was a port, I took my way back to Lon- 
don, where my ship captain was not yet ready, waiting for better 
wind; but I remained at Southwick in the neighborhood of the 
Thames, waiting for orders. When he had cast off, I was warned to 
follow after, and I got aboard the ship at Greenwich. At Gravesend 
the captain let me go ashore outside the city on the further side, and 
there I was to wait until he had made his declaration and the ship 
had been inspected. Despite the fact that he said to the inspectors 
that my chest belonged to a nobleman of St. Valery, that he could 
bear witness that they contained only clothes and personal effects, 
they did not want to believe it. So he sent a sailor boy quickly to 
me to indicate to me that I would have to open up my chest. At 
this I did not feel easy, but yet I put a good face on it, spoke French, 
immediately took out my little key together with some English crowns 
and gave them to the inspector with the request that he would 
not disturb my clothes much, as they were well packed in. Fortu- 
nately this worked. If they had discovered my writings, I should 
have been found out and should have come into danger. 

After this was past we went on, but when we were at the very mouth 
of the river at a seaport named Margate, there awoke such a frightful 
storm with thunder and lightning that we were in the greatest danger 
and through the night we could scarcely keep our anchor. The day 
after, when the wind had calmed down we sailed away, and when we 
were upon the sea we were driven back with great danger to another 
seaport called Ramsay. If the people and a number of sailors who 

260 North Carolina Historical Commission 

were there had not come to our help should have gone to the bot- 
tom. There we had to remain eight whole days on account of contrary 
winds and to fix our torn sails and other things, which came very hard 
to me who had only money enough for my journey to Paris. When 
the wind had died down somewhat we sailed out but were driven back 
again a second time. Finally the wind changed to the northeast, this 
was favorable to us and then we advanced before Dover; again the 
wind changed so that this journey caused me more difficulty than 
when I went twice across the ocean. We passed instead of three days 
the entire week getting to St. Valery, and it is so dangerous that with- 
out pilots who sailed to meet us we should never have gotten into this 
same harbor. From there I went up the river to Abbeville, from 
where I took the stagecoach to Paris; from there to Lyons and as far 
as the Fort of Cluses where the commandant detained me because I had 
no passport. But yet, according to the agreement of the two countries, 
I did not need any and had not asked for one for myself in Fiance. 
If I had not chanced to have the patents of my office in Yverdon in 
my chest and had not shown them, telling how that there had been 
good friendship kept with the people of Bern, and had not given sev- 
eral noteworthy circumstances, I should have been obliged to remain 
there until I should receive a document from Bern. So I traveled 
on to Geneva, from there to our vineyard in Vaud near Vevay, where, 
according to written reports I had thought to find my family, yes, 
also, to stay. All had gone to Bern eight days before, so I had to go 
there also, with the greatest unwillingness, to be sure. I arrived, God 
be thanked, upon St. Martin's day 1714 in good health and found 
everything in good state at home. 

But O what a change I found in the city, how cold the old friends, 
what haughtiness and arrogance among many; and of the things which 
further are grievous to tell, the worst was that where I hoped to find 
help to restore my ruined colony I was part of the time refused and 
partly in other respects can not succeed, 5 3 so that I was compelled by 
lack of assistance, especially from my society which left me in the 
lurch, to abandon the colony, which is to be regretted, since others 
will fish in the troubled waters and will benefit by what I have ac- 
complished with great cost, danger, pains, anxiety, and vexation; for 
affairs in North Carolina are now in good condition, the government 
better arranged, the savages rooted out, a good peace made, the 
greatest difficulties taken out of the way, the most convenient situ- 
ation for the colony cleared up, and thereby made more healthy, and 
settled with inhabitants; so that those who come after will find it far 
better than we, since all beginnings are difficult. It grieves me to the 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of New Been 261 

heart to leave such a good and beautiful land where there was pros- 
pect of doing well in time and of bringing the colony to something 

Since fortune does not wish to be more favorable to me in this 
world, there is nothing better than to abandon everything which is of 
this world and to seek the treasures which are in Heaven, where 
neither moth nor rust doth corrupt and where thieves do not break 
through nor steal. 54 

I might have made a regular description of the English provinces 
on the American continent through which I journeyed, but because 
different authors have written about them I let it rest here. On this 
subject one can read P. Hennepin, Blome's English America, Baron de 
la Hontan, Vischer's (translation of Oldmixon's), The British Empire 
in America, and of Carolina in special the latest treatise of Mr. Ochs, 
Vischer's translation of Lawson's Journal and Description of Carolina. 

Copy of the Account Written Mr. Edward Hyde, Governor 
in North Carolina, the 23d of October, 1711, with Reference 
to My Miractjlos Deliverance from the Savages: 

Honored Sir : 

Through the wonderful and gracious providence of the Most High, 
I have at last escaped out of the barbarous hands of the wild 
Tuscarora Nation, and have arrived at my little dwelling at New 
Bern; but yet half dead, because for two whole days I had to travel 
afoot, as fast as ever I could, out alone through the forests which lie 
towards Catechna, compelled to take up my quarters by a frightful 
wild ditch in which there was deep water, because the night over- 
took me and I could not go farther from weariness. How I passed 
this night can well be imagined, in no small fear of being caught by 
the savage or strange Indians, and of being torn to pieces by a num- 
ber of bears which growled the whole night close about me. In ad- 
dition I was very lame from walking, without a gun, yes, I did not 
have a knife with me with which to strike a fire, and because the 
north wind blew very hard it was a cold night. In the morning 
when I tried to arise my limbs were so stiff and swollen by the cold 
and hard lying that I could not go a step. But because it had to be 
I looked me up two sticks upon which I could walk, but with great 
difficulty and pain. I had enough to do to get myself over this 
water, which was full of snakes. I did it by climbing over on a long 

At last I reached home. When, I at a little distance from home, 
came within sight of a dwelling, fortified and full of people, I was 

262 North Carolina Historical Commission 

somewhat comforted, because I thought that everything there had 
been burned out and destroyed by the Indians, as well as the houses 
of the other colonists; yes, also that I should find few of my peo- 
ple, because the terrible expedition of the savages was only too well 
known to me, when they burned, murdered, and plundered whatever 
they found along the rivers Pamtego, Neuse and Trent. When my 
good people got sight of me, black and looking like an Indian, and 
yet looking like myself as far as my size and blue coat were concerned, 
they did not know what to think. But thinking, all of them, that I 
was dead, they were firm in the opinion that it was, rather, an Indian 
spy who had put on my coat and wanted to spy out something there; 
and so the men folks put themselves into an attitude of defense. 
But when I came toward the house walking very lame on two sticks, 
they saw by my countenance and posture that I was no Indian or 
savage. Yet they did not recognize me till several came out in 
advance to look at me better. When I saw that they were in 
anxiety I began to speak from a distance, with a very broken voice, 
to be sure. This shocked them so that they retreated several paces, 
crying to the rest to come forward, that it was their master, whom 
they supposed murdered. So they all came running pell-mell, men, 
women, and children, with loud exclamations, some weeping, some 
completely dumb with amazement, saluting me as a marvelous spec- 
tacle. There was mourning, joy, and bewilderment mixed, and this 
went to my heart, so that it forced out abundant tears. 

After I had stayed some time with these people who surrounded 
me, although I was very tired I finally went to my old quarters, closed 
my door, and made a hearty prayer of thanksgiving to the good God 
for such a merciful and wonderful rescue, which for these times, in- 
deed, may pass for a miracle. 

The next day I asked what had happened in my absence, but so 
many vexatious things came out that it makes my heart heavy. The 
worst was that, besides sixty or seventy Palatines who were murdered, 
the rest who could save themselves were plundered, and the survivors 
of these Palatines had left my house, in which were their own goods, 
and the little city. A certain William Brice, an unthankful man to 
whom I had shown much kindness, yes, whom the money and goods 
belonging to myself and the poor colonists had brought out of pov- 
erty, had drawn them away from me with all sorts of promises and 
cunning and had brought them to himself upon the Trent River, by 
means of whom, with some English Planters or inhabitants in ad- 
dition, he had succeeded in getting together a garrison to defend his 
house. So I had to be satisfied with a number of women and children. 
In armed soldiery there were no more than forty. These all I had 

Gkaffenkied: Account of the Founding of New Been 263 

to support for twenty-two weeks. So all my grain, which luckily I 
had in store, my cattle great and small, were all gone. If we do not 
soon receive the necessaries, we shall have to starve to death or give 
up the post. Therefore, Honored sir, we urgently beg you to send 
as soon as possible and in all haste the needed provisions, military 
stores, and armed troops, in order that we may drive back these 
barbarian murderers, otherwise the evil will become greater, and it is 
to be feared that the whole land will be destroyed. 

One cannot wonder enough, yes, it is provoking to see such cool- 
ness and so little love among the inhabitants of Albemarle County 
that with folded arms they can see how their nearest brothers are 
frightfully murdered by this barbarous nation. Indeed, they them- 
selves need not expect a better fate. They ought to be ashamed of 
themselves and are worthy of a continuous rebuke. This is also no 
less to be wondered at, a policy so bad and wrong orders of those in 
authority, but I except your Excellency here in the best form, assured 
that you, Most Honorable Sir, had given all necessary commands and 
made all needful arrangements, but they were badly executed or not 
executed at all, which is a thing to be mourned. 

Honored Sir, the above only as a report how I came home. But to 
free and justify myself it will be necessary for me to tell how I came 
into this barbarous nation. 

Because of the fine and apparently settled weather, the Surveyor- 
General Lawson came to invite me to travel up the Neuse River, 
saying that there was a quantity of good wild grapes, that we could 
enjoy ourselves a little with them. But that was not enough to per- 
suade me to go there. So the above mentioned Monsieur Lawson 
came again soon, pled better reasons, namely that we could at the 
same time see how far up the river was navigable; whether a shorter 
way might be made to Virginia, in place of the ordinary way which is 
long and difficult, and in like manner see what kind of land is up there. 
This, and how far it is to the mountains, I had been for a long time 
desirous to know and to have seen for myself. So at this I resolved 
upon a small journey and took everything that was necessary, includ- 
ing provisions for fourteen days. I asked Mr. Lawson in particular 
whether there was danger from the Indians, especially with those 
with whom we were not acquainted. He gave me for an answer that 
this was of no consequence, that he had already made the trip and it 
was entirely safe, that he knew of no wild Indians on this arm of the 
river, but that they were tolerably distant. But that we might go the 
more securely, I took besides two negroes to row, two neighboring 
Indians whom we knew, to whom I had shown much kindness. And 
since one understood the English language, I thought if we had these 

264 North Carolina Historical Commission 

two Indians with us we should have nothing to fear from the others, 
and so we traveled right on up. It had not rained for a long time; 
the water was not deep; the stream or current of the water was not 
strong. The whole day we were upon the river; at night we spread 
our tent upon the land by the water and rested; in the morning we 
proceeded again. 

May it please the Governor to learn that the above mentioned 
Surveyor-General Lawson urged me very much for my horses, plead- 
ing that he wanted to ride a little into the forest when we were up 
above, in order to see where the way to Virginia could be most con- 
veniently commenced. At first I did not wish to agree to it. But 
finally he begged for only one. This I granted him. The one Indian 
rode by land, but at one place he had to go over the river, which 
was our misfortune, for he went first to the Indians. I do not know 
whether he lost his way or did it treacherously. He came to the great 
Indian village Catechna, where he was immediately asked what the 
horse was doing, for the Indians use none. He answered that he had 
to drive the horse for us, while we traveled up the river. This im- 
mediately alarmed the Indians, especially the inhabitants of Catchena, 
so that they ran together frum the whole neighborhood. They kept 
the horse and said to our Indian that he should go immediately to us 
and announce to us that they would not allow us to go further up 
through their country. At the command of the king who resides there 
we should come back, and so the signal that we should stand still was 
given by a shot which our Indian fired. This we did after we also 
had fired off our guns as a signal. It was already late when he came 
to us with the bad news. We were landing at the first spring to take 
up our quarters for the night. We met already two armed Indians 
there, who looked as though they were coming from hunting. Upon 
this I said it did not please me, that we would not remain there, but 
would go back. He, the Surveyor-General, laughed at me, but be- 
fore we turned around it became serious so that his laughter dis- 
appeared. In a moment there came out of all the bushes and swim- 
ming through the river such a number of Indians and overpowered us 
that it was impossible to defend ourselves, unless we wanted to have 
ourselves wantonly shot dead or frightfully tortured. We were forth- 
with taken prisoners, plundered, and led away. 

By this time we had gone three good days journey up the river, not 
far from another Indian village, called Zurutha. 

The river is there still rather broad, but the water not more than 
two or three feet deep, and it is still far from the mountains. 

We asked that they should leave us there this night, with a guard 
if they doubted us, giving as reason that I could not go so far afoot, 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of ]S!"ew Bern 265 

that early in the morning we would go by water to the king at Catechna, 
promising that we would be there. But it was not to be done since 
I was such a rare and important capture; for they took me for the 
Governor of the whole province. Their barbarous pride swelled them 
up so that we were compelled to run with them the whole night, 
through forests, bushes, and swamps, until the next morning about 
three o'clock when we came to Catechna where the king, Hancock by 
name, was sitting in all his glory upon a raised platform; although the 
Indians are accustomed at other times to sit upon the ground. After 
a consultation and a sharp speech by the leader or captain of our 
escort the king with his council left and came to us very politely with 
his chief warrior. But he could not speak with us. After a short 
time the king went into his cabin or hut; we remained by a fire guarded 
by seven or eight savages. Toward ten o'clock there came a savage 
here, another there out of his hut ; council was held, and it was disputed 
vigorously whether we should be bound as criminals or not. It was 
decided no, because we had not been heard yet. Toward noon the 
king himself brought us some food in a lousy fur cap. This was 
a kind of bread made of Indian corn, called dumplins, 5 5 and cold boiled 
venison. I ate of this, with repugnance indeed, because I was very 

We had the liberty of walking about the village. Toward eve- 
ning there was a great festival or assembly of all the neighboring 
villages. This was appointed for two reasons: first, they wanted to 
revenge themselves of the evil treatment of certain bad and surly 
English Carolinians who were of Pamtego, Neuse, and Trent Rivers; 
and second, to find out what help they might expect from their 
neighboring Indians. 

N. B. Hereby it is to be observed that neither we nor our colony 
were the cause of this terrible slaughter and Indian war, as is to be 
seen and concluded from several circumstances. 

In the evening there came hither from all the villages a great num- 
ber of Indians with the neighboring kings, upon a fine, broad, open 
space, especially prepared for the festivities or executions. And there 
was appointed an assembly of the chiefs as they call them, con- 
sisting of the most prudent, sitting after their fashion in a ring 
around a great fire. King Hancock presided. There was a place left 
in the ring for us, where were two mats, that is to say pieces of 
wickerwork woven of small canes or reeds, laid down to sit on, 
which is a sign of great deference and honor. So we sat down, and 
our spokesman, the Indian that had come with us, who could speak 
English well, sat at our left. The king gave a sign to the orator of 
the assembly, who made a long speech with much gravity. And it 

266 North Carolina Historical Commission 

was ordered that one of the youngest of the assembly should repre- 
sent and defend the interests of the council or of the Indian nation. 
He, so far as I could discern, did it in due form. He sat right next to 
our interpreter and spokesman. The king alwa}^ formed the ques- 
tion, and then it was debated pro et contra. Immediately after that 
came a consultation and decision. 

The first question was, what was the cause of our journey? Our 
answer was, that we had come up there for our pleasure, to get grapes 
and at the same time to see if the river were convenient so that we 
could bring goods to them by water; to have good business and cor- 
respondence with them. So the king asked us why we had not paid 
our respects to him and communicated our project to him. After this 
there came into question a general complaint, that they, the Indians, 
had been very badly treated and detained by the inhabitants of the 
Pamtego, Neuse, and Trent Rivers, a thing which was not to be 
longer endured. And they named the authors of it in particular, and 
among others, the Surveyor-General was accused. He being present 
excused himself the best he could. After considerable disputing and 
after a deliberation which followed, it was decided that we should be 
set free, and the next day was appointed for our journey home. 

The next day there was a considerable delay before we could get our 
canoe or small boat. Meantime there came some of their chiefs 
and two kings who were curious to know what grounds of justification 
we had. And so we were examined again in King Hancock's hut two 
miles from the village, and gave the same answer. Unfortunately the 
king of Cartuca was there, who reproached Lawson with something, 
so that they got into a quarrel on both sides and became rather 
angrjr. This spoiled everything for us. 

However much I tried to keep Lawson from disputing, I could not 
succeed at all. The examination finally ended, we all rose up, we two 
walked together and I reproached him very strongly for his unguard- 
edness in such a critical condition. Immediately thereafter there 
came suddenly three or four of the chiefs very angrily, seized us 
roughly by the arms, led us back and forcibly set us down in the old 
place. There were no mats laid for us, they took our hats and wigs 
away from us and threw them into the fire. After that some mali- 
cious young fellows came and plundered us the second time, searching 
our pockets, which they had not done before when they confined 
themselves to the larger things. 

Hereupon a council of war was held and we were both condemned 
to death, without knowing the cause of it. And so we remained the 
whole night, sitting in the same position upon the ground till morn- 
ing. At the break of day we were taken away from there and again 

Geaffeneied : Account of the Founding of New Been 267 

led to the great judgment and assembling place, a bad omen for us, 
and I turned toward Mr. Lawson bitterly upbraiding him, saying 
that his lack of foresight was the cause of our ruin; that it was all 
over with us; that there was nothing better to do than to make peace 
with God and prepare ourselves betimes for death; which I did with 
the greatest devotion. 

When we arrived at the place mentioned, the great council was 
already together. By chance I saw an Indian dressed like a Chris- 
tian before we were called into the ring. He could speak English. I 
asked him if he could not tell us what was the cause of our condem- 
nation. He answered me with a very disagreeable face, why had 
Lawson quarreled with Core Tom and why had we threatened that 
we would get revenge on the Indians? At that I took the Indian 
aside, promising everything I could if he would listen to me and after- 
ward tell of my innocence to some of the chiefs. I had enough to 
do to persuade him to do it. Finally he paid attention to me. And 
so I told him I was sorry that Monsieur Lawson was so imprudent 
as to quarrel with Core Tom; that the councilors could themselves see 
very well that I was not to blame for that; and about the threaten- 
ing, there was not the least thought of that, it was a misunderstand- 
ing or else Monsieur Lawson complaining at my negroes for disturb- 
ing his rest the first night. At this I threatened the negroes sharply 
because of their impudence, and this was all. After the Indian had 
heard me he left me, I repeating my promises to him. 

Whether he spoke very much in my favor I do not know, but a 
quarter of an hour after the old chief came, led us out upon the place 
of judgment and bound us there hand and foot, and the larger of my 
two negroes as well. And there began our sad tragedy which I would 
like to relate with your leave, if it would not be too long and sad. 
Yet since I have begun I will continue. 

In the middle of this great space we sat bound side by side, sitting 
upon the ground, the Surveyor-General and I, coats off and bare 
headed; behind me the larger of my negroes; before us was a great 
fire and around about the fire the conjurer, that is, an old gray In- 
dian, a priest among them, who is commonly a magician, yes, even 
conjures up the devil himself. He made two rings either of meal 
or very white sand, I do not know which. Right before our feet lay 
a wolf skin. A little farther in front stood an Indian in the most 
dignified and terrible posture that can be imagined. He did not leave 
the place. Ax in hand, he looked to be the executioner. Farther 
away, before us and beyond the fire, was a numerous Indian rabble, 
young fellows, women, and children. These all danced in the most 
abominable postures. In the middle was the priest or conjurer, who, 

268 North Carolina Historical Commission 

whenever there was a pause in the dance, made his conjurations and 
threats. About the dance or ring at each of the four corners stood a 
sort of officer with a gun. They beat time with their feet and urged on 
the other dancers and when a dance was over shot off their guns. Be- 
sides this, in a corner of the ring, were two Indians sitting on the 
ground, who beat upon a little drum and sang, and sang so strangely 
to it, in such a melod}^ that it would provoke anger and sadness 
rather than joy. Yes, the Indians themselves, when tired of dancing, 
would all run suddenly away into a forest with frightful cries and 
howling, but would soon come back out of the forest with faces striped 
black, white, and red. Part of them, besides this, would have their 
hair hanging loose, full of feathers, down, and some in the skins of 
all sorts of animals: In short in such monsterous shapes that they 
looked more like a troop of devils than like other creatures; if one 
represents the devil in the most terrible shape that can be thought of, 
running and dancing out of the forest. They arranged themselves in 
the old places and danced about the fire. Meanwhile there were two 
rows of armed Indians behind us as a guard, who never left their post 
until all was over: Back of this watch was the council of war sitting 
in a ring on the ground very busy in consultation. 

Toward evening when the sun went down, the rabble above men- 
tioned left off dancing and went into the woods to fetch wood to main- 
tain the fires in different places; but especially they made one at some 
distance in the forest which lasted the whole night and was so great 
that I thought the whole forest was afire. 

Let the Governor consider what a mournful and terrifying sight 
that was for me to die, yet I had my mind made up for it. I was, 
thus, the whole day and night in ardent devotion. Oh what thoughts 
I had! Everything that happened to me so far back as I could re- 
member occurred to me. I applied and made use of everything that 
I had read from the scriptures and the Psalms and other good books. 
In short, I prepared myself as well as I could for a good and blessed 
end; yes, the merciful God gave me so much grace that fearlessly, 
calmly, I waited what my end might be. After the anguish of soul I 
had endured, worse than the fear of death, nevertheless there remained 
in me I hardly know what kind of hope, despite the fact that I saw 
no sign of any rescue. Although, as I said before, my sins hovered 
before me, still I afterwards found great consolation in considering the 
miracles which the Lord Jesus did in His times on the earth. This 
awakened such a confidence in me, that upon this I made my ardent 
prayer to my Saviour, in the strong confidence that my prayer was 
heard, and that these savage minds and stony barbarian hearts would 
perhaps turn, so that at my pleading and explanation they would 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of New Been 269 

change their minds and be led and moved to mercy; which also 
happened through God's wonderful providence. For as the sun was 
going down the council assembled once more, without doubt, to make 
an end of this fatal, terrible, and sad ceremony. I turned myself 
somewhat aromid, although bound, knowing that one of them under- 
stood the English language rather well, and made a short speech, tell- 
ing my innocence, and how if they did not spare me the great and 
mighty Queen of England would avenge my blood, because I had 
brought the colony to this land at her command, not to do them 
any harm but to live on good terms with them; and what else seemed 
to me good to say to engage them to kindness; with the offer of my 
services and all sorts of favors if I were liberated. 

Now after I had finished talking, I noticed that one of the leading 
Indians, who before this seemed entirely inclined to me, the one, in- 
deed, who had once brought me food, and who belonged to King Taylor, 
from whom I had purchased the land where New Bern now stands, 
was amazed and spoke very earnestly; I had no doubt in my favor; 
which turned out to be the case, for it was hereupon decided to send 
some of their members immediately to the neighboring Tuscarora vil- 
lages; and with them the result was that I should have my life, but 
the poor Surveyor General would be executed. I passed the night be- 
tween life and death, bound all the time in the same place, in con- 
tinual prayer and sighs. I examined my poor negro and spoke as 
well as I could to him, and he gave me more satisfaction than I 
hoped. But Surveyor General Lawson, being a man of understanding 
though not of good life, I allowed to do his own devotions. In the 
morning about three or four o'clock the deputies came back from 
their mission bringing the decision regarding their errand, but very 
secretly. One of them came after a while to loose me from my 
bonds. Not knowing what that might mean, I submitted patiently 
to the will of the Lord, the Most High, arose and followed. Oh how 
dumb-founded I was, when, some paces from the old place, the Indian 
said to me in my ear, in broken English, that I should not fear, they 
would not kill me, but they would kill General Lawson. This went 
to my heart. 

About twenty paces from the place where I was bound the Indian 
brought me to the cabin or hut and gave me food to eat, but I had no 
appetite. Soon there came a great number of the Indian rabble about 
me, who all evidenced great joy at my deliverance. The very same 
man brought me again to the clear space, but a little further in ad- 
vance, where the whole council sat, and they congratulated me in 
their way and smiled. Meantime I was forbidden to say the least 
thing to Monsieur Lawson, not even to speak a single word to him. 

270 North Carolina Historical Commission 

They let my negro loose also, but I never saw him again. Poor 
Lawson remaining in the same place could easily guess that it was all 
over and no mercy for him. He took his leave of me striving to see 
me in his danger; and I, not daring to speak with him or give him 
the least consolation, indicated my sympathy by some signs which I 
gave him. 

A little while after this, the man who had spoken for me in the 
council led me to his hut, where I was to remain quietly until further 
orders, and in this interval the unfortunate Lawson was executed; 
with what sort of death I really do not know. To be sure I had 
heard before from several savages that the threat had been made that 
he was to have his throat cut with a razor which was found in his 
sack. The smaller negro, who was left alive, also testified to this; but 
some say he was hanged; others that he was burned. The savages 
keep it very secret how he was killed. May God have pity on his 

The day after the execution of Surveyor General Lawson the chief 
men of the village came to me with the report that they had it in mind 
to make war on North Carolina. Especially did they wish to surprise 
the people of Pamtego, Neuse, and Trent Rivers, and Core Sound. So 
that for good reasons they could not let me go until they were through 
with this expedition. What was I to do? I had to have patience, for 
none of my reasons helped. A hard thing about it was that I had 
to hear such sad news and yet could not help nor let these poor people 
know the least thing of it. It is true, they promised that Caduca, 
which is the old name of the little city of New Bern, should receive no 
harm; but the people of the colony should come down into the little 
city, otherwise they could not promise much for the damage. These 
were good words, but how was I to let the poor people know? Since 
no savage would take the warning to them, I had to leave this also to 
the Most High. There were about five hundred lighting men collected 
together, partly Tuscaroras, although the principal villages of this 
nation were not involved with them. The other Indians, the Mar- 
muskits, those of Bay River, Weetock, Pamtego, Neuse, and Core 
began this massacring and plundering at the same time. Divided 
into small platoons these barbarians plundered and massacred the 
poor people at Pamtego, Neuse, and Trent. A few days after, these 
murderers came back loaded with their booty. Oh what a sad sight to 
see this and the poor women and children captives. My heart almost 
broke. To be sure I could speak with them, but very guardedly. 
The first came from Pamtego, the others from Neuse and Trent. 
The very same Indian with whom I lodged brought a young boy with 
him, one of my tenants, and many garments and house utensils that I 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of JSTew Bern 271 

recognized. Oh how it went through my heart like a knife thrust, in 
the fear that my colony was all gone, and especially when I asked the 
little fellow what had happened and taken place. Weeping bitterly 
he told me that his father, mother, brother, yes, the whole family 
had been massacred by the very same Indian above mentioned. With 
all this I dared not act in any way as though I felt it. For about 
six weeks I had to remain a prisoner in this disagreeable place, Ca- 
techna, before I could go home. In what danger, terror, disgrace, 
and vexation is easily to be thought. 

All sorts of things happened in this time. Once I was in great per- 
plexity. The men folks were all on this massacring expedition, the 
women all somewhat distant to get cherries, others to dig sweet po- 
tatoes, a species of yellow roots, very good and pleasant. And so I 
found myself entirely alone that same day in the village. A struggle 
arose in me whether I should get away from there and go home or not. 
I studied long over it, considered it best to call upon my God for help 
in this doubt, so that he would put it into my mind what I should do 
in such a critical circumstance. After I had made my prayer, ex- 
amined and treated the matter pro et contra, I finally considered the 
better way would be to stay; comforting myself with this that He 
who had saved me from the first extreme peril would still help me 
further. Again, if any Indian met or saw me I should be a dead man, 
for there would be no hope of mercy. In addition they would be 
so embittered that before I could get home, since I did not know the 
way, everything would be plundered, burned, and murdered. Ex- 
perience proved afterwards that I chose the better way. 

After these heathens had made their barbarous expedition they 
came home and rested for a time. Then I watched the opportunity 
and when I found the chiefs of the village in good humor I asked 
whether I might not soon go home. To bring them to a favorable 
disposition I proposed to make a separate peace with them, promised 
at the same time each chief of the ten villages a cloth coat, something 
in addition for my ransom; to the king, two flasks of powder, five 
hundred bullets, two bottles of rum, a brandy made of sugar. But 
the Indians wanted to have much more, such as guns, more powder, 
and lead or bullets; but I told them this was' contraband, that is, 
ware which was forbidden to offer for sale under penalty of hanging; 
that I would, at least, have to be neutral and help neither one side 
nor the other: Otherwise there would nothing come of our peace. 
They accepted these and other reasons, and so we made an agree- 
ment as your Highness will see in the enclosed articles of the treaty. 

But although we made our treaty, still these suspicious fellows 
did not want to let me go without more secure and certain guarantee. 

272 North Carolina Historical Commission 

They wanted that I should send my smaller negro to New Bern, so 
that everything that I had promised should be brought up to Ca- 
techna; but yet not a savage would go with him although I wanted 
to give him a passport or safe conduct. I told him that none of my 
people who survived would come back with him, because they were 
so frightened at the robberies and murders, and my negro could not 
come alone against the current with a loaded boat. Since we could 
not come to an agreement, I referred it to the Indian with whom I 
lodged, who gave a sensible decision about our strife so that we were 
satisfied on both sides. 

On the very day that I wanted to send the negro to New Bern with 
a letter to the man who had charge of my house that he should send 
the above mentioned goods half way, for the security of both sides, 
strange Indians came on horseback from the Governor of Virginia 
with a letter as enclosed copy will show. Nobody besides myself 
could read the letter. The letter was very sharp. I did not know 
what it contained. Finally I thought the messenger might know the 
contents of it, so I read the letter to the chiefs of the villages. When 
I had finished reading the letter I observed something in their faces 
which showed that it was not acceptable to them, that on receipt of 
the letter they should send me immediately to my home, failing 
which, if the least injury came to me, he, the Governor, was prepared 
to avenge me, yes, to exterminate every one and spare neither women 
or children. Upon this they had a council, and it was decided to let 
me go to the village among the Tuscaroras where the Indian trader 
from Virginia was, who before, at the very time that Monsieur Law- 
son was executed, was staying in the same village; and on his, the 
Governor's return, had told him our sad adventure. Upon which this 
generous Governor Spotswood had immediately sent this Virginia 
trader, who dealt with the Indians and understood and spoke their 
language very well, with the above letter to the Tuscaroras. But he, 
the Governor, was waiting in the first Indian village called Natoway, 
with a strong escort, with orders to the neighboring militia to hold 
itself in readiness to act at once if the desired word did not come. 

So the next morning early, I set out on horseback with the Indian 
messengers; and many of the chief Indians of Catechna came with 
me towards the principal village called Tasky. They marched as 
swiftly as I on horseback, and in the evening between day and night, 
we arrived at the place where the Virginia merchant was also staying. 
This village was fortified with palisades, and the houses or cabins 
were very artfully made of withes, mere pieces of bark, placed around 
in a circle or ring, so that a great fire was placed in the center. The 
council which consisted of the chiefs of the Tuscarora Nation was 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of New Been 273 

sitting around on the ground. There was a place left for me and a 
place for the Indian trader above and the Indians who came with me. 
After I had greeted this gentleman we sat down. In all this I had a 
secret joy, having the hope of going to Natoway to the Governor 
of Virginia, who was waiting for me; and so at length of being free 
from this savage captivity. But unfortunately it did not succeed. 
The orator of the assembly began a long speech and asked the four 
Indians who came with me what was the cause of my detention and 
my crime. After a hearing I was found and declared innocent, and it 
was decided to comply with the desires of the Governor of Virginia, 
when it was represented to them what danger would arise from a re- 

The Virginia trader, as interpreter, spoke what he could in my 
favor; the four Indians of Catechna would not agree to that for fear 
that the ransom would not follow although the Virginia trader prom- 
ised them surety for it ; they pretending that they dare not do it with- 
out the consent of the other kings and chiefs, yet promising to let me 
loose as soon as the king and council should be together; but they 
wanted to keep my negro as security until the ransom should be paid. 

The next day my hopes were entirely frustrated. I took my leave 
of the Virginia trader, who was much vexed at the unfriendly manner 
of these savages. So I marched back again very sadly. When we 
had gone three or four miles and were near Hancock Town or Ca- 
techna, we heard a great outcry and yelling around in that direction, 
and here some and yonder other savages came out of the bushes. 
This inspired fear in me, and not without cause; especially when they 
came right up to me, all out of breath and frightened, saying that the 
English and the Palatines were close by. In particular they sig- 
nified the Palatines with a disagreeable expression, mocking the Pala- 
tines by the repetition of ja, ja, to signify that even some of my own 
people were seen there. In order to have me take a roundabout way 
they made me go through a desolate ravine. When from a distance 
I saw a fire time began to hang heavy on my hands, fearing they 
wished to murder me in secret. I studied how to persuade them that 
the Palatines had not joined with the English at all; that these words 
ja, ja, were not German but a rough English word, aye, aye, which 
is otherwise a good English word meaning yes, that is, ja. I kept 
them in this opinion as well as I could. When we came to the place 
where the fire was I saw with perturbation the whole rabble of Ca- 
techna where I was captured, together with their household goods 
and a little food, in a fine corn field where every Indian had placed 
his own family in the midst of a swamp, that is, in a wild place, 
a portion of forest in the morass, and water on one side and the other 


274 North Carolina Historical Commission 

it is next to the river. B 7 All, that is to say, the old decrepit men, 
women, children, and young men under age were there, very much 
frightened. In order to make myself acceptable to them, and for my 
part to keep them in security, I did not fail to give them every com- 
fort; assuring them, that as long as I was with them, nothing evil 
would happen to them. I represented to the warriors who came to 
encourage the throng, that they ought to have let me go before, and 
with their warriors; that I would treat with the English and persuade 
them to peace. They would not let me go however. 

The day following, all the Indians round about to the number of 
three hundred brave fellows came together, joined themselves to- 
gether with the others, and went to look for the Christians who were 
no more than sixty in number, and who were only four miles, that is, 
about three quarters of an hour distant from our village. But the 
Palatines who did not know how to fight with the Indians any other 
way than merely to show themselves, were mostly wounded and one 
Englishman was shot to death. Since they were overpowered by the 
Indians they turned their backs and hurried home. The Indians pur- 
sued them but did no great damage except for what they got in the 
way of booty. So the savages came back two days afterwards to 
Catechna with horses, food, hats, boots, also some coats. When I 
saw all this, especially a neat pair of boots with silver trimmings be- 
longing to me, I was much dismayed and greatly feared that they had 
plundered my house and store, but there was no damage done. Why 
my things were among them is this. My people used the things of 
which they had need for this expedition. 

So these wild warriors or murderers who were in great glory came 
in triumph home; and we also went out of our place of concealment 
in the evening, and traveled the whole night through, back again to 
our old quarters in Catechna. They made great fires of rejoicing, 
especially in the place of execution, on which occasion they hung up 
three wolf hides, representing as many protectors or gods. At the 
same time the women made offering of their ornaments, such as neck- 
laces of wampum, which is a kind of coral of calcined mussels, white, 
brown, and gold colored. 

In the midst of the ring was a conjurer acting as their priest, who 
made all sorts of strange motions and adjurations; and the rest danced 
in a ring about the fire and the above mentioned skins. 

After the Indian celebration was over I began to become impa- 
tient, asked certain of the chiefs whether now they would not let 
me go home, because they were victorious and possibly all of my peo- 
ple had been slain. One of the troop answered laughing, that they 
would see what to do, and he called the king and his council. 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of New Bern 275 

Two days after, early in the morning, they brought me a horse. 
Two of the chiefs accompanied me, armed, but afoot, until about 
two hours distant from Catechna. There they gave me a piece of 
Indian bread and left me. Because I saw a long way before me I 
begged them to leave me the horse, saying that I would send it back 
without fail, or they should go somewhat nearer to my quarters with 
me. But I could not prevail upon them. They remained at the place 
where I left them and made a big fire, to signify to me that there 
were strange Indians in the woods, and I should hasten and walk 
swiftly; yes, for two hours run as fast as ever I could, which I also 
did, until night overtook me and I came to my frightful, desolate 
ravine, over which I could not go in the dark on account of deep 
water; but on the contrary I had to stay over night there until morn- 
ing. The rest of the journey I have already told to the Governor. 

Some notes of what I observed among the Indians and during my 
Tuscarora captivity, merely as they come to my mind, without es- 
pecial arrangement; which are to be found designated with a, b, c. 

Certain jealous and indiscreet inhabitants of Carolina have as- 
serted that I or my colony was the cause of this Indian war and mas- 
sacre. To my justification I could, indeed, present many reasons; 
but for this reason will not trouble myself much, because my 
innocence is sufficiently known; yet I cannot refrain from adducing 
here the following proofs: 

(1) If I were the cause why did not the Indians execute me as well 
as Lawson ? 

(2) I paid for the land or piece of ground which the savages called 
Cartouca, three times. To the Lords Proprietors, to the Surveyor- 
General, and to the Indian King Taylor. This Indian King lived 
with his people in that place where my house now stands and the 
little city of New Bern was begun; with which Indians, I and my 
people lived on friendly terms. For the rest of the land I had also 
paid whatever was demanded of me. 

(3) There was no complaint against me or the colony; witness 
which the great assembly of the Tuscaroras where this had come into 
question in the presence of the Virginia trader, and there the authors 
of these troubles were indicated by name. But out of Christian love 
I will not name them. Both the Governor of Virginia and of Caro- 
lina are herewith informed of it. 

I have seen many notable assemblies, have myself been present at 
some; but I have wondered at the gravity and good order of these 
heathen, their silence, obedience, respect towards those in authority; 
no contradiction except by turn, and that only once and with great 
decency. One could not in the least observe any passion, and there 

276 North Carolina Historical Commission 

was time enough given for reply. In fine everything was done with 
a propriety which would bring conviction and put many Christian 
magistrates to shame. The trial was conducted also in as orderly a 
manner as could ever be with Christian judges, and I have heard 
such sensible reasons given by these savages and heathens that I 
was amazed. 

There were seven villages of the Tuscarora Nation, which very much 
wanted to pretend that they had nothing to do with this Indian war 
and massacre, and for this reason had no understanding with the 
other Indians. These were somewhat farther distant, more beyond 
Virginia, and are loyal yet, keeping their loyalty on the account of 
trade. These seven towns or villages hold the others in this region in 
certain bounds and submission. This Tom Blount is a king or leader 
of a considerable number of wild Indians, has very good understand- 
ing, is very well inclined towards the English nation, and contributed 
not a little to a good peace; yes, when it was argued with regard to 
me, spoke as best he could for my rescue. 

I can here also not forget the generosity and sympathy of a good 
widow, who, immediately at my arrival and during my captivity, 
always brought me food, so that there was never any lack of food 
with me. But the most remarkable thing was, as soon as she had 
seen that when I was bound young fellows plundered me (among 
other things, my silver rings were taken from my shoes and these 
were held on by a small cord only), she took some of her pretty 
brass buckles through which she had drawn her hair bands on her 
forehead and fastened them upon my shoes, and had no rest until 
she discovered what Indian had taken my buckles, and had traded 
with him and gotten them. She came running back full of joy and 
put the silver buckles on my shoes. This was indeed a great kind- 
ness from a savage, enough to bring conviction to many Christians. 
I must say here to the shame of Christians, that all in all, the Indians 
are much more generous. I have observed many good things from 
them, such as — they do not swear, keep their word exactly what- 
ever they promise, do not quickly quarrel in their games, are not so 
avaricious, there is not so much haughtiness; among their young 
people also, I have not noticed anything improper; Altho they are 
almost naked they act more decently than many Christians. The 
bad thing about them is that their rage is furious. 

It is here to be observed that when these barbarous murderers come 
home, their wives know before hand through messengers. They pre- 
pare themselves for a feast in the night. Each household prepares 
the best food, after their fashion, brings the same out upon the great 
execution place where they also hold their dances. Each family makes 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of 1STew Bern 277 

a small scaffold, before which is a fire. These scaffolds are round- 
about, and in the middle of the great space is a big fire, beside which 
the priest stands. The women took off all their ornaments, which 
consisted of pendents of wampum and glass corals; then they took 
white wands or rather thick whips as an offering into the midst of 
the ring where there were also stuck up three deer skins as a sort of 
an idol which they honored. The Queen, or in her absence, the first 
after her, began; the rest, the one after the other, followed sing- 
ing. When the ring was full they danced about the fire and the three 
hides till they were tired, and then each went to her place or scaffold 
to eat with her husband. When they were through they took white 
wands with black rings about them and went through the same cere- 
mony as before; took the first little sticks or whips adorned with the 
corals, stuck the ringed ones in their place, and so turned again to 
their places. In the meantime the priest did his office, cursing the 
enemy in the most horrible motions, on the other hand exalting his 
warriors and urging them on to further bravery. After this the young 
people took the green limbs covered with foliage, colored their faces 
with black, white, and red; let their hair hang loose covered with 
goose down, so that they looked terrible, more like devils than men, 
and ran to the great open space with a terrible outcry, and danced 
as described above. 

Here is to be observed, that when the above mentioned savage 
warriors or rather murderers came in with their booty and prisoners, 
the priest and the leading women seized the poor prisoners, com- 
pelled them to go into the dance, and if they did not wish to dance 
they caught them under the arms and dragged them up and down, 
as a sign that these Christians were now dancing to their music and 
were subject to them. 

And so these heathenish ceremonies may be considered a sort of 
sacred litany or divine worship. In the morning I observed at 
times that they sang a serious little song instead of a prayer; and 
when they are in great danger, the same. 

At New Bern where I settled and started the little city, I ob- 
served another custom among the Indians who lived there before, 
which was somewhat nearer the Christian worship. There they had 
constructed a sort of altar, very cleverly and artistically, out of woven 
twigs and having an arched dome. In one place there was an open- 
ing as though made for a little door, through which they laid the 
offering inside. In the middle of this heathen chapel were little holes 
in which they hung corals and also offered wampum. Towards sun- 
rise there was set up a wooden image tolerably well carved, the figure 
as herewith sketched, half red, half white, before which was stuck up 

278 North Carolina Historical Commission 

a long staff upon which was a crown. The staff had rings around it, 
red and white. Toward the north or rather towards the west, there 
was placed opposite to it another image with an ugly face, colored 
black and red. They represented thus by the first image a good 
divinity, and by the other the devil, with whom they are better 

I cannot omit to tell here what happened to one of my tenants, a 
sturdy, droll man. When he was coming past, observing these two 
images, he immediately made a distinction between the one which 
represented the good God and the other which represented the bad; 
and because this one was colored with black and red, which were the 
very colors of the Canton of Bern, he was so embittered at it that 
he cut the ugly image in two with his ax. Then when he came home 
again he boasted of it as a brave deed, as though he had split the 
devil in two at one blow. This in the beginning provoked a small 
laughter; but yet I did not approve of the deed. Soon after there 
came an Indian king very angry, taking this for a sacrilege and a 
great affront, and complaining bitterly. I treated it indeed as a joke, 
saying that only a bad idol was injured and destroyed, that it was of 
no great harm, but if it had been the good one, I would inflict se- 
vere punishment; but I would thenceforth take such measures that 
such vexations should not happen to them any more. Although the 
Indian king saw that I made a joke of the matter it did not please 
him, but he became serious. So I gave evidence to him in earnest 
that this man's action also did not please me entirely; and if he could 
point out the man who did it, he should be punished for it. I gave 
the king and those who were with him rum to drink, which is a kind 
of brandy made of distilled sugar waste, in those parts very common 
and healthful if one drinks it with moderation. In addition I was 
very friendly with them, so that they went from me well contented and 

In their burials they make more ceremony than in their weddings 
or marriages. And I have observed something strange at the burial 
of a deceased widow. I will not expand much on it here because 
there are many printed accounts of the life and customs of the Indians; 
only in passing, what I found most strange. 

And principally; when an Indian is sick or dying their priests come 
into the house, go all through all sorts of figures and antics, make all 
sorts of conjurations and give to the sick also all sorts of medicines. 
If that does not help they blow their breath into the mouth of the 
sick with a frightful roaring, and I do not know what all conjura- 
tions. If the sick one arises there is an indescribable rejoicing, but 
if he dies a sad howling, enough to frighten one. 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Bern 279 

They make their graves with great care, and arch them over with 
bark. When the deceased is carried to the grave two priests stand 
there and lament and make a funeral sermon after their fashion. If 
there is anything to be gained thy extol the deeds of the departed or 
comfort his relatives and make, I do not know what all strange con- 
jurations. In short there is much action and chattering so that I have 
seen the priest or conjurer all in a sweat, but this happens if a good 
present is to be expected. When this is all over the heirs give to the 
priest pendants of wampum or made of calcined mussels. These are 
little things like corals, as has been mentioned above, white, purple, 
yellow; and this is their pay. N. B. The Indians are accustomed to 
make out of these things trousers and necklaces, and they know how 
to knit and to weave them so skillfully and ingeniously through one 
another, with all sorts of figures, that it is to be wondered at. 

When it was done and the grave covered over, in my time some- 
thing marvellous took place which I myself saw. A pretty fire or 
flame of about two candle light size went straight up into the air, as 
high probably, as the longest and tallest tree, traveled again in a 
straight line over the hut of the deceased and so farther over a great 
heath, probably half an hour long until it disappeared in a forest. 

When I saw this and evidenced my astonishment, the savages 
laughed at me, as though I ought to know that this was nothing new 
to them, but did not want to say what it was. After this I ask sev- 
eral about it. No one could say positively, but they set much store 
by it p- : it is considered an especially good sign for the deceased. 
An artificial fire it cannot be because of the duration and great dis- 
tance it traveled. Physically it might be considered a sulphurous 
vapor out of the earth; but this long regularity is too much for me. 

Once when I was at Governor Hyde's in the presence of the council 
and many others while we were busied with the Indians about the 
peace, I took notice of an old Indian who looked to me like a con- 
jurer or priest. So I asked him what that was which I have just re- 
lated to have seen. Among twenty-five Indians that were there only 
this old one besides one other could give me an account of it. But 
it seemed to m3 like a fable. 

They said that only great men, old experienced priests, could see 
and do such things. When I questioned them further, they gave me 
for an answer that this little fire is the soul of the departed, which 
goes into another good creature, if the person has lived well and be- 
haved himself; if he has not behaved well it goes into a villainous 
smoke and into an ugly and miserable creature. The priests come to 
their art in the following manner; namely, it happens that a subtile 
little fire or flame shoots from one tree into another, but very sel- 

280 North Carolina Historical Commission 

dom; and when an Indian sees that he must run as fast as possible 
to catch it, and if he catches it, it goes right on and becomes a small 
wood spider which jumps and runs so quickly in and over his hand 
that it has to be seized quickly by the other hand. But if he finally 
catches it, this spider grows and becomes like a mouse; and so who 
ever catches this wonderful thing afterwards becomes the best con- 
jurer or magician and can do all sorts of wonders. N. B. These 
artists or conjurers as they are called in English, have the faculty of 
invoking the devil and sending him away again. 

A ship captain has asserted to me that he once carried several 
Indians in his boat or small ship and in the Carolina Sound there 
came such a calm that they could get nowhere. One among the 
Indians said that probably he could procure a good wind, and was 
willing to do it. The steersman who did not have much provisions with 
him and wished very much to advance farther, left it to the Indian. 
Soon after this there came such a strong wind that he became fright- 
ened and would gladly have had less wind, but he had to go through 
with it, and so they came in a very short time to the desired place. 
But the above mentioned captain assured me that he received such a 
great fright on this account that as long as he lived he would no more 
use such help. 

Whoever will may believe this and the above. It is certain that 
Satan practices many delusions with these poor creatures; yet if such 
things seem incredible, I would not have made bold to tell such fab- 
ulous things here if it had not gone about and been talked of in such 
eminent company. 

I have heard and observed many more such things among the In- 
dians. But because so many authors have written about them that 
my remarks would only pass for repetition I will not relate more, 
except to say concerning the cruel and barbarous manner of the In- 
dians, that they are indeed furious when one angers them; but if one 
leaves them in peace, does them no harm, and treats them according 
to their ways in a friendly and goodhearted manner, they will sel- 
dom injure a Christian, except if given cause for it. They have oc- 
casionally been treated cruelly and badly by the Christians. I have 
spoken to many of the Indians about their cruelty, but a sensible 
king answered me and gave a nice example of a snake. If one leaves 
it in its coil untouched, quiet, and uninjured, it will do no creature 
harm; but if one disturbs and wounds it, it will bite and wound. And 
the Spaniards had used their forefathers too cruelly, yes, very in- 
humanly. Concerning their, the Indians' massacres and fighting 
treacherously: They had to use their advantage or else they could 
not hold their own; they were not so strong in numbers, and were 

Graffeneied : Account of the Founding of New Been 281 

not provided with pieces, muskets, swords, and all sorts of other 
treacherous inventions made with powder to destroy men; likewise 
they had neither powder nor lead or else they got them from the Chris- 
tians themselves; so that our ways were much more treacherous, false, 
and harmful; otherwise, we would not use them so cruelly. More- 
over we practiced among ourselves the greatest tyranny and cruelty. 
Indeed I have experienced this myself. 


Which was made with the Indians and translated from the English. 

It is hereby made known to all and sundry that in October 1711, 
it was agreed as follows between Baron, Count von Graffenried, Gov- 
ernor of the German Colony in North Carolina, and the Indians 
of the Tuscarora Nation with their neighbors of Core, Wilkinsons 
Point, King Taylor, those of Pamtego, and others of the region. 

1. That both parties shall forget the past and henceforth be good 

2. The subscribed Governor of the German colonies, in times when 
the English and the Indians are in strife, enmity, and war against 
each other, shall be entirely neutral; in like manner he shall remain 
quietly in his house and city, allowing neither English nor Indians to 
pass there, nor do any Indian injury. They promise the same toward 
our people. In case strife occurs between the parties named, they 
shall not get justice for themselves, but shall make their accusation 
at the proper place; namely with the authorities of both sides. 

3. The above named Governor of the German colony promises to 
stay within his boundaries and to take no more territory, up toward 
them, without the consent of the king and nation. 

4. He promises further, to procure a truce of arms for four days, 
in order that within this time able persons may be chosen and com- 
missioned to propose salutary plans of peace, which, as far as possible, 
would have to be acceptable and pleasing to the parties in strife. 

5. It shall be allowed to the Indians to hunt where they wish 
without any hinderance, except in case they come so close to our 
plantation that the cattle would be driven away or injured or danger 
of fire might be feared. 

6. To them, the Indians, wares and provisions shall be allowed 
to come at a reasonable and cheap price. Further it is agreed, that 
where the marks written below shall be on the doors of our houses, 
hat there no injury or damage shall be done. So shall, herewith, 

282 North Carolina Historical Commission 

the conditions and clauses be exactly observed. As a genuine voucher 
of which we on both sides, subscribe ourselves and there is affixed the 
ordinary signs. 

The sign of Neuse, N. Graffenried, Governor of the 

German Colony. 
Tuscaroras' Sign, MA Tuscarora Indians and 


Mandate of the Governor of Virginia, translated out of the English 

Alexander Spotswood, Governor, Regent, and Commandant of the 
Colonies and Provinces of Virginia, in the name of Her Royal Majesty 
of Great Britain, to the Indian Nation which holds Baron von Graf- 
fenried prisoner. 

Having heard that Baron Von Graffenried, Governor, and the 
head of the German Colony in North Carolina is captive among you, 
I request and command you, in the name of the Queen of Great 
Britain of whom he is a subject, that on receipt of this you let him 
go free and send him to our government. 

And here you are given to know that if you should have it in mind 
to kill or willfully inflict any injury upon him, I will revenge his 
blood, and will spare neither men, women, nor children. 
Given under my great seal, 
the 7th of October, 1711. 

A. Spotswood. <^L. S.^> 

Carolina, Newburn, May 6, 1711. 
Gentlemen : 

I send you once more a copy in answer to the letter of August 23, 
sent to me and F. Michel, received here April 11th., for fear that 
my previous one had gone lost, to indicate what before this was writ- 
ten to the old Schultheiss von Graffenried, as I had cause enough, 
to the effect that such great enterprises must be strongly supported. 
It is impossible to succeed with so little. It would have been better 
to let it rest than to put one's self into danger and to so expose one's 
reputation and honor and lose all credit. Or if I could have foreseen 
all that I know, I should have taken entirely different measures. 
Timid business men seldom make great fortunes, and if Messrs. Ritter 
and Von Graffenried stay out of it; if I cannot help; others will prob- 
ably be iound in place of them. If it were not out of consideration 
for H. J. Ritter, and those who before this advanced money to one 
F. Michel and assisted him, we could have associated ourselves with 
a rich Englishman. But he wanted to be alone with us. Thus 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Bern 283 

there are here only a few good men who are of a mind to stay in, but 
only in the trade. Since they have land enough for the present, 
we are not served with this, for these great debts must be paid. Fr. 
Michael, indeed, when in Pennsylvania, told me he would there find 
enough associates. But I doubt it. Sad experience teaches me not 
to trust too firmly. It is better to make a more certain play. 

I wonder through whom the 100 £ sterling shall be paid at New 
Castle, because Mr. Wray gives me no notice of it. 

You tell us that we in Carolina should try to do something on 
credit. Enough has already been done. Indeed we had to use all our 
credit to get the necessaries of life and stock for a year, if we did not 
want to die of hunger with the whole colony; for ill-fortune will have 
it that we found the government at our arrival in the greatest con- 
fusion because of the death of the Governor. When I wished to bring 
the Receiver-General to keep that which the Lords Proprietors had 
promised he resigned. Since the Lieutenant Governor, and Colonel 
Cary will accept neither the new Governor Hyde nor any of the Lords 
Proprietors' new officers, I have not found the slightest assistance 
upon the side of the Lords Proprietors and of the government. If 
an honorable well-to-do man, Colonel Pollock, and another, had not 
assisted us, we should have been compelled, as said before, to die of 
hunger. So I was compelled to get everything from him and others 
upon notes, and these provisions had to be for a year long, that is, 
until the coming December; for the neighboring islands which are in 
great want of food buy the corn before it is ripe in the field. So then 
this business needs a good heart, good friends, and good credit; and if 
I had not been a land-grave so that I could sit in the Court and 
Upper House of Parliament, which give me authority and credit, we 
should have had to die. 

Thus you see Gentlemen, in passing, that the jealousy in regard to 
these titles of honor, which indeed bring in nothing, is not well founded; 
but rather this position of honor procures the colony advantage and 
benefit. It might be objected that it causes great expenses and cere- 
mony. For this reason I have not even a livery coat in the proces- 
sion. I live as poorly as the least private individual, as you can well 
hear from others. 

Regarding the mines; It is true that you are under obligation to 
Fr. Michel for looking for and discovering them. But if I had not 
been present at the first negotiation nothing would have come of it, 
and Mr. Perm would do and conclude nothing, unless it were signed 
by me. 

Regarding my difficulties and pains, there is much to be said about 
them. Speaking of recompence, even if I can be recompenced for the 

284 North Carolina Historical Commission 

danger to my life, unspeakable cares, and affronts which have already 
come to me because of the lack of needed assistance, and if I were, 
on account of the protestation of my notes to expect it, there is, in 
truth, none big enough and none good enough for me. I should do 
better to claim none. The best recompense would be to pull me forth- 
with out of this difficult labyrinth; it will be to your advantage and 
my own. 

Since you announce that probably all of you will come to this coun- 
try, I am glad. I could wish that you had been here from the be- 
ginning, and were here still. Then you could see whether everything 
goes so easily, and with so little to do with. You would also have 
been compelled to take your share in this great complaint, toil, anxiety, 
and vexation, instead of all this resting upon me. 

To make a day-book of occurrences will not be entirely a pastime 
because until now little of anything pleasant, but many vexations 
have occurred. 

A journal or table of the expenses of the past is hardly to be made 
so very exactly, especially where Fr. Michael has acted. But in the 
future more regularity will be observed. 

If you should not come so very soon, it will be well to send here a 
young honest burgher who understands book-keeping. The English 
are entirely too expensive. They ask 50£ sterling a year. As far as 
the others are concerned, whether they are tenants or artisans, we 
will wait until the general peace is made, but there is need of a 
pastor and a book-keeper. They could come this next autumn, that 
is, in October or November, with the Virginia Fleet. Care must be 
taken to conclude and negotiate everything there, for when they get 
here they immediately become puffed up, want to be masters them- 
selves. But if I would give high wages I could not get a man- or 
woman-servant into my service. Tenants and servants must be hired 
at Bern, as also all sorts of artisans. Here is the answer to all the 
articles of the letter. 

Now I will report upon the condition of affairs here, upon the situ- 
ation and productiveness of the land, in a few words; deferring the 
rest till my vexed and disturbed mind is in a quieter frame. And so 
I send to you only a map made in haste and quite plain. The situa- 
tion of the city could not be finer, more cheerful, and convenient. 
So also the whole colony touches upon it; and all the settlements ie 
side by side, and all lie along the water in such a way that at one 
place one can cume up from the sea and on the other back into it 
again and go only six or eight m^es by land. I do not believe that 
there has been a finer colony planted in the world, that is regarding 
the situation. It continues thus as far as the River Clarendon or 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of New Been 285 

Cape Fear. It is certain that in a few years, under the blessing of 
God, this colony will greatly increase. The land is excellent and good; 
corn, rice, hemp, flax, turnips, beets, beans, peas, all sorts of garden 
produce, and tree-fruits grow well. I know of few in our country 
that one cannot have here. Wild grapes are very abundant and 
yield especially well. I do not doubt that one could make them 
tame and plant others, just as has been commenced already. 

In the way of drink, even if one does not yet have wine, they gen- 
erally make a very pleasant, healthful, and cheap beer of molasses, 
which is a juice of sugar, and sassafras, a little dried wheat, corn, or 
only cherries. Others make beer of figs, quinces, mulberries, a kind of 
red medlar, and other things beside. 

Wild game and fish are all in abundance. All sorts of good meat 
can be gotten by the way of the sea. Small cattle increases, costs 
nothing to keep winter or summer; so that if one has only a little 
to invest, he can, in a few years, own many hundreds, and the trade 
in them goes well. 

The general trade is exceedingly good, but everything goes by barter. 
Of money there is none at hand, except in the South Island and the 
lands which the Spaniards and Dutch possess. But in these countries 
one receives it for wares. The wares which are disposed of there are 
indigo, certain spices, sugar, rum, molasses, (both of these made from 
sugar afford us a delicious brandy), rice, hides, and skins. Tanners of 
furs are much needed for the skins of the wild and tame animals, 
feathers and down. N. B. Upon these rivers are swans, geese, and 
ducks by the millions. Wild turkeys are in great numbers. 

Regarding the climate; it is tolerably good and healthy, not so 
exceedingly warm as supposed. June, July, and August are hot, 
yet there blows occasionally a cool wind. The rest of the time of the 
year is tolerably temperate. In the beginning one must pay the 
tribute of a fever. 

Regarding the Indians, they are not to be feared if one makes a 
league with them, which we have already solemnly done. At first 
they were hostile to us because they were incited to it by jealous 
traders, but everything is now quiet. 

The government is well appointed, but the good ordinances and 
laws are badly executed. Everything, as I said, at my coming was in 
great confusion, to my great harm. But it is now better; only the 
revenues to which I had claims are gone because the Lieutenant 
Governor Cary wanted to assume the whole government. But he, 
whom I had put into jail through the new governor and council, broke 

286 North Carolina Historical Commission 

out of his confinement and has become a fugitive. Before this he 
sold everything and took the proceeds with him. This man with two 
more has made such a rebellion that I had to come to the aid of the 
government with our people. For this cause I repeat that I was in 
great extremity from the failure in the execution of good ordinances 
and laws; for because of the situation, on account of its being in a 
new land, it would have been all topsy-turvy if I had proceeded 
differently, since I had to give the Royal Committee security for 
5000£ sterling on account of these people. If in the beginning when 
I saw that everything was failing, I had left these poor people in the 
lurch and had retired elsewhere, or had let them die of hunger, I 
should have lost the five thousand pounds and should have been 
hanged without mercy; and where would my conscience have been 
as I did it? Could I do differently than I did? It is still a great 
thing that in a wild country, where, strange to say, I have no friends 
or acquaintances, I have so much credit that I have received every- 
thing which was really necessary. Now it is a question of how to 
work myself out of this labyrinth that I may not come to disgrace, 
and we all be compelled to lose together; for I am fearful of being 
arrested because of the protestation of the notes, and Colonel Pollock, 
as the strictest creditor, could take possession of everything, a pro- 
cedure which would do us all irreparable damage and cause the great- 
est disgrace and destroy the whole country, for they would certainly 
run away from it. 

So I find no better means than to look for eight more associates at 
the least, if possible more, at 300£ each to be paid in, or four or more 
at 600£ each. If we wanted to do something in trade we should 
double our money, but this might be postponed for a good while. 
But these notes must be paid directly, cost whatever it will. So it 
seems to me on this point, that one more experiment would be good; 
that is, if the Company would go to my father, speak to him about 
an obligation and the investment of the whole amount from his money 
which he has in the bank in London, 2Q00£. There will still remain 
to him a considerable portion, and this would not discommode him at 
all. But if this trial is not successful, I should know nothing better 
than to call upon my Lords, giving them the same security. N. B. 
This is to be remarked along with it, that these are not lost debts, 
which have been squandered and are not to be gotten back, but at 
the end of three years all will be replaced with profits. The especial 
account I will make this summer; this time only in general. 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of New Bern 287 


1. For Indian or Turkish Corn for feeding 

the colony and for sowing, 6000 meas- 
ures p. two shillings make 600£ 

2. Wheat, 400 measures, p. 4 shillings .... 80- 

3. Salt, 200 measures, p. 10 dit 100- 

4. Fresh meat and salted for 250- 

5. Carriage of all these and other things . . 100- 

6. The shallop or brigantine which in my 

absence Fr. Michel bought, since I 
would not dare to venture so much. . 200- 

7. To build a store or proprietor's house. . 60- 

8. Grist and saw milL 70- 

9. Our lodging which was at the same 

time a provision house 70- 

10. Stock, ten cows and as many calves, 

30£, ten swine 10£, four horses, since 
two were for the tenants, 30£, eight 
sheep, 6£, four more cows for my 
household, 12£. Sum 88- 

11. Furnished swine 2 p. family 160- 

12. Food for 150 head p. 3£ 450- 

Summa Summarum 2228- 

N. B. The brigantine had to be purchased because of a great 
necessity, since transportation is excessively dear and hard to get. 
Only a small journey, with six hundred measures of corn and some 
small things, costs 20£ to transport. Have saved already half in the 
transportation. It is a good thing to use in trade, and without it, 
it is impossible to live here. It is now on a voyage to the South 
Islands to get salt, molasses, corn, sugar, and other things. The pro- 
prietor's house is also necessary. It served first as the provision 
house, for we must have shelters and a place to store the provisions. 
Besides, there was this reason; it was in part on account of travellers 
and in part to use as a place to bring food to. All came there and 
caused such expense that in the long run it could not be endured. 
For in this country there are no inns. Everything is free. When I 
did not wish to give, they demanded, and one could not let people 
who had come twenty, fifty, to a hundred miles, go with hungry 
bellies. So I am now easy on this score; but provision must be made, 
but yet it will bring in a pretty income. 

288 North Carolina Historical Commission 

Grist and saw-mills are also necessary. We were, as it were, forced 
to it, for the people could not grind their corn. The saw-mill will 
bring in a considerable amount when it is well in operation. They 
saw ever thing, in England as well as here, by hand. Planks are 
incredibly dear. For one plank I will, at a saw mill, get 6, yes indeed, 
10. An Englishman has offered me for the yearly revenue of the saw- 
mill, fifty pound sterling; but if the city progresses as it appears 
probable that it will do, it is worth 100£ yearly. 

House-keeping is hard. It would not be possible as they, Ritter and 
Isot, thought at London, to live individually and to have one com- 
mon expense. They were ill-informed. The plantations had first to 
be made. Lodgings were very poor and constructed in haste, so that 
one could also work his ground and have something to eat from it 
and not be compelled to get food at great expense; otherwise what 
good would the land do the people? Land has been taken up for 
each one in particular. I have not taken up any for myself yet, but 
in the future provision will be made for everything. 

Moreover there are still a good many things to get besides trade 
and income. This is a new place, only five years ago still wild and 
not inhabited. The people have enough to do with their planta- 
tions. They have not the time to invent things and get the good of 

The city will increase rapidly. Almost every day there come people 
who want a lot, that is an arable field on which to build a house and 
cultivate a garden and an orchard. The Governor and the most 
prominent people of the country already have each their lot. A lot 
is to yield an English crown yearly. For you gentlemen, we have 
already reserved a fine section, and in the healthiest locality. But 
what am I saying here. It is all fine and good. 

The sad and unfortunate message which arrived from London spoils 
all. The notes are protested, my honor, credit, and reputation gone, 
and the colony suffers in the highest degree. Colonel Pollock, who 
promised to supply me with cattle, has let my people come back empty 
handed. I now have enough for this whole year. I shall try accord- 
ingly to supply the most seriously needed things, in order that the 
complaint may not be too great. The people have no cows, and this 
occasions great loss; there is so much murmuring that soon I shall not 
be sure of my life; they have threatened to send a letter to the Royal 
Committee. In such a desperate condition what is to be done? My 
property, my honor gone; nothing but the greatest vexation, insult, 
disgrace, and scorn, to be expected; the shortest way out would be to 
withdraw into some island or into the mountains, or even go over 
into Canada to the French. Meantime the colony would disappear, 

Geaffenried: Account of the Founding of New Been 289 

Pollock would put himself into possession of it, so that everything 
would be gone, and everything which had hitherto been done with 
great labor and expense would be in vain. 

Yet it pains me to leave such a beautiful place where there is such 
fine prospect of good conditions. 

Right with this bad tidings came bad news also from London re- 
lating to Virginia and Maryland about the Tobacco trade. Every- 
thing is destroyed there, because from other places tobacco is brought 
more cheaply. And so these poor Virginians, who had all their capital 
in the planting of tobacco, are completely ruined. Because now, Caro- 
lina is the only province in English America where cattle can winter 
without expense or labor, so all are coming there like a wave. The 
land increases in value so that I can well assure you that what one 
can do now with 10£, in five years he cannot do with 100£. 

Gentlemen, you will indeed consider well this fine profit which 
is to be made on the 100,000 acres of land that you still have, and 
whatever else there is; likewise the loss of the costs already incurred, 
which the nation and the company has had before, and the fine fu- 
ture returns and profits of other things. So I doubt not you will 
do all possible to avert such a great loss, and to embrace these splendid 
advantages; and so much the more, because everything is now in its 
place, no more great expenses, except those which will bring in fifty 
per cent or more. From now on the revenue begins. 

Fourteen days ago Mr. Botschi sailed away. I sent him expressly 
to recruit people, for he went gladly and offered himself, so that you 
might hear the whole account of the matter by word of mouth from 
him, as one personally present and an eye witness. 

I will continue to be patient; indeed, if I can avoid arrest until 
answer to Mr. Botschi's report comes. I can just about calculate when 
it can be. But if the goods mentioned do (not) come then, I shall 
certainly be driven to great extremity and afterwards it will be too 
late to remedy it. Oh if you only knew and could believe a little 
of what there is to do here you would not leave me in the lurch so, 
but you would raise as much as you possibly can to pull me out of 
this labyrinth and to advance this colonization business vigorously. 

Because we have received no house-hold utensils nor wares from 
London we were glad to use Captain Zechender's things. It will 
therefore be necessary to satisfy him for it, and if he is still resolved 
to come here, to advise him of this, so that he can supply himself ac- 

Fr. Michel has taken with him the firearms of all except two. There- 
fore provision is to be made in Holland, but none with brass plates. 

290 North Carolina Historical Commission 

I would have much still to write on various matters but the mul- 
titude of occupations, my vexed and confused mind do not permit me 
to at this time. If you, gentlemen, shall have pulled me out of this 
labyrinth by speedily sending the notes to me, there will be a more 
detailed account or else I will send no more at all, for all depends upon 
this. If nothing is effected everything will go backwards, and God 
knows what will become of me. 

I commend you to the protection of the Almighty and remain, 

Your most obedient servant, 

von Graffenried. 

P. S. After I had been very despondent following the writing of 
this letter, and had been going over things in my mind, not knowing 
what to do further in this so vexatious and critical position, I re- 
membered certain Psalms which fitted my condition very well, with 
ardent prayer taking my refuge in the Lord Jesus, the true helper 
and Redeemer, and encouraged myself a little by an effort. Two 
days afterwards there came something which comforted me a little, 
and I cannot pass on without telling it. Yet I will tell only the sub- 
stance, since it would be a whole tale in fact, and this letter is already 
long enough without that. 

There came up to me from the sea a little old Englishman, to sell 
me oysters. He inquired for Fr. Michel, but since he was not pres- 
ent any more and understanding that we were good friends he 
wanted to show me something that probably would be acceptable 
to me. He said he had, sometime ago, traveled with Fr. Michel and 
the Governor of Virginia, to look for mines; but he knew of a better 
and richer one, and in that connection, he could tell me all the cir- 
cumstances of Fr. Michel's trip. It agreed well with what I already 
knew very well. Although before this I had entirely discounted Squire 
Michel's affairs, I saw by this there were nevertheless realities. Now 
according to this report I have some hope. May the Most High, who 
through his inexpressible kindness has created so many things for the 
good of man, give his blessing to it, and give to us the grace not to 
misuse his benefits, but to praise him for all. 

This mine which the little man indicated to me is a gold mine 
in Virginia, while Fr. Michel's is a silver mine in Pennsylvania; and 
this gold mine is said by report to be eight days out from here, while 
the other is more than fourteen days from Philadelphia. At the dis- 
covery of this nearer and better mine Fr. Michel was not present, but 
Governor Nicholson of Virginia was. In the matter of the gold, 
the Governor would let neither him nor any one else know and also 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of ISTew Been 291 

forbade him to tell anyone of it. In the meantime the Governor 
looked about for a man expert in such things. He found one also, 
who, on test, found it very rich. They were already making arrange- 
ments to put it into operation, but soon after, the mining master or 
chemist died. Some time after this a disturbance rose in Virginia, the 
Governor was called to New England to take the government of the 
same, and he is actually at this time in a notable expedition against 
the French in Canada, has also taken Fort Royal, and so this mine 
has disappeared with him and this mining operation is suspended. 

This little man gave me in addition, this report that one of those 
who was with him, one named Clark, a sort of goldsmith, a godless 
man who had robbed another man of his wife and had gone up into 
the mountains with her, had found gold in this place, had coined 
pieces of money out of it. He feared he would be discovered if he 
sold the lumps of gold. Finally his money got so common and some 
difference was found in it so that it came to light, and he was hanged 
as a counterfeiter. Fr. Michel's servant who is with me now waiting 
for his master's return, saw this Clark hanged. 

The mine referred to is not more than twenty or thirty miles from 
the land which the Queen gave us. This in secret; we could take 
a piece of land further up, and so we could also take possession of the 
mine, reserving of course the Queen's share for her. I considered it 
advisable to interest the present Governor in this in order that he 
might help us. I was on the point of taking the little old man and two 
miners that I have here, immediately with me, and we should have 
gone up into the mountains in order to get a good view of it, and at 
the same time to see a notable curiosity. Not far from this place is 
said to be a stone table forty feet long and ten feet wide, upon four 
well-hewn and carved feet; upon it something written which these 
people cannot read. Not far from that there are still fragments of a 
wall and a broken intrenchment. But this is not the time because 
on account of the thickness of the bushes, one cannot see the snakes. 
It will be done the coming autumn, if God gives me health and life, 
and also if better news arrives from Bern so that I can breathe a little. 

N. B. Regarding these amounts and some more debts still, of Fr. 
Michel's not paid at London, and something in wares which we took 
at London with your consent; it will likewise be necessary to still send 
us something, at least 300£ worth of goods, for it is impossible to live 
here without them. Because there is no money here everything is 
done with goods. And so there must be altogether a sum of 3000£ 
raised. That is a great deal in our country, but it all comes in after- 
wards with great profit. 

292 North Carolina Historical Commission 

Whatever in the future is subscribed or made over in monies you will 
not send to Danson and Wray, for they are false to us. A malicious 
Berner, let him be who he will, has written to London very badly about 
us. Besides this we have seen only after coming here, that their af- 
fairs are not at the best. Danson as one of the proprietors, to be sure, 
keeps a good appearance ... to give commission, * but it could be 
done through my father's correspondent who is a good man. From 
him the writing could be in French, and the affairs would remain 
secret. This Danson and Wray have opened up my letters which 

Mr wrote to me in the name of the society, which 

had a very bad effect here in Carolina for everything was written to 
persons here. 

N. B. I do not believe that Mr. Botschi will come back, and if he 
came back I could not use him in the business, because he does not 
understand book-keeping at all. For many good reasons it is neces- 
sary that some one of you come, but not without money or notes, 
and that speedily; for if I should die everything would go badly. 

The voyage is not so troublesome and dangerous especially in time 
of peace, as one imagines: We had the best of weather and on the 
whole voyage out from London only one small storm; that is, if one 
sails around Scotland and starts away in May. The map of the city 
and colony was sent in the previous letter and Mr. Botschi is bringing 
one also. 

N. B. If notes are made out one can find the bills of exchange 
with Mr. Wray at London. Thomas the barber and surgeon wishes 
to finish out only his two years here. It will, therefore, be well to 
send a good surgeon. He can make as much here as he wishes too. 
Mr. Botschi has taken one of the small pistols with him. It will be 
well to send the same by the book-keeper again; it is too bad to spoil 
the pair. 


May our help and beginning be in the might of the Lord who cre- 
ated Heaven and earth. Amen. 

Know herewith that between the hereafter subscribed gentlemen and 
friends, Mr. Frantz Ludwig Michel and Christoph von Graffenried 
on the one part, and Mr. Georg Bitter and Mr. Peter Isot in their 
own and Mr. Albrecht von Graffenried's, Mr. Johann Anthoni Jar- 
sing's, Mr. Samuel Hopf's and Mr. Emanuel Kilchberger's names on 

'It is impossible to conjecture what the writer was trying to say, as the passage is defective, sev- 
eral words having become illegible in the original MS. V. H. T. 

Geaffeneied: Account of the Founding of New Been 293 

the other part, there has been made and concluded with another pres- 
ent, true, and bona fide society, a contract consisting of the following 

1. There shall serve as the foundation the one hundred seventeen 
thousand five hundred acres of land lying in North Carolina, between 
the Neuse River and Cape Fear, which in the name of this society 
have been purchased from the Proprietors of Carolina according to 
the patents obtained for that purpose, with all the privileges and 
rights thereto pertaining, whatever name they may have, and with all 
those that shall or can be obtained in the future. And there also 
belong to this the twelve hundred and fifty acres of land which were 
purchased from Mr. Lawson, situated in the angle, between the Rivers 
Neuse and Trent. 

2. There is also placed as foundations the concession in Virginia 
obtained from the Queen of Great Britain; also whatever further liber- 
ties, rights, mines, or other concessions, whatever name they may 
bear, which shall be obtained from the same queen or her successors, 
so that all shall be for the good of this society. 

3. We under the blessing of God shall constitute the board of 

4. Mr. Frantz L. Michel promises that of all minerals which he 
has already found and shall yet find, he will put in all the portion 
coming to him therefrom to the good of the society. 

5. This society shall be conducted under the name, Georg Ritter 
and Company. All the papers, writings, letters, and obligations shall 
be signed by this name; and the Society shall have its own seal; also 
no member, except the one or the ones whom the Society shall empower 
so to do, shall have power to sign or to seal any document or writing in 
the name of the society. 

6. The capital of this society shall consist of seven thousand two 
hundred pounds sterling which shall be employed for the payment of 
the above described lands, to the support of the Palatine and Swiss 
colonies already sent there and those following after, and also for 
the conduct of proposed trade and mining operations. 

7. To the formation of this capital there are set twenty-four shares, 
each at three hundred pounds sterling, which shall be made over to 
the gentleman here at London appointed therefor, who shall also send 
a receipt for it, and credit shall also be given him in the books. 

8. No one shall be able to possess more than one share for himself, 
but two or at most three can combine for one share; but if, after the 
lapse of three years, these twenty-four shares are not complete, it 
shall be free to those who already have a share to take another. 

294 North Carolina Historical Commission 

9. In the transaction of matters of importance which may occur, 
such as the election of a director, one or more deputies to the Royal 
Court, to negotiate with the Lords Proprietors or elsewhere, at the 
nomination of the society's salaried servants and officers, as also the 
acceptance of one or more new associates, the building and the pur- 
chasing of the ships useful for trade, and the opening of mines, every- 
thing shall be done and election made according to the majority of 
votes, with this in explanation, that where there are more than one to 
a whole share they shall count as one vote only and also, no one who 
has not a whole share shall be elected director. 

10. It is free to each to go to Carolina or Virginia, or to remain in 
his Fatherland; and then his deputy shall enjoy similar privileges in 
his stead, except that he cannot be elected director. 

11. It is free to everyone to sell his share to another, to trade it 
off or to give it away, to use and control it just as his other goods and 
property; and if he dies intestate the same shall fall to his nearest 
heir, just as his other goods. But the Society reserves to itself, at 
the sale of it, to have the preference, and ordains that it shall not 
fall into mortmain and be sold or given to Papists. 

12. To every participant there shall be designated a piece of land in 
an acceptable place at the building up of the city, as well as a free 
estate of five hundred acres in Virginia; but as much as he shall de- 
sire shall be free from interest and tithes, with the exception of what is 
due to the Lords Proprietors. 

13. Mr. Michel reserves this to himself, because he contributes the 
mines in Pennsylvania to the good of the Society, that the first three 
years, when these mines shall be open and begin to produce the profits, 
shall come to him in advance. In the fourth year Mr. Ritter and Mr. 
von Graffenried, since they have more of the expenses, shall take out 
according to the amount of their shares contributed before the be- 
ginning of this same mine. What is left (for that year), as well as the 
whole profits on the other portion belonging to the Society, shall go 
to the Society for the remaining seventeen years. He hereby prom- 
ises, with good success of the above-mentioned mine, to repay Mr. 
Ritter's principal from these first years of the Society. 

14. So there is put to the credit of Mr. Michel, for his labor and for 
the mine contributed to the benefit of the company, an entire share; 
but he shall, as soon as possible, pay back all that the Society to- 
date has advanced and may still advance. 

15. Mr. Christoph von Graff enried's money laid out for five thou- 
sand acres of land in Carolina, as well as the expenses incurred 
through the Palatines and others, according to the enclosed specifi- 

Gkaffenried: Account of the Founding of New Bern 295 

cations, shall be credited to him for a share; but anything more than 
that he shall, according to the thirteenth article, take from the Penn- 
sylvania mines. 

16. In like manner an entire share shall be given and credited to 
Mr. Georg Ritter for the expenses he has incurred; but anything 
more than that he shall, according to the thirteenth article, take from 
the Pennsylvania mines. 

17. It is not allowed to anyone to take up land in North Carolina 
on his own account, except the named free lands; but all land shall 
be taken up on the account of the Society. 

18. No member shall be allowed to carry on private trade, either in 
North Carolina or Virginia, but everything shall be done there for the 
benefit of the society; and yet it is free to every one to associate him- 
self with others not trading in this province, and to carry on a trade 
on his own account, always understood that it shall not be to the 
detriment of this Society. 

19. The other above named gentlemen, associates, who have not en- 
tirely paid in their capital, shall pay it in before the next approaching 
September and make it over to the gentleman in England, already 

20. There shall be no definite end set for the Society, because 
each one who does not wish to remain longer in the Society has 
liberty to sell his share. But in view of the fact that nothing in this 
world can be made fixed or immutable, it is agreed and resolved that 
this Society shall exist twenty years, and that in this time, neither 
shall or can there be talk of any separation. But after the lapse of 
these twenty years the Society can, at the discretion of three-fourths 
of the associates, be abolished; when they can make their division of 
the effects then existing, according to the majority of the votes. 

21. Before the expiration of four years shall no separation be made, 
but a report shall be made yearly of the state of things, a reckoning 
of the balance shall be made, and for each share-holder a copy be 
prepared; but after the expiration of the four years each stock-holder 
shall draw ten per cent of his invested capital, according to the judg- 
ment of the whole Society. But whatever, by the blessing of God, is 
gained in the mines, that shall be divided yearly. 

22. It is free to the Society to elucidate this contract by the ma- 
jority of votes, to explain, to diminish, to increase, according as the 
advantage of the Society demands it. 

23. The associates promise each other love, faith, and true friend- 
ship, and that they will help to further, to best of their ability, what- 
ever may serve and promote the good of this Society; and, as much 

296 North Carolina Historical Commission 

as in them lies ward off injury and do everything which is in any 
way within the meaning of this contract, two copies of which, uni- 
form and of the same tenor, shall be prepared. And may the Lord 
our God give his blessing to it, to whom alone belongs the praise, 
honor, and glory, from eternity to eternity, Amen. 
Done in London, the 18th of May, 1710. 


William Edwards. 
Edward Woods. 

Fr. Ludwig Michel. 

Chr. Von Graffenried. 

Georg Ritter. 

Petter Isoth. 


Various matters relating to Carolina translated from the English. 

1. To have land surveyed in South Carolina costs one penny, Caro- 
linian money, per acre, but in North Carolina a half penny. A cer- 
tificate, registration, and copy, costs twenty-seven shillings for every 
piece of land which is bought, whether it be great or small. 

2. Regarding exchange: There is no law of exchange between Car- 
olina except by the piece of eight. The difference is about thirty- 
five per cent more in Carolina than in England. 

3. Regarding the wares which are to be taken: The most useful is 
to bring over all kinds of assorted wares of English manufacture; 
about which we can inform you in a report, when we shall know what 
kind of people and how many shall come over. 

4. An assortment of wares proportioned according to our direction 
can give in Carolina a profit of two hundred to two hundred fifty 
per cent when it is bought, but certain special wares give a profit up 
to three hundred per cent. 

5. Every person whether man, woman or child, native or foreign, 
who has himself transported to Carolina at his own cost, has the priv- 
ilege to take up forever for each person, fifty acres of land and to pay 
to the Lords Proprietors one penny quit-rent per acre. 

6. Renting out land to tenants: A person who purchases a certain 
amount of land can divide it off again into different plantations, of 
which each can contain as desired, two, three, four, to five hundred 
acres. Afterwards the land-owner can make an agreement with the 
tenant, whereby the owner obligates himself to give his tenant a cer- 
tain quantity of tools, nails, locks, bolts, pans, window-glasses, etc., 


in order to build a house; also to supply him with the necessary ani- 
mals, as horses, cows, swine, etc., and likewise necessary crops for seed 
and subsistence, until the first harvest; in return for which the tenant 
gives to the planter or owner yearly, of all the increase of the cattle 
two thirds, together with a certain amount of rice, wheat, etc., accord- 
ing to the tenor of their agreement. On which subjects I informed 
myself well regarding the usual conditions, and reckoned up what the 
owner takes of the increase of all the crops from the tenant. 

7. Regarding the production of the lands. It is certain that it pro- 
duces the best rice, Indian corn, wheat, oats, beans, peas, etc., espe- 
cially in North Carolina. They sow, ordinarily, a level piece of land 
without plowing. It may be advisable to change the seed occasion- 
ally, as need may require, as the neighboring planters can also testify. 

8. Fresh and good land is without doubt the best for rice, namely 
that which is somewhat damp and wet; but if it is too wet it is neces- 
sary to dry it with long furrows and the constructing of fascines makes 
it more convenient for cultivation. It is also feasible to keep a certain 
amount of such damp land for the planting of rice, but to use the dry 
soil for wheat and other crops. 

9. The centner of rice contains one hundred and twelve pounds. It 
is sold at from fifteen to sixteen shillings, the Indian corn at two and 
one half shillings a bushel, reckoned at four pecks; wheat at three and 
one half shillings a bushel. As far as barley, oats, peas, beans, are 
concerned, I have heard of no certain price, as these are less used. 
Regarding the increase of each kind of crop, one can read in Lawson's 
book, which description I consider very modest and it is certain that 
the land produces that increase. In respect to the price of animals: 
Horses are sold at from four to six pounds, a cow with its calf at about 
two and a half to three pounds, a sow with its pigs at twelve shillings, 
a boar at fifteen shillings, all reckoned according to the Carolina stand- 
ard; so that these animals maybe bought for about three-eighths of the 
above mentioned value laid out in English wares. With respect to the 
sheep: These are at this time scarce, but their number may be easily 
increased with attention and industry, since one can drive them at 
night into an especial sheepfold in order to be safe from the wolves. 
The form of this fold cannot be represented here, but can be reported 
better by word of mouth. Animals increase just as in England. Cows 
and mares breed once a year, hogs three times, and each time twelve, 
fourteen, to sixteen at a time. Their food for the most part is what 
they find in the forests, which are called ranges for the cattle. And so 
every plantation consisting of five hundred acres has pasture for cattle, 
for they have no need of cutting hay in their lowland or meadows, as 
they do in England where the cattle are fed through the winter. Al- 

298 ISToeth Carolina Historical Commission 

though the winters are much shorter in Carolina than in England, 
the stock in this time becomes lean and thin. But the forests, which 
produce all sorts of nuts and acorns to our especial advantage, serve 
for the swine. At the beginning of winter and a little before the 
time when the swine are butchered one takes from the herd as 
many as one intends to kill and feeds these two or three weeks 
longer with Indian corn, beans, or peas. They can also be very well 
kept in the orchards, some of which contain two, three, to four acres 
of all sorts of apples, pears, cherries, peaches, apricots, etc. They feed 
themselves in the beginning of the year with grass, afterwards with the 
fallen fruit; and when this is past they are again driven into the forest. 
In order that they may not become entirely wild, they are, every ten 
days, gotten into the habit of coming to the house by the blowing of 
a horn, and then a little Indian corn is thrown down before them. 
Now when they hear the horn blow they run straight for home. Hay 
for the stock could without doubt be gotten very well from the low- 
lands or savannas because a great deal of grass grows in such places. 
From lack of mowing it becomes coarse and inedible. But if, as is 
the custom in England, it were mowed often, new fresh grass suitable 
for hay could grow. If the cattle were fed with that they could be 
kept in good condition, for with this fodder and the pea vines the 
cattle become vigorous and fat. 

10. The passage for each person costs six pounds, so that accord- 
ingly, a hundred persons, for passage alone, will cost six hundred 
pounds. From Holland to England costs five shillings per person, 
which, with baggage, costs twenty shillings or one pound sterling, 
which in all makes a hundred pounds. 

11. For this reason it is advisable to appoint an able person whom 
we can recommend to them, in order to purchase an English cap- 
tured ship of about one hundred and twenty tons in a French sea- 
port; which, by the way, may cost two hundred and fifty pounds. 
The refitting of this ship with sails and other essentials can be done 
best and cheapest in Holland. But the food and the provisions are 
to be gotten in England. These can be held ready for putting on 
board until the arrival of the ship. This fitting out of the ship and 
provisioning of the hundred persons to last as far as Carolina would 
thus amount, at most, to four hundred and fifty pounds. So that the 
ship equipped and provisioned would be your own for seven hundred 
pounds, and hereby would cost some little more than the cost of pass- 
age. But there are still the captain and sailors to be provided for, 
of which sailors two thirds must be Englishmen, that is to say, nine 
men and a boy or eight men and two boys, whom we can also procure. 
Their wages amount to from twenty to twenty-four pounds monthly. 


The length of their journey from Holland to England, the wait for 
wind and other hinderances until they are away from shore and until 
they arrive in Carolina cannot amount to four months at most. I 
assume, then, that the crew along with unexpected expenses from the 
time the ship sails from Holland to England and Carolina may amount 
to a hundred pounds sterling. Is that not a cheap ship? And is that 
not more advisable than to rent a freight ship and pay seven hundred 
pounds, with which one can do nothing else besides transport the col- 
ony to the Carolina coast, and unload them where they have to look 
out for themselves and rent shallops in order to transport themselves 
and their goods into the country? 

I assume, now, that such a ship, with fitting out and provisioning 
would cost eight hundred pounds, plus one hundred pounds for the 
crew for four months, making altogether nine hundred pounds. Sub- 
tracted from this the seven hundred pounds for the above mentioned 
one hundred persons, as well as fifty pounds additional for carrying 
people in Carolina from the coast into the country, there remains 
one hundred fifty pounds which the ship would still cost. I assume 
now, that to repro vision the ship in Carolina for the crew would cost 
thirty to forty pounds sterling. I assume further that the ship would 
stay there about three months to wait upon the people with the boat, 
and to get freight again for England. Within these three months one 
can rely upon getting this in North or South Carolina or Virginia, and 
it is easy to believe that the same might amount to from five hundred 
and fifty to six hundred pounds. The entire delay of bringing the 
people into the country and procuring a complete cargo for the ship 
may be prolonged into six months. The pay for the crew for this 
six months and other incidental expenditures amounting altogether to 
one hundred fifty pounds, subtracted from the above freight of the 
goods, there remains four hundred and fifty pounds with which the 
ship may be refitted in England and of this there will still be left one 
hundred and fifty pounds; which money can be laid out in English 
wares for your own account. The ship can also be sent again into 
Carolina with a fresh supply of people, and there be loaded with goods. 
From which it is easy to be seen that it would be to your interest to 
purchase such a ship. 

It is also worth while to consider how serviceable such a ship would 
be to you, in case the people should come to Carolina in a time when 
they could not find sufficient supplies there for the establishment. In 
case of a lack of the same, the above mentioned ship could carry some 
other English goods to Pennsylvania or other neighboring coasts, and 
in return, buy there that which is necessary to the further sub- 
sistence of the colony. It is also advisable to take a ship carpenter 

300 North Carolina Historical Commission 

with you, who, with the help of one or two house carpenters or others 
of the people, could in a short time build a shallop which would hold 
about forty tons of cargo. The iron materials, cordage, sails, must be 
brought over with you from England, and may cost about eighty or 
ninety pounds. Such a shallop can continually be put to good use, 
by purchasing English goods in different places, such as rice, salt, pork 
and beef, household goods, wine-cask staves, heads, and hoops, and 
carrying them to another place to sell; also to get occasionally, a cargo 
of salt in Tortuga, or elsewhere, so that we shall not have to buy it 
from another hand so much the dearer. For which considerations and 
many others still it is plain that it would be eminently useful to you, 
as well for your own convenience as because of the profits, to have 
such a ship and shallop. In the future, trees could be felled out of 
which other shallops might be built, in order to visit the planters 
living on the neighboring rivers, at the opportune time, with English 
goods, of which they have need at all times, and through which you 
could enjoy great profits and at the same time assist the people with 
all sorts of necessaries, who thereby are induced to use more in- 
dustry and to labor the longer, because they can exchange in such a 
manner the productions of the country for the necessary clothing, tools, 
household utensils; upon which I can give you special reports and 
exact direction. And for my part I am willing to undertake it on 
commission in England. 

Besides this your English neighbors in Carolina will be happy to 
embark their goods in your ship and shallops for freight money, or to 
exchange their rice, crops, beef and pork, hides, pelts, as well as live 
stock for your English goods, which you can bring to your ships at 
convenient places; for instance rice, hides, pelts and skins, rosin and 
pitch to England; pork and beef salted down in barrels, cask staves, 
heads and hoops, meal and rice, to Jamaica, Barbadoes, Antigua. 
From there one can bring back as much sugar, rum, royal sugar, grain 
sugar, as you will find necessary, and it can be brought over into Caro- 
lina and sold. The rest of the sugar bought there can then be sent to 
England in English ships, which are alwaj^s to be found in these is- 
lands, and there turned to silver or sent by us to Dortrecht or Rotter- 
dam, and from there into Switzerland. I can give you directions then 
how you could in time be brought into a condition to provide all 
Switzerland with sugar. Another shallop may also be loaded with cask 
staves, hoops, and heads, and sent to the Madeiras, to exchange 
these wares for wine and to bring the same into Carolina, where, as 
also in Virginia, it can be sold for a good price. We can also 
recommend them to certain correspondents in the places named. 
But if you should find it necessary in the beginning to transport 

Geaffeneied: Account of the Founding of ]STew Been 301 

more than a hundred persons, we could in such a case, rent another 
ship for you and transport the remainder with their goods, but the 
freight of the ship must be paid in London. 

If you could provide yourself with possibly one family which un- 
derstood how to handle silk worms and silk, a number of women and 
children could be occupied with this work. This commodity, which is 
produced easily and with little labor in Carolina would be of great 
benefit and profit, as experience has demonstrated in a few instances. 
If there were only hands enough a big business might come from 
it, because an abundance of red and white mulberries is to be 
found there. It is scarcely credible what great benefit might be ex- 
pected from it, if only there were present enough industrious workers, 
as well as some of those who understood the business. A single family 
on hand which had a good knowledge of it could teach many others. 

The indigo has also been planted in Carolina in order to show what 
may be done with it. It is found as good as any brought from other 
places. It will be of great necessity to take various working people 
with you, woodworkers of all sorts, to make utensils, of which one 
must have a great many; carpenters to build houses, which are en- 
tirely of wood, except the chimneys of brick, for which reason one or 
two brick-makers will be necessary; cabinet makers in order to have 
gunstocks, chairs, bedsteads, tables and other such like household 
furniture made. Smiths are also of absolute necessity, not alone to 
repair all kinds of iron work useful in the house, field, and forest, but 
also to repair muskets and to manufacture all kinds of iron tools. 

The price of pork and beef, meal, etc., is as follows: Beef salted down 
in casks, each holding two hundred and fifty-two pounds, which we 
call two and a quarter centners, the centner being a hundred and 
twelve pounds, is sold in Carolina for from thirty to thirty five shill- 
ings a cask, in the Barbados or Jamaica and other English islands, 
according as it is on the market in less or greater quantity, for from 
forty to forty-five shillings a cask; pork salted down in casks holding 
two and quarter centners is worth in Carolina from forty to forty-five 
shillings, and is sold in the islands mentioned for from fifty to seventy 
shillings, according to how the market is supplied with it. Flour is 
sold in Carolina for from twelve to sixteen shillings a centner. It is 
worth in the Barbados twenty to twenty-four shillings. 

Of barrel hoops, staves, and heads, the price in Carolina is not known 
to me; but in the Barbados they are sold for eight pounds per thou- 
sand, and occasionally for only four, or three and one half pounds. 
Such things also, as the hoops, staves, and heads, are merely laid in 
the ship, but the hoops are bound together in bundles. One thousand 
hoops are reckoned as a ton of freight. The best staves are made of 

302 North Carolina Historical Commission 

white oak, expecially for the Madeiras. There, no others are sale- 
able. But in the Barbados staves from red oak and other woods can 
also be used for sugar. Casks for wine, rum, molasses, and all wet 
goods must be of white oak. The cost of transporting sugar from the 
Barbados, Jamaica, Antigua to London, or wine from the Madeiras to 
Carolina cannot be specified because the freight costs sometimes more, 
sometimes less than in these war times. Eight to ten shillings per 
centner has been paid. But in times of peace one can get it for from 
two, to two and one half shillings per hundred. 

Wine in the Madeiras is worth sometimes from seven, to seven and 
a half, to eight pounds per pipe. Each pipe holds two hogsheads. 
Each hogshead holds sixty-three gallon. A gallon makes four quarts 
English measure. So that a pipe holds a hundred and twenty-six gal- 
lons or five hundred four measures. Such a pipe is sold in Carolina 
and Virginia at fifteen to sixteen pounds, etc. 

The land when it is purchased from the proprietors, is without 
question the purchaser's own private possession, and he has power to 
dispose and sell it again, or only a part of it, without the consent of 
the lords of the property. If the purchaser of the land is a subject of 
Great Britain, either free born or naturalized, he can sell the land, in- 
deed, to whomsoever he will, but it is not advisable to sell it to foreign 
Protestants who are not naturalized, in order that disputes may not 
arise over it. But if the purchaser is naturalized, and other people 
who are not naturalized should be inclined to have a part of it, sale 
may very well be made if they can put their confidence in the natural- 
ized person. But because an act of Parliament was made for the natu- 
ralization of all foreign Protestants, and the cost also does not amount 
to more than three or four shillings, it is more advisable for all those 
who wish to have a share in the land to have themselves naturalized. 
After this they may live in Germany, Switzerland, or wheresoever 
they please. 

In case you should wish to purchase a small ship we can provide it 
with master and crew and other things needed, and send it to Rotter- 
dam, where the people can be embarked. The money for carrying 
this into effect can be given over to Abraham Edens, a merchant in 
Amsterdam, or to Egbert Edens, merchant in Rotterdam, and it will 
be as well cared for as though you should remit to London. The 
Abraham and Egbert Edens mentioned, are brothers, and common as 
well as very well-to-do people, who can give the settlers valuable 
assistance on their arrival in Rotterdam, in case you should remit 
the money into their hands, a thing which you can do with the great- 
est safety. 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of New Bern 303 

It is certainly the most advisable course to take people such as can 
pay their transportation themselves, and who would still have the 
ability, on their arrival in Carolina, to make their settlement, by 
themselves, to provide themselves with grain and stock, etc. To such, 
one can rent out his land in leases of eleven, fourteen, or twenty-four 
years at two pennies sterling per acre yearly, quit-rent, and grant the 
liberty of renewing the same lease on fair conditions after the expira- 
tion of the time. It is certainly more useful for these people to give 
two or even three pennies for such land as lies near or in a colony, 
whose leader can accommodate them with ships and shallops for the 
sale and transportation of their wares from place to place, or with the 
exchange of the same for English wares, as tools, clothing p. c. I say 
it is much better for such people to pay two or three pennies where 
they can enjoy such conveniences, than to take up land from the 
Lords Proprietors, at one penny per acre for land. For if they take 
up farms from the Lords' land they have to look out for themselves 
in everything, and they cannot enjoy these above mentioned con- 
veniences, from the lack of which the products of their land cannot 
yield them so much by far. 

The expenses of transporting people from England into Carolina will 
be according to how they are provided with clothes, bed-clothes, tin 
and copper utensils, tools for building and for cultivation of the soil. 
And if the people which come over have a certain amount of these 
things, and money to pay their own passage, you have nothing further 
to do than to provide yourselves also with a certain quantity of these 
English goods which will be the most advisable to take over with you 
so as to have cattle, food, and seed, with which to barter; as well as 
a store of goods with which to trade with the English, and with the 
Indian neighbors, who will certainly visit you in order to exchange 
the products of their country for your European goods. The Indians 
will then seek to trade their stag and deer hides, pelts, etc., with you, 
for wares which are suitable to them. This kind of traffic, where 
wares are exchanged for wares, will be very useful to you; wherefore 
we can give you instructions regarding the best kind of goods to bring, 
as well as how you can exchange them with the people in the country. 
Such an assortment of goods will cost fifteen to sixteen hundred pounds 
sterling, which may be sufficient; but we must have two or three 
months notice, and money to get all these things together. About 
this we can prepare the complete report in writing; namely for what 
amount every sort of these goods could be sold in Carolina. As re- 
gards your people, namely those who do not have the ability to settle 
themselves, to them you will have to give credit until they enjoy the 
productions of the country and can give you due reimbursement for 

304 North Carolina Historical Commission 

this advance. Through this you will be in a capacity to enjoy a good 
portion of the people's labor. On this point we have the necessary 
instructions ready for you and are delivering them. It will also be 
advisable to take over with you some serviceable things, in order to 
make a present to the chief Indians. These need not cost much. By 
this means you can make them good neighbors to you and create a 
good will to trade with you, whereby your plantations will be quiet 
and secure. 

It will also be advisable to take over with you all sorts of garden 
seeds, as cabbage, turnip, beet, salad, potatoes, etc., which the people 
will take out of Switzerland. But what is not to be found there can 
be bought in England. 

They can also take with them some coarse linen cloth of small price, 
from Switzerland, which is serviceable for the common household use; 
and if it is found worth while, one can order a greater quantity. One 
could also make a trial with a few casks of wine, whether it could be 
disposed of with profit in London, in which case more could be dis- 
posed of; for what we purpose in this undertaking can be to the ad- 
vantage of both sides; not only for those who purchase land and go 
into Carolina, but also in general for all Switzerland, which advantage 
it could enjoy through commerce. An example which serves as an 
illustration I have already adduced, namely, the productions in Caro- 
lina can be exchanged for sugar in the Barbados and Jamaica. This 
can be sent to England, and from there to Rotterdam or Dortrecht, 
and so on to Switzerland; but the rice will be disposed of to the 
great advantage of the associates in Switzerland, after that in Hol- 
land, Spanish Netherlands, Bremen, and Hamburg; from which places 
those interested in Switzerland get their money by note. If linen, 
wine, and certain other commodities can be disposed of with some 
profit in England, even if it were small, it could be to the great ad- 
vantage of the country. 

It will also be necessary to take two or three men with you, who 
understand the construction of mills, in order to make water wheels 
or mills, for corn as well as for rice. For which nevertheless, other 
mills are demanded than merely common corn mills; and if one cannot 
find enough of these people in Switzerland you will have to secure 
them from England or elsewhere. And while it is of absolute ne- 
cessity to keep shallops and boats upon the rivers, which would serve 
as a great convenience to the people, indeed, they are more service- 
able than one would imagine, and it is so profitable for those to whom 
shallops belong; it would be necessary to take the equipment for them 
from England with you; while one could construct the ship in Caro- 
lina where the wood could be found more easily. But if the equip- 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Bern 305 

ment for such a shallop could be secured from England it could serve 
in the future as a pattern, Such an equipment may cost in England 
about thirty to thirty-five pounds. Sails, anchors, iron, and cordage 
for a shallop must be purchased in England. It would cost ninety to 
a hundred pounds at the most. 

From such observations it is easily to be seen how much the costs 
would run up too, if one should wish to transport and establish four 
or five hundred persons. If I had had the time I should have been 
able to bring these observations before you in better order, but must 
postpone it this time; yet I hope the present report will be sufficient 
to enable you to conclude what would be necessary for such an under- 
taking. It is also my desire that Mr. Ludwig Michel should read it, 
and that he might take a copy of it, if he considers it worth the effort. 

It would be very useful to purchase a ship of about ninety tons 
burden. A ship with three masts is better than a brigantine, and 
when it is loaded it must not go deeper than eight feet in the water; 
in fact, a half foot less rather than more. You can get the sails and 
cordage in Holland, and it must be supplied with everything double, 
as well as the necessary anchors. It must be sheathed in order to be 
assured against worms. These worms attack ships at all times from 
May to September. You could bring over some people from Holland 
in this ship, and from there into North Carolina. 

So then, when the ship is loaded and draws seven and a half, or at 
most, eight feet, you can travel with it into the country and up into 
the Neuse. A little ship such as that strongly built of good wood 
and well nailed can always be used; sometimes to transport pork, 
beef, flour, cask staves, hoops, etc., to the Barbados; and from there 
by barter, to take sugar, cotton, rum, molasses to Carolina; occasion- 
ally to carry Carolina goods to the Madeiras to exchange for wine; 
to go occasionally, with a load of rice, hides, peltry, tar and pitch to 
England, to unload the tar, pitch, hides and peltry in a harbor in that 
country, but to bring the rice to Holland and sell it; and so bring 
into Carolina all sorts of English goods, as iron ware, woolen stuff, 
duffles cloth, blankets for the savages, coarse linen, hats, stockings, 
shoes, powder, shot, muskets and whatever else would be advisable. 

But you could not purchase such a ship yourselves. On the con- 
trary you would have to use Egbert and Abraham Edens for this; 
with whom you would have to agree regarding the time, as well as the 
terms. I have no doubt that they will be modest and get it as 
cheaply as possible. They must sell it to you and deliver a bill of 
sale written on parchment, sealed and signed, so that when it comes 
to England you can show that you have purchased it from the Dutch 
and not from the French. Otherwise it cannot have entry. On 


306 North Carolina Historical Commission 

further investigation I have found that it must be an English built 
ship, otherwise it cannot have free entry. You must also know at 
what place it was built and under what name it was registered in 
England, otherwise it cannot be registered again. The ship must be 
within one hundred and fifty feet long and eighteen broad. 

If the people are able to pay their own passage and to purchase 
themselves a certain quantity of bed-stuff, tools, provisions, stock, 
and seed, you would have nothing more to pay for than the land 
within a four years term; the ship, the hull for a shallop, sails, anchors, 
cables, and cordage for two shallops and a sufficient provision of all 
kinds of English goods. This all may cost at the most three thousand 
pounds sterling, and we should be supplied with more than enough. 
If then your ship should embark one hundred persons at Rotterdam 
and transport them to Carolina, and should be used there two or three 
months in their service, it could earn thereby eight pounds per person, 
which makes 800-£ 

Remaining 2200- 

The first payment for the land 200- 

Incidental expenditures 100- 

S. a ...2500-£ 

The ship and the shallop will bring a profit every year. When you 
shall know the number of your people you are bringing with you, you 
can inform me, in order that I can rent a ship in time for those who 
cannot be loaded into your ship. After the first passage you will have 
no need to rent a ship, but your ship will be sent every year from Caro- 
lina to England loaded with goods, and from there it will return again 
with fresh people. 


With friendly greeting I inform you that I with my household ar- 
rived safe and sound in Carolina, and that with happiness. But on 
the twenty-sixth of February, my son Hans, with a great longing for 
the Lord Jesus, died. On the contrary my daughter has a fine young 
son, born the last of July, 1710. We are in a very good and fat land. 
I am in hopes that within a year I shall have over a hundred head of 
horses, cattle, swine. If one would present me with the whole low- 
land, in order that I should go back again to Switzerland and take up 
the former service I would not do it on account of the freedom of 
conscience. If my son Uhli would venture to go upon the journey, 
he should turn whatever he can into money, and if he has not mar- 

Gbaffeneied: Account of the Founding of New Been 307 

ried since my departure, let him take an honorable honest girl to 
wife, even if she has not much temporal means, if only he can pay 
the passage over. Whoever desires to come over here, he can call 
upon Mr. Bitter in Bern. If you, my son, wish to undertake this 
journey, keep God always before your eyes, and also if you do not 
wish to come, so that we may enjoy and see one another sometime 
up above with spiritual eyes in Heaven. 

But if you will come, I will inform you how you shall do. Buy a 
few hundred steel tobacco pipes with the stems and four thalers worth 
of Arau knives and several brass knives. From these you can get 
twice the price of the half in Rotterdam. In England and Carolina 
as much again. On the sea provide yourself with something besides 
what there is upon the ship in the way of food and drink, for one 
must not save, by hunger or thirst. If my brother-in-law Hans should 
want to go with you he can do it. I am in hopes if I stay well to pro- 
vide five or six households with food and drink for possibly a year 
long. I will not tell anyone he should go upon the journey. Who- 
ever has not the leading from God, he may stay in Switzerland. If 
my brother-in-law, Peter Seeman, and Uhli Kiintzi should have a 
desire for the journey, they can make it. Our Count Von Graff enried 
will supply them with good land; after this he will give them a four- 
year lease, supply them with stock and furniture, so that they can 
thenceforth be well supplied their life long, if they have luck. 

After this I will report to you a little how it went with us upon the 
voyage. Down the Rhine to Rotterdam we passed through the great- 
est danger. At Rotterdam we lay quietly for six weeks. There two 
children and one man died. From Rotterdam to Newcastle two wo- 
men died. At New Castle we lay quietly for four weeks. Then we 
started away, went out on the sea, lay still for eight days. After this 
the fleet started. At that time my daughter gave birth to a little son. 
Then we took six weeks to cross. For six weeks we saw nothing but 
sky and water. Out of the hundred persons no one died. So we came 
to land in Virginia. Then we traveled a hundred miles by water and 
land, landed at our Landgrave's house on Michael's day. Meanwhile 
a woman died. After this we lay quietly till New Years; then they 
began, everyone, to move upon his own land alloted to him. Until 
now of a hundred persons, nine have died. 

I and my daughter's husband have gone from one another about 
half a mile, for this reason I would have need of my son. 

Besides this I send also to the pastor, and all my relatives, as also 
my father-in-law and his family, also Uhli Miiller's wife and the 
Mayor, yes, also, the whole community, a thousand greetings with a 
kiss of love. Benedict Kupferschmied my son-in-law sends his father 

308 North Carolina Historical Commission 

and brothers, as also his sister, friendly greeting, and could wish that 
they were all with him. He would like to be able to provide his 
father and his household with food and drink. 

Let Uhli Muller, the gunsmith, write me accurately, through Mr. 
Ritter, how it stands with my property, and also about my neighbors 
and my son. For this time nothing more than to commend you to 
God. Given this seventh day of April, from Carolina, 1711. 

By me Hans Ruegsegger. 

Out of India or America, in the Island of North Carolina, on the 
river Neuse. 

April 8, 1711. 

With service, duty and greeting, dear and faithful father, mother, 
brothers and sisters, children and relatives, and all good friends. 
With regard to myself, I live well and happy and would not wish 
to have remained at home. I am also married to Margaret Pfund 
of Zweysimmen. As far as the land is concerned it is very hot, many 
brooks, and much forest. The natives or Indians are black, half 
naked, yet clever and sociable, unbelievers, unsuited for work. I will 
not praise much nor complain. If one has money and property, gold 
and silver, he can be master just as in Europe, but I will say that for 
a workman or a poor man it is better there than here. He can get 
land as much as he needs. He can keep as much stock as he is able. 
Swine cost nothing to keep. Cattle go the whole year on pasture, be- 
come fat and good to butcher by themselves. They make no hay. It 
is true that many a one has up to a thousand head or more of cattle 
and hogs. 

The land is uncultivated, yet is to be hoped tolerably fruitful; but 
yet I would not cause any one to come here, nor would I advise it, 
because of the costly and difficult journey over the fearful and wild 
sea. Yet we arrived safely and suffered little sickness, and for my 
part, did not get here so badly. For old and young it is hard, never- 
theless we got a young son on the sea. The great God has kept all. 
To be sure it has cost much and gone slowly in these expensive, hard, 
war times. 

On the 8th of March, as you know, we departed from Bern; the 9th 
of April we came to Rotterdam; there we remained seven weeks and 
two days at our own expense; the 30th of May we set sail at Rotterdam; 
the 4th of June we arrived at Yarmouth in England; we sailed on 
farther, until the 11th ditto we arrived at New Castle in north Eng- 
land; there we remained five weeks. After that on the 11th of July 
we sailed from there upon the sea and stood at anchor for seven days 
waiting for the fleet, whither a great number of ships came together. 
On the 24th ditto we sailed away, and sailed eight weeks long upon the 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Bern 309 

sea and went through storm-wind and other dangers. Yet the great 
God brought it quickly to an end. On the 10th of September we 
saw land. The 11th we cast anchor in Virginia. After that we made 
another long journey, now by water, now by land, probably about 
eighty hours, to where we live on the river, which is called Neuse. 

Herewith you are again greeted father and mother, brothers, sis- 
ters, children, and all good friends. Greet for me Uhli Treut espe- 
cially, and his whole house, Hans Klasner, and his dear wife, Rufascher 
and his whole house. If I have injured anyone or done anything to 
anyone please forgive me for it, as God, in Christ forgives us. I 
wish you all prosperity from God. May he bless your work and the 
fruit of your labor from now on till into eternity. Amen. 

Your beloved Samuel Jacob Gabley 
and Margreth Pfund. 

Out of America or India the 9th of April, 1711. 

With my duty and greeting dear and faithful Cousin, Christen 
Eggen; and your whole house. If I could hear that you were well it 
would rejoice me. As far as my condition is concerned I am well 
and live contented, and do not wish that I had remained at home. 
As far as the land is concerned, it stands like this. Whoever has 
riches, gold and silver, can be master just as in Europe, but I will say 
that for a poor man or workman it is better there than here. If he 
wishes to work for day wages he gets a half crown for every day, in 
produce or stock. Gold and silver are rare. He can get as much land 
as he has need of. He can keep as much cattle and swine as he is 
able, and the swine become, of themselves, fat and good to butcher. 
Cattle go on pasture the whole year. I say that many a one here has 
up to a thousand head of cattle or more. The country is hot, uncul- 
tivated, many streams of water, great forests. The natives or Indians 
are black, half naked, yet sociable ; but it is to be hoped that the land is 
tolerably fruitful. Still I would not advise nor cause any one to come 
here on account of the costly and difficult voyage over the terrible 
and wild sea. But yet, for my part, it has not gone badly with me; 
but for old people and young children it is difficult. It has gone 
slowly with us here because of the expensive and hard war times. 

The 18th of March, as you know, we left Bern. The 10th of April 
we came to Rotterdam; there we remained seven weeks and two days. 
The 31st of May we sailed away. The 14th of June we came to the 
north of England. There we stayed five weeks. After that we 
boarded the ship and put out to sea. There we stood at anchor eight 
days waiting for the fleet, whither came a great number of ships to- 

310 North Carolina Historical Commission 

gether. After that we sailed away and traveled over the great oceanic 
sea. For a while several ships sailed with us. After that we traveled 
alone and endured storm-winds and other actions. After that, in 
eight weeks, the great God made an end of it for us, and brought us 
safe to land, and one more from the ship than embarked in England. 
After that we made a great journey farther, now by water, now by 
land, for about eighty hours, away to the place where we lived by 
the River which is called the Neuse. 

Something new: The crooked have become straight and the sick 
have recovered. Women folks are very rare. 

Monzua has married my big son; but the people under him serve 
him to his destruction and try to eat him out. There is a pinching 
of his back, a pinching in the beard, a pinching in the private parts 
that I will not name, and a tailor for business, a count in name. 

If it should come about that more people should come into this 
country, I beg you send me a half dozen readymade shirts, a few 
sheets plus ten ells of linen cloth and ten thalers in money, a half 
dozen knives of Barbli and an axe that has been tested, and pack it 
together and give it to certain people that they may have care of it, 
so that nothing may spoil for me on the sea. Buy me at Rotterdam 
or in England a jacket and trousers. With this I commend you to 
God. Greet the pastor for me and his whole house, Magistrate Zergen, 
the Mayor and his whole house, Treasurer Martge, both Kilchmeyers, 
Truwhart and their whole house, Heinrich Egender of St. Stephan's 
Court and his whole house for his sons Jacob and Peter Treuthart, 
Joseph Bullre of Wyssenbach and his wife Wassle, Anna Maria, Jacob 
Gobli and his whole house up in the village. Greet for me my dear 
Comrades namely the good Saumers. I wish for them that they may 
earn much and become rich in this world, for into the other world one 
takes nothing. With this I wish you all temporal and eternal pros- 
perity from God. God bless your food and income. Finally I wish 
the same for my fatherland. Amen. 

Your humble Jacob Wahre of 

P. S. Do not think it strange that my brother is not writing, he 
did not have the chance as I did. 
This is to be reported to Daniel Zant in Eriswyl. 

[Owing to the corrupt text in the original of the two sentences which should follow 
here, no attempt has been made at a translation. — Editor.] 

Before we went upon the journey, unwillingly to be sure, for fear 
of such great danger, my husband, Johannes Zant, who did not stand 
it but fell asleep in the blessed Lord, left word and commanded me 

Graffenkied : Account of the Founding of New Been 311 

that I should write home; and at the present time because I have 
opportunity, I announce that I am making a beginning of house- 
keeping again. But this comes hard without means, wherefore I 
greet a thousand times each and every friend, relatives, brothers and 
sisters, and the twelve sworn friends, and the Usher of the Court, the 
Mayor, and the Pastor, and all other good friends, and commend them 
always to the protection and care of God, and with it beg that you 
would be so brotherly and Christianlike as to send what I need for 
my domestic settlement. Namely a specified some of money, which 
lies with my dear and faithful cousin, Daniel Zant. The principle is, 
namely, a hundred guldens and the interest is fifteen guldens. You 
can send me this money with Graffenried's draft. The place and 
the country, the rivers where we now live and dwell is a good soil, 
and cattle raising also good and safe, and there is freedom in North 

Now concerning ourselves, my condition and life. My daughter 
Katherine also desired to go to the Lord before I came from the sea 
to land in Virginia and North Carolina. You are herewith commended 
to the protecting hand of God, and again greeted a thousand times 
by me. 

Anna Eva Zant, in North Carolina. 

Anno 1711. the 15th of April. 

A friendly greeting to my grandfather, Benedict Schetele, of Nider 
Linog and my father's brother in Buch, Heinrich Simon, Andreas 
Krachig, and my grandmother in Buch. 

Our father, Benedict Simon, willed on his deathbed that we sur- 
viving children should still have something on demand from my 
grandfather, Benedict Schettele; and so we have a friendly request for 
Heinrich Simon and Andreas Krachig, while we have opportunity, at 
this time if possible to send it into Carolina, to the city of New Bern, 
with Mr. Graffenried's draft. Benedict Simon's wife and child Katherine 
are dead. His daughter's husband Joseph Stern of Biggisberg is also 
dead. Madlena, the surviving widow is married again to Jacob Himler 
of Madiswyl and Madlena has another child, Johannes Stern, and 
Anna Margreta is married to Andreas Weinmann of Mentzingen. 
Johannes Simon, these three relatives are in Carolina with Graffenried. 

Maria Magdalena remained behind with her husband Johann 
Heinrich, Hans von Buchse in London. 

We brothers have a friendly request to make to our magistrates 
that they would take an interest in us like fathers. And so a thousand 
greetings from us to all good friends and acquaintances. Jacob 

312 North Carolina Historical Commission 

Himler and his wife Madlena, Andreas Weinmann and his wife Anna 
Margretha, and Johannes Simon. That these here named persons de- 
sire and request, witnesseth von Graffenried. 

Johann Jacob Botschi, 
Clerk of Court 
And Captain in Carolina. 
New Bern in Carolina, the 20th of April 1711. 

My friendly greetings and all good, first to you my dearly beloved 
father and mother, brother and sister-in-law, and Hans and Bartlome 
and Basi, as also grandfather, all good friends and neighbors. Be it 
known to you that through the grace of God, I am well and healthy. 
To hear the same from you would be very pleasant, to me. It goes 
well with me. I do not lack food nor clothes, but money is rather 
scarce in this country. I have hired myself out to Christoph von Graf- 
fenried, citizen of Bern, formerly mayor, now landgrave in Carolina. 
The quality of the country is sandy, but yet suitable for everything 
one plants, still there are different streaks. It produces fairly well 
especially Indian corn. 

If any one should demand that you send me something, do not 
give any one anything. I owe no one anything. If it please God 
and he grants me life, I want to visit my Fatherland again. With this 
I send you all a thousand friendly greetings. I commend you to God, 
the Word, and his mercy, and remain, your dear son 

Benedict Zionien. 

With a thousandfold greeting, I wish all true friends, neighbors, 
and acquaintances God's grace and blessing. I and my wife, two 
children, and my old father have, the Lord be praised, arrived safe 
and sound in Carolina, and live twenty English miles from New Bern. 
I hope to plant corn enough this year. The land is good, but the 
beginning is hard, the journey dangerous. My two children, Maria 
and Hansli died at Rotterdam in Holland and were buried in the com- 
mon burial place. 

This country is praised too highly in Europe and condemned too 
much. I hope also in a few years to have cows and swine as much 
as I desire. Mr. Graffenried is our landgrave. Of vermin, snakes, 
and such like, there is not so much as they tell of in Europe. I have 
seen crocodiles by the water, but they soon fled. One should not 
trust to supporting himself witn game, for there are no wild oxen or 
swine. Stags and deer, ducks and geese and turkeys are numerous. 

Graffenkted: Account of the Founding of New Bern 313 

I wish that I had my child with me, which I left with my father- 
in-law, together with forty-five pounds which I left behind me in the 
parish of Tofen. And if my father-in-law wishes to come to me I will 
give to him from my land. One can have as much swine and cattle 
as he wants without labor and expense. I am very sorry that Chris- 
tian Balsiger took away his Uhli from me again at Bern. 

This letter to Hanss Wichtermann, 


P. S. Anna Wiill of Riimligen is also here and rather rich. With 
this you are commended to God. 

Who ever has a desire to travel, he can get in Holland one hundred 
iron tobacco pipes, knives, iron pots, and copper kettels. He can 
make on them in America about three or four times the cost. Three 
cows and four swine are my beginnings in North Carolina. The Lord 
Jesus be with you all. Amen. 

With our friendly greeting, all good first to you and to your and our 
beloved father, grandfather, and both mothers, brothers, brothers-in- 
law, sisters, and sisters-in-law. Be it known to you that we, by the 
grace of God, are hale and hearty. To hear the same from you 
would be very pleasant to us. Salome has been sick, but, by the 
grace of God, she has become well again. We still have no minister 
but we hope soon to get one. I have as yet taken no land. The day 
wages are good. One gets eighteen Stiiber, this makes nine Batzen, 
and board. I have now separated from my brothers but yet in peace. 
I will soon take up a plantation which comprises toward three hun- 
dred acres. There is land enough. It requires considerable labor at 
the beginning, but if one has once made a beginning with cattle and 
swine he can prosper with small labor. He can have indeed up to 
three hundred head without cost, so that they become fat enough but 
rather wild. But the journey coming here is costly and difficult. 
One person over sea from Rotterdam in Holland thirty-four Thaler, 
where we lay seven weeks and two days, at our own expense. The 
thirtieth of May we went aboard the transport ship, and went upon 
the sea to Brull. The 4th of June we came to Yarmouth, the 11th 
to Newcastle, a place situated in England. The 17th of July we went 
aboard the ship again, travelled as far as Shields upon the sea, where 
we lay quietly eight days and waited for the fleet, which traveled four 
days with us and which consisted of over one hundred ships. After 
this we sailed alone, and often in great danger, and arrived here safely 
through the goodness of God. No one among us died. For that we 
cannot thank the good God enough. The 10th of September about 

314 North Carolina Historical Commission 

nine o'clock we saw land. At night we cast anchor. The 11th we 
stepped upon land, which was very joyful for us, since, for a long 
time we had seen nothing but water and sky. From Virginia it is 
very difficult with baggage, now by water, now by land. 

We live in North Carolina on the stream called Neuse. Regarding 
the land: It is tolerable sandy and productive, fairly good for all 
crops, especially for Indian Corn. Regarding fruit; It does not grow 
unplanted, either good or bad. The native born inhabitants are 
quick but naked; for the covering of their nakedness they have coats 
or else shirts. For this time nothing more. Greet for me my 
friends Ziorien, and my mother wishes to be remembered to you. 
Greet for us all good friends and neighbors, and I commend you to 
God, the Word, and his grace, and remain your affectionate children 
Michael Ziorien and Salome von Muhlenen. 

To Christian von Muhlenen in Switzerland, 
in the Canton of Bern, in upper Simmenthal, 
in the parish of Bottigen of the Fluhli. 

My friendly greeting and all good first of all to Hans Aeschbacher, 
the inn-keeper Uhli Bache, cousins, also all my godparents and good 
neighbors. This is to inform you that, the Lord be praised, we are 
hale and hearty. Anni died. I am deeply grieved. No one has died 
except three women. My Anni was ill the whole journey. We have no 
women folks that wash and mend for us. I beg you if the inheritance 
has been decided send me it; you need only to deliver it over to Mr. 
Ritter. Send me a good servant, two good servant girls, two good 
axes, for Dietrich has not time to do blacksmithing. I have a great 
deal of work to do. I have taken up two hundred and fifty acres of 
land. If I wish I can take up four hundred acres. I have need of 
money so that I can have horses, cattle, and swine. I could likely 
keep two hundred head summer and winter without labor and expense. 
Here there is moss on the trees, that is good as the best aftermath 
hay and also acorns. 

I wish you would do me the favor of having a chest made and of pur- 
chasing two hundred ells of linen cloth, one hundred ells of flax 
ticking; from the blacksmith, four seven pound skeins with the linch- 
pins, a small hub auger to bore plow wheels, two pounds of whole 
pepper, one half pound cloves, two mill stones that are a half heavier 
than those of a hand mill; but you must not buy the spices or the mill 
stones till you are in Rotterdam; also buy me a few cast tobacco pipes, 
about a dozen; of the others at two batzen, two dozen; some iron pans 
in duplicate, only the dish part without feet and handles, in the smallest 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Bern 315 

of which a quart would go, but the others larger; and a dozen little 
horn pipe stems. I could get five pounds for a pipe and also a few 
brass shoe rings. The Indians buy such things for as much as one 
desires. The greatest failing and lack here in Carolina is that too 
few people are here, and no good mills. There is one being built by us 
people who are in Carolina. No one has any desire to be back in 
Switzerland, for one can eat but little meat in Switzerland, but here 
in Carolina I need have no anxiety from this year on, that every year 
I should not butcher thirty or forty to fifty swine, more if I wish. 
And if Cousin Haldmann would give me the whole meadow of the 
estate with everything belonging to it, I should not want it for I have 
meadow and forest enough for the swine and arable soil, one adjoin- 
ing the other. If I only had money so that I could buy a half dozen 
cows, and also as many swine, a few horses, I would ask nothing more 
of temporal blessing than good health and afterwards eternal life, as 
I wish for all mankind. I would also wish that the poor neighbors 
were with us and then they would not need to suffer hunger if they 
would only be willing to work a little. Therefore whoever has a de- 
sire for it, let him just venture boldly under the protection of the 
Most High. To be sure they do not give one a ready built house 
and cleared land. Each one can labor for it and clear it himself. 
The journey is certainly hard and was hardest for me. But after the 
rain comes sunshine. And now we are, the Lord be praised, all as 
well as we have never been before. And the Usher's daughter has 
borne a son upon the sea and all are hale and hearty. They are ten- 
ants of the Governor and have the best conditions. But the lease 
runs four years, and every week he can work one day upon his lease 
and half the product from tending to the (salt) pan is his. The journey 
has been very expensive. We had to lie eight weeks at Rotterdam 
and it was very dear. Also for six persons we had to pay the boat- 
man thirty-one Thaler from Bern, also paid the ship captain to take 
us over the sea, two hundred and four thalers. From the ship over 
the sea we had to travel through Virginia to our place, more than a 
hundred miles over land because of sea-robbers. Since we arrived in 
Holland too late and the fleet had assembled, we went alone and 
traveled eight weeks upon the sea with our ships. But now we have 
good fine land. Send me also a few dozen good knives. There is a 
great lack of German women folks. Greet for me my father-in-law 
if he is still alive, my brothers and sisters-in-law, but first, Christian 
Hausmann in Heybiihl and his wife. I and Dietrich his servant send 
friendly greetings to the blacksmith and Hans at Fliih. It would be 
well if they both were here. They could make as much as they 
wished to. As far as trades are concerned the best are armorers, 

316 North Carolina Historical Commission 

gunsmiths, carpenters, tailors, shoemakers, potters, and ropemakers. 
If these came it would be exceedingly fine. Also weavers. If I had 
thirty pounds worth of knives and the wares mentioned above I could 
gain more than an hundred English pounds. A crown is worth more 
than a thaler in Germany. April 8th, 1711. 

Let Casper Gerber give this over to Mr. Ritter in Bern, and I hope 
that if my father-in-law is still alive he will send me a respectable 
amount of money for my journey. If people wish to come here and 
you could do me the favor just send me the wares mentioned above. 
But those who intend to go must call upon Mr. Ritter, so that when 
the other people wish to go they may travel together. And if the 
inheritance has been settled let my godfather give to each a half thaler, 
namely to Peter Habegger, Helm Kupferschmied, Uhli Burger and 
Nicholas Baits, if they are still alive. Herewith nothing more. We 
wish you good health and long life, temporal and eternal wellfare in 
soul and body. Have some one buy for me a half dozen of those 
books like those of which Uhli Lerche gave me one, and also pay Mr. 
Ritter for the letter. It would be well if one or two pot makers, that 
is to say tinkers, should come. I have not time to write more, it is 
too short for me. Christen Engel. 

Copy of a letter written by Christen Janzen, out of North Caro- 
lina, the last of April 1711. 

God greet you most beloved souls, father, mother, related friends, 
and neighbors, always with our thousandfold greetings and obedient 
service. I wish you at this time to learn of my health, and to know 
that I must make my writing as short as I can compose it. I hope 
that you have the letters that I wrote from Holland and England. 
The most essential contents are that we came the 10th of June to 
New Castle in England, but the 6th I became a very sad widower. 

In New Castle we lay five weeks. The 17th of July went aboard 
the ship and lay eight days at anchor. After that we sailed, under 
the all-powerful protection of God, safely to land in Virginia. Also did 
not lose a person. A young son was born on the sea. His father's 
name is Benedict Kupferschmied. He worked a year for our dear 
brother, Christian Biirki. After that we went about a hundred hours 
by water and land, yet always guided and fed, and the people every- 
where have done us much kindness and there is in this country no 
innkeeper. All go from one place to another for nothing and con- 
sider it an insult if one should wish to ask the price. 

Graffenbied : Account of the Founding of New Been 317 

Brought here hale and hearty, the shoemaker Moritz did not die till 
he was on his farm. He was well on the whole journey. No one else 
of us Siebentaler people has died, but of the others though, three 
Palatines. Of the people among whom we live, however, a good many 
have died. 

Regarding the land in general. It is almost wholly forest, with in- 
describably beautiful cedar wood, poplars, oaks, beech, walnut and 
chestnut trees. But the walnuts are very hard and full of indenta- 
tions and the chestnuts very small but good. There is sassafras also, 
and so many other fragrant trees that I cannot describe the hundredth 
part. Cedar is red like the most beautiful veined cherry and smells 
better than the finest juniper. They are, commonly, as well as the 
other trees, fifty to sixty feet below the limbs. 

The land in general is almost everywhere black dirt and rich soil, 
and everyone can get as much as he will. There are five free years. 
After that one is to give for an acre, which is much greater than a 
Juchart with us, two pennies. Otherwise it is entirely free, one's own 
to use and to leave to his heirs as he wishes. But this place has been 
entirely uninhabited, for we have not seen any signs nor heard that 
anything else ever was here except the so-called wild and naked 
Indians. But they are not wild, for they come to us often and like 
to get clothes of us. This is done when they pay with wild meat and 
leather, bacon, beans, corn, which the women plant and the men 
hunt; and when they, as most frequently happens, guide the Christians 
through the forest and show new ways. They have huts of cedar 
bark. Some also can speak English well. They have an idol and 
hold festivals at certain times. But I am sorry to say, of the true 
God they do not want to know anything. 

With regard to the rearing of cattle. It costs almost nothing for 
the raising, as the booklet printed at Frankfort says, for all stock 
pastures in the winter as well as in the summer. And I know of noth- 
ing to find fault with in the booklet mentioned regarding these two 
items, although it writes of South Carolina. 

They butcher also no young animals, so one can conclude how 
quickly the number can increase. The cows give scarcely half so 
much as with you for the calves suck so long; until they are a year 
and a half old and in turn have young. We buy a cow with a calf 
for three pounds sterling or twelve thalers, a hog for one pound, 
with young or fat; a sheep also for as much. They have but few 
goats, but I have seen some. Squire Michel told me they wished 
to bring some here to us. Wild and unplanted tree-fruits are not to 
be found here so good as Kocherthal writes of South Carolina. I 
have seen no cherries yet. There are many grape-vines and many 

318 North Carolina Historical Commission 

grapes on them, of which some are good to eat; and it can well be 
believed, if one had many together (they would do well). We are 
going to try to plant them for everything grows up very quickly and 
all fruit is of very good taste, but we do not enjoy them much yet. 

We lie along a stream called Neuse. There six years ago the first 
(people), English, until two years ago (when) the Swiss people (came), 
began the cultivation. They are, as it seems to me, rather rich in 
cattle, all sorts of crops, the finest tree-fruit, and that, the whole 
year (except for) two months. From the nature of things we were 
behind in that regard, so that we do not have it yet; but we hope, 
through God's blessings to get it. We came shortly before Christ- 
mas and we have by God's blessing, Zioria, my son-in-law Peter 
Reutiger, and I, and others besides, much stronger houses than the 
English; have also cleared land in addition, and the most have put 
fences around. 

It is to be hoped that now from the ground and the cattle we will 
get enough, through the grace of God who has always stretched out 
his hand helpfully and has brought us safely and unhindered through 
so many enemies, spiritual and worldly, and over the great sea. But 
one thing lies heavy on us which I cannot write without weeping, 
namely the lack of a true and zealous pastor. For we have indeed 
cause to complain with Asaph, our sign we see no more, no prophet 
preaches to us any more, no teacher teaches us any more. We 
have, indeed, prayers in our houses every Sunday, but the zeal 
to cleanse away the canker of our old sins is so small that it is to be 
feared it will consume everything to the foundation, if the pitying 
God does not come to our help. 

If it had pleased the good God to send some of our brethren and 
sisters or at least Christian Blirki as an instrument, as a physician of 
body and soul, I should have had good hopes that the light among us 
would not become an evil smelling lamp, for I do not believe there 
is a person here, either English, German, or French who would not 
have loved him heartily; I believe that his profession is especially 
good here and that he could have an estate according to his wish with- 
out doing work in the fields. For of good liquor and such medicine 
there is the greatest lack in this country, therefore I have a friendly 
request to make of you, dear brother; namely, as follows. I have mar- 
ried Christina Christeler, a widow of Sannen. I am her third husband. 
By the first she has four children. Two died in London. Her hus- 
band and one child upon the sea. But the eldest, a boy of thirteen, 
named Benedict Plosch, is at Morigen in the baliwick Nidauw, stay- 
ing with his deceased father's clientage. And he was alive four years 
ago. Her father was named Peter Christeler. Christen Walcker, 

Geaffenbied: Account of the Founding of !N"ew Been 319 

who, with his wife died here in this country and left eight children, 
said to her that she has a rather large inheritance from her late father, 
left with her brother Moritz Christeler, for he has received a hundred 
pounds of it. When you go to Sannen to ask about it, I hope Hein- 
rich Perret will be able to help you; for they have been nearest neigh- 
bors. Arfd if it is as Walcker says you can take it into j r our hands. 

Because my wife understands brewing so well and has done it for 
years, and the drink is very scarce here and neither money nor brew- 
ing pots are to be obtained here, otherwise I would not think of such a 
thing for you to do. But the pot must have two pipes but no worm; 
and if some reliable people should not be coming, would Mr. Ritter 
still be so good as to get it to me here; also four pounds worth of 
spice, such as ginger, pepper, safron, nutmegs, galangale, cloves, each 
according to the proportion of the money? For here there is nothing 
but laurel. I have seen it on trees in the forest. But if there should 
be nothing to be got from the inheritance, I would most kindly beg 
you and my father, if he is still alive, to still help me somewhat from 
my own, for it is very important to me and especially to the women 
folks, who are very scarce here. 

If only more people should wish to come, I advise that they take 
women with them if they want to have any, for here some of the very 
best men find no wives, because they are not here. 

The journey is easily to be made if one can supply himself prop- 
erly with old cheese, dried meat, and dried fruit, vinegar, wine, beer, 
and casks, butter, biscuits, in fine whatever is good to eat and feasible 
to transport, also a pan or kettle that is narrow at the top and 
broad below; for when the sea is violent the ship lies over on one side 
so that things are spilt. Yet I have never heard that a ship has sunk 
upon the high sea. 

Whoever could provide himself with the things named above and 
should make an agreement with the ship captain that he give him 
liberty to cook and a good place to he the voyage would not be hard. 
For we had young and old people, all are hale and hearty. What- 
ever one brings here in the way of wares is worth at least as much 
again. Linen cloth and glass would be especially needed, and is to 
be purchased very well in Holland. 

Peter Rohtiger and my two daughters greet you, for we live beside 
each other. Dichtli is still with me, and I am delivering the greet- 
ing of us all to our dear and faithful pastor, to the whole num- 
ber of honored persons, especially Godfather Kilchmeyer Dreuthart, 
and Andreas Aescher, Christen Jantz. 

320 North Carolina Historical Commission 

I would have much to write. I must break off. Have patience 
with my bad writing, for whoever sees my hand and labor will be- 
lieve that I have not written and studied much. Greet for us 
Christien Burki and I should be glad if he could hear the contents of 
this letter. 

I remain your well affectioned servant, and my parents' obedient 
son until death. 

Greet for us Anna Drus, item Speismann's people, and your sister 
and relatives, also my father's sister, and first of all the school-master. 




1. Relation du Voyage d'Amerique que le B. de Graff enried a fait 
en y amenent une Colonie Palatine et Suisse, et Son Retour en Europe. 


Quoique plusieurs Persones m'ayent demande la Relation de mes 
tristes adventures d'Amerique, je ne me Serois pas dispose a cela, n'es- 
toit que j'estoit bien dise de me justifier tant aupres de ma Societe 
aussi bien qu'a d'autres persones lesquelles auroient peutestre pu avoir 
des pensees Sinistres de ma Conduite. Come Si j'avois entrepris 
cette Colonie legerement et imprudement, et que j'aurois passe mon 
terns en Carolina en Luxe et oisivite, en quoy on ce Seroit bien 
tromp£, et ma Relation en fait bien voir le Contraire. On y trouvera 
aussi des particularitez quon auroit bien pu laisser, mais accause des 
desmarches irregulieres de certaines persones qui ont agis de mauvaise 
foy, tant a legard des pauvres Colonistes qu'envers ma persone, en 
estants meme venus jusques a des actions noires et inexcusables, Je 
nay pu de moins que d'en faire mention, (quoi que bien charitable- 
ment puis que ie nomme persone) affin qu'on ne m'en impute pas, et 
que mon innocence Soit au jour. 

Sans doute quelques Curieux voudroient Scavoir les raisons d'une 
Entreprise Si grande et eloignee de mon Pays et Patrie. Quelques 
uns les Scavent, les autres ce contenteront de Scavoir que des le terns 
que jeu 1'honneur de faire quelque Sejour chez feu le Due d'Albemarle- 
a Londre qui fust alors establis du Roy Charle II. vice Roy de Jama- 
ique, par la Relation qu'on me fist de la beauty, bonte, et richesses de 
L'Amerique Angloise, J'en conclus une Idee si advantageuse, que Sur 
les fortes invitations de ce Seigneur je l'aurois Suivis en ce Voyage 
avec empressement, si je n'eusse este detourne par les fortes remon- 
strances de mes parents qui voulloient que je m'etablisse dans ma 
Patrie, et nonobstant touttes les douceurs que j'y pouvois avoir, il me 
resta pourtant toujours quelque amorce et quelque chose d'attirant 
pour les pays Susdits. Et la Fortune ne me regardant pas d'un oeuil 
Si favorable come je l'aurois Souhaitte, apres avoir finis mon Bailliage 
d'Yverdon, grand et important a Contentement de mon Souverain, 
des Estats voisins, et des Ressortissants, Dieu Soit loue, avec une 
Conscience bone et nette, mais n'y ayant pas profite pour y avoir eu 
des Contretems, d' autre Cote n'ayant pas este homme a m'enrichir 
au depends des pauvres Ressortissants, outre les troubles de Neuff- 
chatel qui me causerent beaucoup de perte, Voyant encore que la 

324 North Carolina Historical Commission 

Reforme nouvelle me privoit de pouvoir obtenir quelque charge profi- 
table pour bien longtems; dans l'esperence de faire une fortune plus 
considerable dans ces Pays eloigne - de L'Amerique Angloise, Aftm de 
mieux Soutenir une Famille nombreuse Selon mon Caractere et qualite : 
Je pris dont une forte resolution pour ce Voyage important pas moins 
dangereux que long et penible, d'autant avec plus de Courage que ie 
fus invite" fortement par diverses lettres des Pays susdits, aussi bien 
que de Londre. Je hesitois longtems si ie communiquerois mon des- 
sein a quelque amy ou Parent, mais prevoyant qu'ils m'en disuaderoi- 
ent, je n'en dis rien pas meme a ceux qui me touchoient de plus pres, 
et partis Secrettement. Cependant avant que de quitter le Pays, je 
m'arrestay aux frontieres chez un amy, et fis une disposition de mes 
affaires que je n'avois pu entierement regler avant mon depart, et 
l'envoyay a un de mes Parents, en comuniquant mon dessein, mais le 
malheur voulust que ce pacquet de papiers fust intercepts ou perdu, ce 
qui causa beaucoup d'embarass et de confusion. Ne recevant au- 
cune reponce pendant 8 ou 10. jours, Je partis dont dans une ferme 
resolution de ne plus retourner, mais L'home propose et Dieu dispose. 

2. A marginal note says Potomak (von neuer Hand) _ _ _ The 
French has Potomack. 

3. Mons. le Gouverneur de Virginie: 

4. L'un estoit le Receveur General lautre L'Arpenteur General, le 
3e. Un Juge de Paix, qui touts trois ont paru pour cett effect devant 
le Comity Royal, ou ils ont recu leurs instructions et ont este confirme 
pour avoir la direction de ce Peuple, en mon absence, tant sur Mer 
que Sur Terre, n'ayant pu partir alors accause d'une petite Colonie de 
Berne qui devait Suivre bientost outre d'autres affaires que J'avois 
encore a regler. 

5. Monsieur Cesar ministre de l'Eglise Refformee Allemande de 
Londre a Gravesand 

6. il en mourut plus de la moitie Sur Mer 

7. et en partie demate 

8. n'ayant osez ce commetre en mer accause des Capres outre que 
les Eaux estant basses aux Embouchures des Rivieres de Caroline les 
gros Vaisseaux n'auroient pu passer ny entrer _ _ _ 

9. Consistent en environ 1000 arpents de Terre. 

10. II faut que j'arest icy le cours de ma Relation, aftm que ie puisse 
aussi dire quelque chose de ce que j'ay negotie" plus particulierement a 
Londre, item de mon depart, de ce qui s'est passe" et ce que j'ay re- 
marque dans mon voyage, et de mon arivee" en Nord Caroline ce meme 
mois de 7bre 1710 apres on continuera en ordre. 

Nayant touch e qu'en passant ce que j'avois negotie a Londre, ie 
diray quelque chose de plus particulier icy, pourtant le plus Succincte- 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Bern 325 

ment que ie pourray: II sera bon de distinguer un peu les deux visees 
des Colonies proposees de celle de Virginie, et Celle de la Nord Caro- 

Pour Celle de Virginie nous avions des ordres de L.L.E.E. de Berne 
notre Souverain Magistrat (marginal note: Proposition de PEtat de 
Berne pour un district de Pays en Virg :) de sonder aupres de sa Maj : 
La Peine de la Grande Bretagne, Si Elle seroit disposed d'accorder a 
L'Etat de Berne un district de Terres pour la Colonie proposee avec 
Jurisdiction Sous certaine Clauses et sans dependre d'aucun Gouver- 
neur mais directement de la Reine ou Son Conseil; mais la Couronne 
ne Voulant rien deroger de Son Authorite et Grandeur ne voulust 
S'entendre a cette Proposition pretendant que tout ce devoit con- 
former aux Loix et Reglement du Royaume, ce qui fesant aussi de la 
peine a un Etat Souv: de sabaisser d'autant, rien ne fust fait. 

Cependant nous en particulier ma Societe et moy, Sous la recoman- 
dation ou par assistance de Monsieur Stanion Envoy e extr: de Sa 
Maj : Brit : obtimes de la Reine la permission de prendre des Terres en 
Virginie au dessus de la Chutte de la Rivier de Potomack Sous les 
memes Conditions que les autres Ressortissants de sa Majesty, dans le 
dessein de partager notre Colonie pour des bones raisons, mais Come on 
nous fist esperer plus d'avantage de la Nord Caroline, et que ces Terres 
estoient a beaucoup meilleur niarche, outre que nous y avions quelque 
jurisdictions et privileges particuliers, nous Commencames par la et 
Tissue fatale fait voir que nous aurions mieux fait de comencer par 
Virginie d'autant que nous y aurions este plus en Surete et mieux 
Soutenus en cass de danger par la Couronne que par des particuliers 
en Caroline, meme la Situation suivant le plan que j'en ay fait, ne 
cedoit rien a celle de Caroline ny en beaut e ny en bonte. Cependant 
touttes ces desmarches que dessus, me cousterent bien des pas inutiles 
de la peine et des frais, pour a la fin n'obtenir qu'un ombre de faveur, 
car lors que nous voullions faire asseurer et arpenter les Terres Sus 
mentioned il ce trouva qu'elles estoient desia prises par Mylord 
Coulpeper: tellement qu'il en faloit chercher la plus grand partie en 
Maryland Pays appartenant en propriete a Mylord Baltimore : II est 
vray que nous en fismes encore marquer et assurer en d' autres 
endroits assez bons en Virginie mais eloignez des Plantations Chres- 
tiennes. A l'egard de la Colonie pour la Carolina ie n'eus pas moms 
d'embarass de peines et de frais, quoy que pourtant les Lord Proprie- 
taires ayent este bien disposez a me favoriser. Je crois qu'avant 
que dentamer cette negociation, il ne seroit pas hors de propos de 
dire quelque chose de leur Pouvoir et Priviliges cest ce qu'on voit 
amplement dans la Relation ou journal imprime de larpenteur general 
Lawson, ou est copiee la Charter, ou acte accord e par le Roy Charles 

326 North Carolina Historical Commission 

II. Cette grande faveur et haute Jurisdiction qu'aucun particulier ny 
Seigneur des 3. Royamues n'a a este accord e a ces My lords et Seig- 
neurs qui ont rappelle ce Roy de Son exile, et ont favorise Son Re- 
tour dans le Royaume. Ce Roy n'ayant voulu etre ingrat envers ses 
bieniaiteurs n'a Sceu coment les mieux reccompenser que par une 
faveur si Singuliere en donant et remettant la Province de Caroline a 
ces Seigneurs en pleine possession, Authorite et pouvoir absolu come 
le Roy meme l'avoit possedee, aussi ont ils le Titre, Come s'en suit. 

A Son Excellence N.N. Palatin, et aux autres Veritables et absoluts 
Seigneurs Proprietaires de la Province de Caroline. (Marginal note: 
dont il y a 2 Gouvernement du Sud et du Nord.) 

L'un des Chefs de ces Siegneurs Prop: estoit au Comencement, Le 
General Monck Due d' Albemarle, C'estoit luy qui presenta la Courone 
qu'il avoit fait faire au Roy a Son Entree au Royamue la quelle on 
garde a la Tour de Londre aupres de la veritable du Royaume et que 
j'ay veue, on les montre toujours touttes deux aux Etrangers curieux. 

Entre d'autres Privileges que ces Seigrs. Prop: ont est le pouvoir de 
creer des Cassiques, des Comtes, Barons, Chevalliers, et Gentilshomes 
en ces Provinces et Ceux qu'ils veulent bien favoriser ils les font cor- 
roborer et registrer dans la Heroldrie Royale, Come ils ont fait a mon 
egard, lors que pour me procurer plus d' Authorite, aupres de mon 
Peuple, ils m'honorerent des titres de Landgrave de Caroline, Baron 
de Bernbery, et Chevallier du Cordon pourpre avec la Medaille, come 
mes Patentes en font foy: mais le mall est qu'avec ces Titres il n'y a 
pas un Revenu proportioned tout le bien qui m'en est provenu est 
qu'ils m'ont done le premier rang apres le Gouverneur dans la maison 
haute des Parlements de la Province et m'a conserve du Respect 
aupres des Ressortissants; Car ayant au comencement paru au Parle- 
ment sans Cordon, j'y fus bien receus, mais en certaines occasions ie 
ne fus pas obeis come cela ce devoit, C'est pourquoi on m'advisa de 
porter le Cordon et la medialle quand ie paroitray dans les assem- 
blies ce que ie fis, et j'apperceus incontinant leffect, car certaines gens 
qui n'avoient assez respectez mes ordres vinrent apres pour m'en 
demander pardon a genoux. C'est assez de L' Authorite et pouvoir de 
ces Seigrs. Propr: Je diray succinctement quelque chose de ce qu'ils 
m'ont accorde notre Traitte - estant trop ample pour l'inserrer icy. 

1. Ils m'ont vendu 15000 arpents terre choisie que j'ay fait arpenter 
Sur la Riviere de News et Trent et 2500 acres Sur Weetock River, a 
10 livres Sterlins le 1000, ou une livre Sterl: p cent acres, et 6 Sols par 
100 arpendts. cence fonciere, ce qui fait la Somme de 175£. Sterl: ce 
que j'ay d'abord paye content. 2. II y a eu une reserve de 100 mille 
acres a choisir entre ces Rivieres cy nomees et Clarendon R. pour le 
meme prix, et pour cela j'ay eu 7 ans de terme pour faire le premier 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Bern 327 

payment et des la 7e: jusques a la 12e: tout devoit etre paye. 3e 
Les differents qu'auroient mon Peuple avec les Anglois ce devoient 
terminer devant les juges Anglois mais ce que mes Colonistes auroient 
de difieulte entre Eux cela ce termineroit entre Eux ou par devant 
moy: La haute Jurisdiction au faits criminels a mort reservez aux 
Seigrs. Prop: 4e. Liberte de Religion, et d'avoir un ministre de notre 
Pays qui pourroit prescher en notre langue. 5e. Droit de Ville et 
marche ou faire a Neuberne. 6e. francs de toutte taille et impots 
dimes et Cences hormi les 6 Sols p. 100 acres annullement come 
susdit. 7e. Les Seigrs Prop: ou la Province par leurs orclres me 
devoient fournir pour 2 ou 3 ans de provision de vivres et betail pour 
moy et toutte la Colonie moyenant restitution apres le terme prescript. 

J'avois aussi un Traitte particular et bien exact avec les Palatins 
lequell fust projecte examine & arrete, devant & par la Comission 
Royale trop ample a inserrer icy, seulement en Substance ce qui suit 
le. mes Colonistes me devoient fidelite obeysance et Respect, et moy 
la Protection aug 2e. Je devois fournir chaque famille de provision pour 
la premiere annee, d'une Vache de deux Cochons et de quelques uten- 
sils, moyenant restitution apres 3 ans. 3e. Je devois doner a chaque 
famille 300 arp: de Terre et ils devoient me livrer pour Cence fonciere 
2 Sols par acre, en contre ie devois Supporter les 6 sols p. 100 acres de 
reconnoissance envers les Sigrs. Prop, come desia Susdit; pour ce qui 
est du transport et nouriture de ma Colonie iusques en Caroline la 
Reine l'a gratine et 30 shellings pom' habits a chaque psne gros et 
petit s. 

Apres cela il s'agissoit de ce pourvoir de bon Vaisseaux, et il ce 
presente une persone de ma Connoissance, le Chevaliier Fyper qui 
entreprist de fournir deux Vaisseaux bien equipez avec la provision de 
vivres necessaires, mais tout cecy ne pust etre execute avec telle regu- 
larite come on lauroit Souhaite. Come ces Seigrs. les Directeurs ou 
providirecteurs de cette foule de monde qui ce trouva alors a Londre 
avoient assez affaire a pourvoir tant de 1000 ames, L'argent comenca 
a devenir rare, tellement que notre bon Chevaliier qui fist ces pro- 
visions a Credit dans la ferme psuasion que l'argent luy seroit livre* a 
tout terns qu'il le demanderoit, fust bien Surpris de ce voir renvoye 
tant de fois, ce qui dura meme plusieurs mois, tellement que ces Cre- 
diteurs luy firent denoncer les arrets ce qui fust meme execute pour 
24 heures, Le Chevaliier tout allarme de ce pcede vient un mattin 
pour m'en faire de meme ce tennant a moy pour touts ces incon- 
venients, ce qui me mist bien en peine. Come alors ie me trouvay 
a la Campagne pour prendre l'air et me reposer un peu de mes fatigues, 
je me hastay pour aller a Londre pour representer a la Commission 
Royale mes griefs Sur le retard du payement de cett argent : on me 

328 North Carolina Historical Commission 

dona des bones paroles, mais ils ce passerent encore plusieures 
Semaines avant que 1 'argent promist fust livre au Chevallier Fyper 
qui ne manqua pas de jour a autre de presser les Tresoriers, a la fin 
le tout fust bien conduit et a Souhait. 

Apres que ma Colonie fust partie dans les vaisseaux mentionez ie 
me preparay aussi pour les Suivre, apres avoir dispose mes affaires 
particulieres et pris Conge d'une partie des Seigneurs de la Comis- 
sion Royale et des Seigrs. Proprietaires de Carolina. 

Je passe icy Sous Silence un Traitt fait avec William Penn Pro- 
prietaire de Pensilvanie pour des Terres et des mines; Et du Traitt 6 
particulier que j'ay eu avec une Societe de Berne sur la quelle ie me 
reposois pour en avoir lassistance necessaire dans une Entreprise la- 
quelle ie me trouverois trop faible de Soutenir, mais il auroit este bien 
mieux pour moy de massocier, pour un fait de cette importance avec 
quelque persone moyennee et entendue d'Angleterre laquelle ne ce 
Seroit peut etre p^ laisser epouvanter si viste de mes Contretems, 
come ces Messieurs. 

Mes Colonistes Palatins estant partis au mois de Janvier 1710 je les 
Suivis et partis de Londre a la fin du mois de May meme je me Servis 
pour cela d'une voiture tres comode, presque de meme que celle de 
Paris a Lyon. Je ne puis de moins que de parler icy quelque chose de 
ce que j'ay observe en ce petit Voyage. Un Dimanche qu'il falust 
rester a une petite Ville nomee Harford ou pres de la il y a la maison de 
Campagne du Comte d'Essex fort antique que ie fus curieux de voir 
et jy fus venu civilement. dans ce Palais magnifique i'observay dans 
un grand dome des peintures grandes et extraordinaires dans le Cabi- 
net du Comte quantitez de pieces rares et antiquitez tres Curieuses; 
et dans une grande Sale ie crus voir sur une table de marbre un lutt 
des fluttes et autres instruments, avec des livres deployez de musique, 
item un jeu de carts deploy e, une bourse de jettons plusieurs pieces 
d'argent et plusieurs autres gentillesses tres bien faittes et quand ie 
viens plus pres de la table ie fus bien surpris de voir la ouvrage d'un 
Second Appelles, que ces pieces que ie croyois effective n'estoient que 
contrefaittes en peinture ce qui fust ou me Sembloit le plus curieux 
est que la Superficie de Cette table de marbre estoit si bien polie qu'on 
auroit cru que c'estoit des peintures dessous un verre ou une glace, et 
on y pouvoit verser de leau Sans gaster la table ny la peinture, assure- 
ment il faloit que cela fust peint d'un vernis merveilleux. Apres avoir 
veu le reste du Palais, et este raffreschis d'une belle Colation et de 
bones liquers ie fis mes Compliments et pris Conge pour Suivre ma 

Apres quelque journees nous vinmes a Yorck Ville antique assez 
grande et bien peuplee, ou j'eus Seulement le terns de voir la Cathe- 

Gkaffenkied: Account of the Founding of New Been 329 

drale d'une tres belle Structure ou j'attendis justement une tres belle 
Symphonie ou Vepre et Messieurs les Chanoines my firent Civilite. 
de la nous vinmes a Durham assez jolie Ville la Cathedrale est assez 
belle, L'Eveque de ce lieu a le titre Seul d'un Prince hormis celuy de 
Galle en Angleterre aussi a-il la pcdence Sur touts les Eveques Hormis 
celuy de Londre: apres il ny eust rien de remarquable jusques a Neu- 

Neu Castle est une Ville grande bien peuplee Riche, marchande, 
bien Situee au bord de la Riviere de Tyne qui S'egorge dans la Mer, 
toutt abonde en cette ville on y fait bone chere et a bon march e le 
Saumon y est en abondance, cett Ville est remarquable par la houille 
ou Charbon de piere qu'on y trouve il en part des flottes entieres pour 
fournir la Ville de Londre et voisinage de ce charbon, et les Charbon- 
iers y sont en si grand nombre quil faloit alors y tenir garnison pour 
les tenir en bride il y a des concavitez si terribles par la qu'on disoit 
que c'est l'antichambre des Enfers, et il faut qu'un Etranger aye bon 
courage d'y aller bien avant, on y fait aussi quantite de Sell marin et 
il y a plusieurs verriers, et d'autres fabriques outre les marchands il 
y a aussi des persones d'un autre rang bien Civiles, et honestes, avec 
lesquelles on passe agreablement son terns, de 15 jours que j'y ay este, 
ie ne Saurois assez me louer des Civilitez qu'on m'y temoigna, Un des 
Chefs de la Ville Alderman Fenwich me regala magnifiquement d'une 
belle Symphonie de Musiciens persones de qualite. il y a aussi un 
tres beau boul en gren, une tres belle promenade ou il y a un jeu de 
boule entouree de plusieurs rangs de tilliots, et cela Sur la hauteur de 
la Ville, ou il y a une tres belle vue. Cependant ie n'y ay pas este 
Sans Chagrin que me causast le Capite. du Vaisseau qui transportoit 
mes Colonistes Suisses, il en estoit aussi le proprietaire bourgois de 
Boston Capitale de la Nouvelle Angleterre, sans la mediation de ce 
galant home Mr. Fenwich j'etois pour my ruiner en process avec ce 
Capte. on avoit desia compose et conclu avec luy qu'il fourniroit 
touttes les provisions necessaires, depuis Roterdam jusques en Ameri- 
que, Cependant lors qu'il aborde a Neuw Castle pour ces propres 
affaires tant pour y decharger des marchandises que pour en prendre 
d'autres pour Boston et partie de provisions de vivres qu'il aymoit 
mieux y prendre qu'en Hollande y estant en effect meilleurs et a meil- 
leur marche ayant este oblige de sy arrester pres de 4 Semaines, II 
pretendoit que nous y fussions a nos propres frais avec toutte notre 
Colonie Suisse, ce qui me causa bien de L'embarass. 

A la fin nous estants accomodez tellement quellement nous partimes 
au Commencement de Juillet pour l'Amerique a l'embouchure de la 
Riviere de Tyne nous nous arrestames quelques heures pour faire pro- 
vision de Saumons tant verds que Sees en un bourg situe au bord de 

330 North Carolina Historical Commission 

cette Riviere ou il y eust une si grande quantite de Saumon que tout 
le bourg en estoit tapisse les sechant au Soleil devant les maisons 
aussi bien que pour exposer a la vent. 

Nous sortimes de L'embouchure environ les 3 heures du soir par un 
Vent favorable et un tres beau jour, quand nous fumes sur la hauteur 
de la Mer nous vimes quelques Vaisseaux tant plus que nous les appro- 
chions tant plus nous en decouvrimes a la fin passant plus outre 
nous nous trouvames entre 3 flottes, celle de Hollande qui estoit en 
ligne assez nombreuse qui venoit aux Costes d'Angleterre pour pren- 
dre du harang, entremelee de Batiments de pecheurs et de distance de 
Vaisseaux de Guerre d'un autre Coste estoit celle des Charbonier qui 
revenoit a viude de Londre: Et d'un Cote celle de Moscovie Le Sole 
qui s'en alloit coucher y donant a plein et le vente ayant cesse, c'estoit 
le plus beau spectacle qu'on put voir, ces grands vaisseaux de Guerre 
parmy ces autres batiments paroissoient come autant de Superbe 
Chatteaux parmis des maisons mediocres et le tout ensemble paroissoit 
come 3 belles Villes, basties Sur mer, le lendemain qui estoit un 
dimanche d'un beau Calme, le Commandeur Anglois de la flotte de 
Moscovie dona le Signal et touts les voisseaux deployerent leurs 
Pavillions come de coutume a ce jour apres la devotion Les trompettes, 
haubois, et tambours ce firent entendre, on ce visita les uns et les 
autres, come si on auroit este en ville on passa le terns si agreablement 
que j'aurois alors souhaitte d'etre toujours en mer: Mais Contre le 
Soir il s'eleva Soudain un Vent impetueux que ceux qui estoient en 
visite eurent assez de peine de ce Sauver dans leur barquets pour 
ce rendre dans leurs Navires, et meme un bon biberon qui avoit de la 
peine de quitter sa bone liquer pour avoir trop tarde, fust d'obligation 
de rester dans le bastiment ou il estoit en visite et fust contrainfc de 
prendre un autre routte malgre luy. Pour nous qui estions en dessein 
de faire voile Nord about, cest adire contre le nord au dessus des Isles 
de Shettland primes partis pour notre Seurete de nous mettre parmis 
la flotte de Moscovie la quelle pour eviter les Francois avec qui on 
estoit en Guerre alors au lieu de passer la Mer Baltique prist son 
tour aussi par le Nord, nous estions 7 Bastiments destinez pour 
l'Amerique qui Fimes voile de compagnie avec ceux qui estoient destinez 
pour Danemark, Suede, et Moscovie; A la hauteur du Nord d'Ecosse 
nous nous separames apres avour Same le Comandeur de la flotte 
marchande, de nos Cannons qui est lordre usite, Eux prirent contre 
Nordoest et nous au Nord et Nordwest, cependant come le Vent 
ce changea en oest il nous fust si favorable, quau lieu de prendre notre 
routte par dessus les Isles de Shettland nous coupames et passames 
entre ces Isles et celles des orcades, pourtant la nuict, mais heureuse- 
ment, Dieu en soit loue\ 

Geaffenried : Account of the Founding of New Bern 331 

Quand nous fumes sur une Certaine hauteur au dessus d'Irlande, 
nous vismes de loin paroitre quelque Vaisseaux faisant 5. voiles contre 
nous, cela nous mist en allarme ne Sachant sils etoient Ennemis ou 
amys, nous primes d'abord nos licts et matelats pour border notre 
Vaisseau ce qui nous devoit servir de rempart, et nous nous mimes 
en aussi bone posture qu'il ce pust pour nous deffendre, nous en eumes 
une petite peur accause que de 3 Vaisseaux que nous vismes, il y en 
eust avec les banderoles blanches, Couleur de France, quand nous 
fumes a portee d'un Canon, Le Commendeur de cette flottile tira un 
coup perdu pour Signal que nous devions le recconnoitre, mais ny 
repondant pas, il tira le second en Serieux et nous brisa presque le 
grand mas, alors il faloit ce Soumettre et nous repondimes de nos 
canons, arborant notre pavilion Anglois, et tendant le contrevoile; dans 
un moment le Commandeur nous joignist si pres qu'on pust S'entrepar- 
ler, et come il ne fist pas grand Vent pour faire Civilite au Command- 
nous l'invitames de monter notre vaisseau, ce qu'il ne refusa pas es- 
tant bien aise de ce regaler de notre bon biere freche, angloise, et 
d'une piece de Saumon a la marinade pendant ce petit intervalle ie 
pris mon terns pour ecrire en Europe et remis ma lettre a ce petit 
Comandeur (qui accompagnoit 4 ou 5 autres Vaisseaux Ecossais et 
anglois venants de Jamaique, Barbados, et autres endroits) et ma 
lettre fust bien remise a la poste et parvenue a Berne. Contre le 
Soir nous nous quittames et chacun prist Sa routte. 

J'avois fait beaucoup de remarques de ce que ie vis sur Mesr et de 
ce qui s'etoit passe, en ayant fait un journal assez curieux mais le 
malheur voulust, que une petite masle ou coffre et dans lequell il y 
avoit encore plusieurs raret6z d'Amerique avec des autres papiers et 
quelques hardes, S'est perdu quoy qu'il fust bien reccomande a un 
capite. d'un Vaisseau qui partis de Virginie ne layant pu prendre avec 
moy accause que j'avois un grand voyage a faire depuis Williams- 
bourg Capitale de Virginie iusque a la Nouvelle York, par terre, estant 
desia Surcharge de hardes tant que mes deux chevaux purent porter. 
Ainsi ie ne ferai mention que de quelque peu de choses dont ie men 
Souviens bien et que ie crois assez dignes de la Curiosite du lecteur, 
au rest il y a tant d'autheurs de la Mer qui ont ecrit des Merveille 
de la Mesr, que iy renvoye le lecteur. 

Seulement diray ie a ceux qui nont pas lu ces Autheurs que quand 
nous Sommes venu Sous la ligne Tropique du Cancer, ou Sur une 
certaine hauteur de la Mer entre cette ligne et celle du pole Arctique, 
nous y vismes des oiseaux blancs de la grandeur d'un Corbeau qui 
memes ce vinrent poser Sur notre mas, les mattelots les tiennent pour 
oiseaux de bon augure et ne Souffrent qu'on tire dessus, ce qui est le 
plus remarquable et qu'on ne voit ces oiseaux que sur cette hauteur 
de la Mesr et non pas autrepart. 

332 North Carolina Historical Commission 

Mais pour oiseaux de mauvois augure il y en a d'autre plus petits 
noirs avec un peu de blanc qui Volent ca et la sur la mesr, et autant 
de fois qu'on les voit voler a l'entour du Vaisseau et principalement 
Sus le devant on observe qu'ils presagent rien de bon, mais du mau- 
vais terns, ou tempeste ou terribles orages, ie pris cela au commence- 
ment pour des fables mais l'ayant remarque" moy meme diverses fois, 
ie Suis presque oblige d'y adjuster foy, ie crois au fond, si on voulloit 
philosopher la dessus qu'on trouverait des raisons naturelles, de ces 
Sortes d'evenements. 

J'ay encore observe une chose remarquable en un poisson nome 
Dauphin, le poisson est tres beau dans leau ayant la Couleur de l'lris, 
quand il Suit un Vaisseau il ne ce tient qu'a deux pieds de la Superficie 
de leau, C'est un Charme de le voir nager, il est toujours accompagne 
de quelques petits poissons qui ce tienent toujours pres du gouvernail 
et ne quittent pas ce poste que le Dauphin S'en alle ou qu'il Soit tue. 
Nous en primes un avec un trident, et voicy come on les prends, le 
baton ou perche ou est affiche le trident est attache" a une longue Corde, 
et lors que le Dauphin nage assez pres du Vaisseau, un mattelot, ou 
qui voudra pour veu qu'il aye l'addresse, jette le trident contre le 
Dauphin, quelque fois on l'attrappe du premier coup, assez souvent on 
y manque, quand on la pique, on retire la Corde et on le leve, aussi 
beau que ce poisson est dans l'eau aussi villain est il hors de leau, 
mais bien bon aprest£z nous en fimes bone chere, tant plus jeunes tant 
meilleurs et plus delicats. on y voit aussi des poissons volants, et tant 
d'autres sortes et choses merveilleuses a observer Sur Mesr qu'on en 
feroit un Volume; quand il y avoit du calme ou Seulement quelques 
petit air ie me plaisois a regarder et examiner tant de Sortes d'insectes 
et autres choses provenantes de l'ecume de la Mesr; En certaines 
endroits on voit des herbes et fleurs extraordinaires, il est Surprenant 
ou ces herbes prenent racine au millieu de L'ocean ou il y a de si terri- 
bles profondeurs. on apercoit en plusieurs endroits des Courrents si 
forts que des habiles maitres de Vaisseaux ce detournent quelque fois 
de leur routte s'ils ne prenent bien garde, mais le plus curieux Seroit 
de Scavoir d'ou vienent ces courrents. II y a un qui vient du Golfe 
de Mexique, mais pour dautre on y peut encore penetrer d'ou ils 

R'envoyant les Curieux aux Autheurs qui ont ecrit amplement des 
raretez de la Mesr, je continue ma routte. Quand nous vinmes a la 
hauteur de Terre Neuve, on me montra a peu pres les grands bancs 
de cette Isle, ou il se prend une si grande quantity de Morues dont la 
France et l'Angleterre ce pourvoient. 

Par la un Capre Francois nous Suivist une journee entiere mais 
n' ayant eu le Vent favorable, il ne nous pust atteindre Cependant 

Gbaffenried: Account of the Founding of New Been 333 

nous apprehendions beaucoup, C'est pour quoy nous Consultames par 
ensemble et la Conclusion fust qu'aussitot que le Soliel Seroit couch e 
nous baisserions peu a peu et insensiblement les voiles, afnn que 
contre la nuict le Capre nous perdist de vue, et come sans doute il 
nous Suiveroit toujours contre le Continant il faloit changer de routte: 
aussitost qu'il fust abscur nous tendimes touts nos voiles et rebrous- 
sames chemin pour 3 or 4 lieux et prenant le haut de la mesr nous 
times nos efforts pour gagner la gauche du Capre, et prenant en droiture 
contre Virginie nous echapames de ses mains; car nous aurions eu le 
dessous n'ayant eu que 4 Canons dans notre Vaisseaux. 

Peu de jours apres nous decouvrimes le Courent, des herbes des 
hyrondelles de Mesr, et bientost apres des Canars et d'autres Sortes 
d'oiseaux deau, qui est une marque Seure qu'on n'est pas loin de Terre 
ferme, ausse times nous monter un petit garcon tout au haut du mas 
qui ne pust rien decouvrir encore, mais quelques terns apres montant 
pour la Seconde fois il remarqua du Terrein qui sembloit etre une 
petite nuee, bientost apres reconnasissant mieux que c'estoit du Terrein 
il cria "Ou ReV' qui est le mot de joye ou d'aplaudissement des Anglais, 
et demande pour boire un etreine. Nous nous aprochames du Con- 
tinant et cotoyames les Provinces de Pensilvanie Jersey, et Maryland, 
iusqu'a ce que nous decouvrimes Cap Henry en Virginie a la gauche 
de L'embouchure de James River, Un Vent de Nordoest nous favor- 
isant nous enframes fort bien en cette Riviere et arrivames heu- 
reusement a Guiguetan presentement nome Hampton un bourg assez 
joly le premier a lentree de Virginie, apres un Voyage ou passage de deux 
mois, fort heureux n'ayant eu qu'un Seul orage qui n'a dure qu'une 
couple d'heures, et n'ayant point eu de maladies, nous y restames une 
nuict et un jour pour nous raffrechir. 

Apres avoir fait Scavoir au Lieut: Gouverneur de Virginie notre 
arrivee et luy remis la lettre de la Reine, le Gouverneur ayant ete 
absent nous descendimes la Riviere et enframes dans celle de Nuns- 
cimund cest la ou nous dechargames le Vaisseau de nos provisions et 
hardes et ou le Capite. du Vaisseau prist conge de nous prenant la 
routte de la Nouvelle Angleterre pour ce rendre au Lieu de Sa Naissance 
a Boston Capitale de cette Province. Et nous louames des barques 
pour charger nos hardes et provisions pour les faire mener avec notre 
monde a une maison qu'on nous indiqua etre la plus proche chez un 
Nome Hamstead galant home qui nous receust fort bien et nous ac- 
comoda tres bien tant pour les Vivres que les Voitures pour de la 
prendre notre Chemin par Terre en Caroline. 

"A un honest homme il n'y avoit pas la matiere de hesiter et come 
par bonheur ma Reputation estoit assez bien etablie en Amerique et 
que mon dessein fist grand bruit, j'envoyay d'abord en Pensilvanie 

334 North Carolina Historical Commission 

pour Provisions de farine ou par bonheur j'avois desia done" ordre 
depuis Londre par precaution et aprehension que peut etre les choses 
ne Seroient pas si bien etablies en Nord Caroline come on m'en faisoit 
croire: Je n'ay pas manque d'envoyer aussi en Virginie et dans la 
Province meme pour me procurer les Provisions necessaires, mais tout 
cela traina si longtems que pendant ce terns ces nouveaux Colonistes 
furent oblige de vendre encore partis des hardes et marchandises 
(qu'ils avoient acheptee a Londre pour faire profiter le peu d'argent 
qu'ils avoient) pour ce procurer les vivres necessaires des habitants 
voisins pour ne pas mourir de faim. 

12. Aussitot que nous fumes arrivez a Sommertowne un Village aux 
frontieres de Virginie et Caroline une petite bande d 'habitants de Nord 
Carolina me vinrent Saluer et moffrirent le Gouvernement ... 

13. Je repliquay, que quand bien j'estois revetus de cette dignite 
de Landgrave, que ie ne voullois pas me prevalloir presentement de ce 
Titre, Leurs remerciant civilement _ _ _ 

14. que ce seroit de mauvoise grace a moy de m'ingerer dans une 
affaire de semblable matiere; 

15. Mais come ces gens qui estoient la plus grand partie des Non- 
comformistes, n'aymoient pas d'avoir un Si grand Toris pour Gouver- 
neur ma reponce ne leur plust pas . _ . 

16. Je ne Scaurois assez exprimer l'Etat triste et deplorable dans 
laquell j'ay trouve ces pauvres gens a mon arrivee, presque touts 
malades et dans l'extremite et le peu qui resterent bien portants 
desesperez. Dieu le scait dans quell Labyrinthe voire danger de ma 
Vie, ie me suis trouve alors; Je laisse a pencer le lecteur de quelle 
maniere ma petite Colonie Bernoise regarda dans ce jeu, qui jusques 
alors ne manquerent de rien leur Voyage ou passage ayant este heur- 
eux des le Commencement jusques a leurs arivee en Caroline: la Saison 
bone et belle, bien fournis de toutte provisions, bien ecquipes, bien 
placee au large sus le Vaisseau presentement de voir un Si triste 
Spectacle devant Eux ou maladies, disette et desespoir estoient dans 
l'extremite. Ce qui augmenta encore le mall est que ces pauvres 
Pallatins ayant employe le plus grand partie de leurs habits pour 
S'achepter de vivres dans la plus grande necessite, furent bien de- 
concert ez lors qu'ils virent que les directeurs Sus nomez, ayant la plus 
grand partie de leurs effects encore en mains, les retenoient, mais 
principalement un N. R. Sous pretexte de ce reserver une bone par- 
tie pour ces peines et frais, et quand ie demanday a faire Conte il 
me renvoya Si Souvant qu'a l'heure qu'il est le Conte n'est pas encore 
regele, et cela luy fust bien facile accause des troubles survenus, il 
faut qu'il ce Soit bien accomode de ces fournitures des Palatins puis 
qu'avant qu'il eust ses Effects en main il vivoit petitement et quapres 

Gbaffenreed : Account of the Founding of New Bern 335 

il fist le gros Monsieur: II garda Ses effects jusques a mon arivee at 
quand ie les voulu faire ammener a notre lieu de residence ie ne les 
pus avoir partie Seulement qu'a main armee et par force, meme ne les 
pus avoit touts quelle plainte que i'en fis au Gouvernement accause 
qu'il estoit de la Magistrature. 

Ce qui fust cause de touts ces malheurs fust la mechante Conduite 
et infidelite dune partie des Inspecteurs Superieurs et inferieurs _ _ . 

A marginal note to the words in italics is as follows — Dont le N. R. 
en fust aussi un que ie nomme pas accause de Son Parantage con- 

17. Pendant que de mon Cote ie fis touts mes efforts pour etablir 
ma Colonie, come ie vien de dire, d'autre Cote on ecrivit a Monsieur 
Hyde en Virginie ou il avoit fait quelque se jours en attendent une 
meilleurs issue de Sa pretention, qui ne manqua pas de se rendre avec 
Sa Famille au plutost en Caroline Sur la Riviere de Chouan pres du 
Colonel Pollock, . _ _ 

18. apres le repas aupres d'une bouteille de Vin de Madere nous 
vinmes a des discours bien Serieux, et come c'estoit luy qui (en vertu 
de mes Patentes et ordres des Lords Prop : me devoit pourvoir de touts 
les necessaires des revenus de la Province) me refusa tout, j'estois bien 
aise de luy en faire des reproches et luy repsenter aussi renormite de 
son procede Criminel, ce voyant convaincu, par tant de bones raisons, 
d'autre cote* pour m'endormir affin que ie ne travaille pas trop contre 
luy il me promit, etc. 

19. A quoy ie me resolus non Sans prendre, bien mes precautions, 
d'autant que iay ete menace de meme que mes Colonistes, et le chemin 
n'estoit pas trop assure* estant eloigne de deux journees, ou il faloit 
descendre et passer des grandes Rivieres et des forests assez dan- 

20. Le malheur voulust que justement alors un Certain Personage 
mutin et turbulent nome Richard Roach, ariva de Londre qui causa 
bien du desordre, Celuy estoit facteur d'un des Seigr. Prop: mais de 
la Secte des Trembleurs qui devoit venir en ces pays pour negotier, 

21. ce qui f omenta la Rebellion et augumenta le troubles et nous 
fist bien da la peine : 

22. 200 

23. equipe et armez d'environ 60 ou 80 homes, 

24. quand nous observames ce manege nous mimes aussi en pos- 
ture et descendimes dernier une haye vers le bord de la Riviere. 

25. Parmy tout cela je fus oblige de prendre le presidial contre 
mon gre car la matiere etoit delicate et dangereuse 

26. Et par advance on luy ecrivit une lettre pour luy comuniquer 
notre dessein qui par honestete nous mar qua un endroit et jour aux 

336 North Carolina Historical Commission 

frontieres de Virginie et Caroline, ayant Sans cela eu envie d'excercer 
Ses trouppes dans ce Voisinage. 

27. Monsieur le Gouv de Virginie laissa ordre qu'on le luy feroit 
Scavoir a Williamsbourg lieu de la Residence, aussi tost que ie Serois 

28. II faloit dont chercher d'autres expedients, Et Mr. le Gouv: 
Spotswood pour luy avoir este reccomande de la Reine et pour la 
premiere fois qu'il m'avoit vu auroit pourtant bien Souhaitte de me 
faire quelque plaiser et de ne me pas renvoyer Sans m'accorder quel- 
que faveur: II me demanda dont si j'avois quelque autre chose a luy 
proposer ou quelque expedient qui fust plus facile pour m'accorder. 
Voyant dont que ces Virginiens n'estoient pas dispose a notre Se- 
cours, peutetre tenant Eux memes un peu de cett Esprit libre et demo- 
cratique, je m'advisay Si on ne trouveroit pas quelque Soldats de 
trouppe reglees, Je demanday dont Mr. le Gouv: puis qu'il estoit vice 
Admiral des Cotes de Virginie qu'il eust la bonte de nous envoyer un 
Vaisseau de Guerre bien cequipe, ce qu'il nous accorda: 

29. Dans la Suitte du terns il fut relege Sur une Isle eloignee pour 
Sa vie et y mourut. 

30. A mon retour a News je fus bien Surpris de trouver tant de ma- 
lades etmeme plusieurs de morts dont deux de mes Domestiques qu'on 
m'avoit ammene de Berne en estoit du nombre, c'estoit Sans doute la 
grande Chaleur quil fist ces 3 mois de Juin Juillet et ougst qui en 
furent cause nos gens venant d'un pays froid et de montagne n'ayant 
pas este encore accoutume' a ces pays plats et cett air chaud; ils ne 
manquerent pourtant pas de Medecins et Chirurgiens qui en eurent 
soin, qui apres devinrent aussi Malades: mais la principale cause en 
estoit, qu'ils avoient neglige en mon absence mes ordres de Regime, les 
quells j'avois done d'abord a mon arivee en Amerique lors que ie 
trouvay desia les Palatins Si malades, C'estoit par bon ad vis de per- 
sones qui avoient fait long Sejours en Caroline que ie leurs avois in- 
dique de ne pas trop boire d'eau crue et froide, mais de la cuire avec 
du Sasafras dont les bois en Sont touts plains et apres la laisser 
raffroidir et en boire tant quon voudra, ie m'en Servis le mattin avec 
un peu de Sucre a place de Thee ce qui me fist beaucoup de bien; 
J 'ay observe aussi que ceux qui ce mettoient dabord au lict quand ils 
ce trouvaient malades S'en trouvoient bien mall et beaucoup en mouru- 
rent: II y regne en ce pays une certaine fievre, cett un tribut general 
qu'il faut que les Etranger payent au Comencement, et la guerison en 
est fort particuliere, Quand cette fievre vous prend, le meilleur remede 
est au lieude ce mettre au lict d'abord, il faut courir jusqua ce qu'on 
Sue de grosse goutte et qu'on tombe de lassitude meme il n'en faut 
pas rester la, mais ce relever et continuer jusqua ce qu'on n'en puisse 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of New Bern 337 

plus, j'en parle par experience, aussi ne l'ay ie eu que 3 Semaines au 
lieu que dautres ont traine des annees entieres, ce Sont enfles a la fin 
et en Sont mort: j'advertis icy les paresseux ce nest pas une maladie 
qui les accomode, les gens oisifs et paresseux y Sont presque toujours 
maladies, il y faut de l'exercice preuve qu'il est necessaire et bon, 
C'est que je fus atteint beaucoup de la goutte en Europe, et en ce 
pays j'en fus quitte p. quelques petites atteintes. 

En ces Pays Les Chesnes rouges y Sont Si Savoureux, qu'en y fai- 
sant une petite ouverture d'une hasche il en Sort quantite de jus qui 
est un Vinaigre, mais il est pernicieux a la Sante, nos gens S'en servi- 
rent dans les grandes Chaleurs pour manger de la Salade et ne S'en 
trouverent pas bien. II y avoit encore deux inconvenients lesquels il 
estoit necessaire de ce precautionier. Ce sont les Serpents et les ticks 
en francais Sourons. II y croit un si merveilleux contrepoison et en 
assez grands abondance duquel il ne faut pas manquer de ce pourvoir 
il y en 3 Sortes, il en a d'une sorte qui a une vertu particuliere si on 
porte la racine avec Soy on peut dormir librement Sous un arbre 
aucun Serpent ne Saprochera, les Indiens Sen Servent d 'ordinaire, Si 
on pile cette racine et qu'on en clone dans une tasse ou pot d'eau fresche 
a 1' animal qui est mordu d'un Serpent il en revient et se guerit en 
peu de terns; j'en ay fait l'epreuve Sur un de mes chevaux et sur 
mon Chien qui en ont este gueris. Les Surons incomodent les gens 
jusques a doner la fievre, on croit que c'est une rosee corrompues qui 
Sattache a l'herbe cependant on n'en appercoit que la ou il y a du 
betail, pour les femmes elles ont plus de peine a s'en garantir, les homes 
en portant de bas de peau en Sont quittes, les paysants qui ont la 
peau plus dure ne s'en Sentent pas tant cela ne dure que certain mois 
de lannee. 

Chacun de mes Colonistes s'accomodant le mieux posible et selon 
Sa capacite et adresse, II sagissoit de n'en pas faire moins en Ville, 
Suivant la permission que j'avois et les privileges ie choises dont une 
pointe de Terre entre Trent et Neuws River, Endroit ou il y avoit un 
Roytelet Indien avec ses gens en une 20e. de families le lieu S'appleoit 
Chatouka. II en est fait mention pag. 6. Nous l'avons achete Si 
cher accause de la Situation advantageuse, II sagissoit dont d'avoir 
ma place libre L'arpenteur gen: Lawson qui L' avoit vendue voulloit 
que j'en dechassasse les Sauvages mais ie n'en voulus rien faire, 
bien loin de cela je me Suis mis aux Eux acheptant d'un de ses 
Indiens une petite etendue de Terre ou je bastis, ma Cabane en at- 
tendant mieux, et fis meme une espece d'aillance avec ce Roitelet 
nome Taylor et Son monde, cela ce fist Solennellemt. quelque peu de 
terns apres voyant que ces Sauvages ne pouvoient s'accorder avec mes 
gens ny les miens avec les Sauvages ie m'advisay de leur proposer 


338 North Carolina Historical Commission 

d'achepter encore une fois cette terre d'Eux et de leur assigner un 
autre endroit ou ils pourroient demeurer aussi comodement et sur la 
meme Riviere pas loin de ce lieu, ils commencerent de gouter mes 
raisons et on tient pour cela une assemblee Solenelle. Puis que je 
Suis en mattiere de ces Sauvages avant que parler du plan et fonda- 
tion de la Villette de Neuberne Je continue ou j'en Suis reste avec les 
Indiens et diray aussi quelque chose de leur Culte et de ce qui s'est 

Nous convinmes dont d'un jour pour faire notre accord le Roitelet 
ce mist sur Son propre mais d'une maniere Si crotesque qu'il aproissoit 
plutost en Singe, qu'un home il vint avec 17 Peres de famille on ce 
mist en pleine campagne en rond a Terre, Moy is mis aussi tout ce 
qui pust briller le plus me fist apporter une chaise, et prenant a mon 
Coste un truchement un Sauvage qui parlait bon anglais, i'entamy la 
matiere et le Sujet de cette assemblee apres leurs avoir repsente mes 
raisons ils dirent aussi les leurs, et a parler sans partialite ils avoient 
dans leurs oppositions des meilleures raisons que moy: Cependant on 
en vint en une bone conclusion. Je leurs fis quelque petits presants de 
petite valeur, et pour pris d'achapt ie livray pour ce Terrain de ques- 
tion au Roy deux bouteilles de poudre soit 4 livre, une bouteille con- 
tenant 2 liv: de poudre et avec cela 1000 gros graines de dragee de 
plomb; a Chacun des assesseurs une bouteille de poudre et 500 grains 
de plomb. (marginal note, de la dragee un peu grosse.) apres ie les 
fis bien boire de Rum, eaux de vie distilee de La lie de Sucre liquer 
ordinaire de ces pays: et voicy la pacte faitte. 

Cette Feste fust pourtant troublee par la brutalite de M. M: qui 
pour avoir bu copieusement avec quelques Anglais qui vinrent disner 
avec moy, perdit le Respect et vint insulter ces pauvres Indiens, 
prist le Chappeau du Roy et le jetta Si loin qu'il pust, et entra dans 
le Cercle prenant l'un de leurs orateurs qui parla un peu trop contre 
notre procede par le bras et le Sortit du Cercle luy donant quelque 
coup. Je fis d'abord prendre ce Mr. si touffus par quelques uns de 
mes Domestiques pour le mener a la maison ou ces anglois invitez 
luy tinrent compagnie 1'amusant le mieux qu'ils purent. Le lecteur ce 
peut aisement imaginer quell effect aura produit un precede* Sem- 
blable, aussi le Roy s'en plaignant me dit si les Chrestiens faisoient 
la paix et leur alliance de cette maniere qu'il ne voulloit rien avoir 
affaire avec Eux: Je ne manquay pas de luy repliquer qu'il ne faloit 
pas faire attention a ce qu'un brutal gouverne par la force des liquers 
avoit fait, que ie l'en reprimanderois fortement, memement que ie 
l'envoyeray loin d'icy, qu'il ne les insultera plus, et, qu'ils ce devoient 
tenir a moy, qu'ils pouvoient Sassurer que jamais je ne leur ferois 
aucun mal pendant qu'ils voissineroient bien avec moy: Content de ma 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Bern 339 

reponce et de mon meilleur traitemt. ils S'en retournerent chez Eux. 
Ce M: quoy que depuis un peu de Someil qui devoit luy faire passer 
les vapeurs, il se fust tranquilise ie ne Scay quelle mouche le piqua, 
apres les 10. heures du Soir que ie fus couche croyant tout en repos, il 
ce leva et sen allast vers les Cabines des Indiens trouvant encore 
L'orateur Ind: debout il le traitta fort mall, mais d'abord le Roy avec 
quelque Indiens mirent le hola: et j 'admire la patience et discretion 
de Ces Sauvages, de n'avoir a leur tour rosse le barbare Chretien. 
Le Lendemain le Roy avec Ses Conseilliers ne manquerent pas de ce 
plaindre aupres de moy, du mauvais traittement reitere de ce brutal 
pis qu'un Sauvage avec menaces qui Sils estoient insultez plus outre 
qu'ils payeroient de meme monoye; J'eus assez de peine a les apaiser, 
les fis encore bien boire et les renvoyay avec assurance que ie ferois 
partir cett home turbulent, et qu'ils ne Seroient plus insultez. 

Apres le depart de ces Indiens, trouvant mon home dans Son meil- 
leur Sens ie luy parlay Serieusement d'affaires, II sera parle de ce per- 
sonage bien Souvent dans cette Relation mais accause de Ces Parents 
qui sont de distinction de qualite et de merite j'en ay de la Considera- 
tion, et ie ne le nome pas ne le denotant que par deux M. M: de 8 
associez que nous estions il estoit l'un mais a notre perte a ma Ruine 
et plusieurs autre: Le Bon Dieu le Convertisse et luy done a Con- 
naitre tant de mall qu'il a Cause. L'arpenteur gener: a est 6 punis 
par une terrible execution des Sauvages p. ses Crimes et mauvaise foy: 
Si celuy ne ce convertit il pourroit lui bien arriver la meme Chose, 
ne vivant pas mieux quun barbare il pourrait bien etre chatie par les 
barbares. (marginal note, est mort parmis les Indiens.) Mall Con- 
tent de luy, j'ay cherche des expedients pour L'envoyer autrepart, II 
ce mist dont en chemin pour arpenter les Terres le long de la Riviere 
de Weetock et pour cela ie luy fournis tout le necessaire a Son retour 
il ariva un de ses vieux Camerades de Pensilvanie dans une Chaloupe 
et un autre bon drole avec luy, Entre Eux 3 le partis fust pris de faire 
un tour vers Cap Fear et d'arpenter des Terres le long de cette Riviere 
nomee autrement Clarendon River: Et pour cela ils firent des pro- 
visions de bouche et des marchandises tant qu'ils ne m'en resta 
presque plus rien cepandant ils firent une vie de couchant, et des 
debauches outrees, ce manege ne me plaisant pas jy fis mes Reflexions, 
et un mattin avant qu'ils eussent dejeunez je leurs repsentay que de la 
maniere qu'ils s'y prennoient ie voyais qu'ils avoient plutost envie de 
ce bien divertir que pour faire une besogne necessaire et profitable que 
j'avois besoin de ses marchandises pour Subvenir a ma necessite et 
celle de la Colonie, que nous avions pour le psent assez de Terres, 
qu'ils faloit voir pmierement coment reussiroient Nos Colonistes, que 
puis qu'il falait des grandes Sommes pour Soutenir une Enterprise de 

340 North Carolina Historical Commission 

cette importance il faloit plutost songer a ce procurer de quoy pour 
Subsister, que de faire des depenses inutiles et pas encore necessaires, 
etc. ma proposition deconcerta ces bons debauch 6z, et ils firent tout 
leur possible pour me desbuser mais ma resolution fust ferme, et ie 
representay a M. M: Quayanttant fait de bruit deses mines d'argent 
que meme on en estoit venue a des Traittes authentiques tant avec 
Mons. Penn Proprietaire de Pensilvanie qu'avec J: Justus Albrecht 
Chef des Mineurs d'Allemagne, qui n'attendoit que nos ordres pour 
les faire venir, que cestoit la ou il faloit travailler, qu'ils devoient 
dont aller a Philadelphia (Cap: de Pensilvanie) pour notifier a M. Ie 
Gouverneur mon ariv£e en ces Pays, luy remettre notre Patente de 
M. Ie Prop: Penn et luy denoncer questions en dessein daller visiter 
les mines de questions puis quelles devoient etre Situ6es sur Sa 
Jurisdiction, et que pour cela il nous donne ^assistance necessaire, 
qu'apres que le tout seroit prest et en bonne ordre assure contre les 
Indiens, que ie my transporterois, etc. Ces deux droles cy devant 
Compagnions de M. M: lors qu'ils allast avec plusieurs autres a la 
decouverte de la mine de question gouterent me proposition et en- 
couragerent M. M: a cette expedition, il y dona a la fin la main, et 
partirent fournis des memes provisiones qu'ils avoient prises pour ce 
petit voyage de Clarendon R. Quelques iours apres leur depart Le 
Roy avec quelques de ces Ind: me vint trouver, ne Sachant pas que 
pour d'autres Sujets i'avois fait partir M. M. : temoigna bien de la 
joye de ce que je les avois delivre de cett home dangereux, Et cett 
affaire me fist beaucoup de bien dans ma Captivite" de Cathechna ou 
ce Roitelet parla en ma faveur. 

La dessus nous nous promimes reciproquement bon Voisinage, et 
les Indiens quitterent bientost apres cett endroit pour ce placer au 
lieu assigne pas loin dela. Quelque terns apres je fis un tour a Cor 
Towne a 10 milles de Chatouka, ou ie fis assembler les Sauvages pour 
leur proposer que me trouvant dans leur Voisinage que ie pretendois 
de vivre bien avec Eux avec offre de mes Services cela fust bien receu, 
mais Come il y avoit deux Chefs dans le Vilage l'un nome Cor Tom et 
l'autre Sam, le premier Enemy des Anglois et L'autre Amy, qui fust 
absent, ie ny pus pas tout a fait regler ce que j'aurois bien Souhaitt6, 
Cependant assez content de leur acceuil ie m'en retournay le meme jour 
chez moy, Ce village de Cor est tres bien Situe, il y a un air plus frais, 
borde de la Riviere de Neuws. Si ces Indiens auroient voulu changer 
de place j 'en aurois eu bien envie. 

Ayant eu jusques icy des occupations plus pressantes Je n'avois pas 
fait encore grand chose pour l'Etablissment de la Ville, me trouvant 
un peu desoeuvre" je pris l'arpenteur general avec moy et son Clerc 
pour faire le Plan de cette nouvelle Ville. Come en Amerique on 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of New Bern 341 

n'ayme pas etre logez a letroit affin de jouir d'un air plus pur j'ordonay 
dont les rues bien larges et les maisons bien Separees Tune de l'autre, 
ie marquay 3 arpents de Terre pour chaque famille, pour maison 
grange, Jardin, Verger, chenevier bassecour et autres places, je parta- 
gay la Ville en Croix et au millieu ie destinay l'Eglise, l'une des rues 
principales tendoit des le bord de la Neuws droit avant dans les bois 
et l'autre rue principale croisoit depuis la Riviere de Trent jusques a 
la Riviere de Neuws: apres cela nous plantames des picquets pour 
marquer les maisons et faire les deux premieres rues Capitales le long 
et au bord des deux Rivieres et la miene estoit Situee a la pointe. Et 
come les artisans Sont mieux en Ville quaux Plantations, le leurs donay 
quelques privileges au lieu que les habitants ou nouveau bourgois 
estoient obliged de me payer annuellement pour mon droit et les 3 
arpents de Terre un Escublanc, les gens de mettier estoient francs 
pour 10 Ans les autres Seullement pour 3. J'eus d'abord un bon 
nombre qui Comencerent a coupper du bois pour faire leurs maisons, 
II y eust deux Charpentiers un masson, deux menuisiers un Serrurier, 
un mareshal Un ou deux Cordoniers, un tailleur, un munier, un 
armurier, un boucher, un tisseran, un tourneur un Sellier, un vitrier, un 
potier et tuiller, faiseurs de moulin deux, Un medecin, un chirurgien 
un maitre d'ecole. il y avoit encore ga et la aux Plantations encore 
quelques artisans, II ne manquoit encore qu'un ministre et en attend- 
ant celuy que ie faisois venir d'Allemagne, ie fis la fonction (marginal 
note, lisant a la maniere Angloise les Sermons.) ayant meme pmission 
de Mr. l'Eveque de Londre de marier et babtiser, pour Comunier j'en 
fis venir un ministre Tan une fois de Virginie. II vint de Virginie un 
ministre qui preschoit en Anglois et Francois et je Pavois engage" pour 
ma Colonie estant tres Content de venir moyennant 50£ St. que la 
Chambre de Londre de propagande Fide, ordone en Semblable cas, et 
une discretion raisonable que la Colonie en general feroit. 

Apres qu'une partie de ses artisants eurent leurs Charpante preste 
et qu'ils s'etoient au moins mis a Couvert en attendant mieux et que 
jeus aussi accomode un peu mieux le mienne. II S'agissoit de doner 
un nom a la Ville ce que nous fimes en grande Solennite, et nous 
joignimes au nom de Neuws celuy de Berne, ainsi la Ville fust bab- 
tisee Neuberne. Pour le Comencement il ce devoit etablir Seulement 
dun mois une fois un marcher et une fois L'an une foire. Enfin il y 
eut plusieurs autres reglements; Quand Mr. le Gouverneur le Con- 
seil et beaucoup de Planteurs de Caroline eurent advis de notre 
etablissement ils prirent non Seulement touts envie de Sy loger mais 
effectivement ce firent marquer des lots, cela veu dire des places 

342 JSTorth Carolina Historical Commission 

Et ils avoient raison, Car dans toutte la Province il n'y avoit pas 
un Seul endroit de Seurete, ils n'avoient ny provision general de 
bouche ny de munitions de Guere, ny d'armes chacun estoit pour 
ainsi dire abandone a la geule du loup Si les Sauvages estoient des 
gens un peu mieux faits a la guere ils auroient pu detruire les habi- 
tants de cette Province quand ils auroient voulu. Si le Bon Dieu 
n'auroit pas mieux veillez ces Carolins legers, il n'en Seroit pas reste 
un ame. 

II y eust beaucoup de psones de Pensilvanie et plusieurs de Vir- 
ginie qui prirent de lots, tellement qu'en peu d'anees on auroit une 
jolie Ville j'en y auroit transfere le Gouvernement d'autant que 
Little River, ou La Grande assemblee ce tenoit, il n'y avoit que quel- 
que peu de maisons dispersees on estoit fort Mall et point en Seurete. 

Pendant que je m'occupois a etablir de mon possible les affaires de 
ma Colonie, ayant meme pour la Seurete de la Colonie d'en haut vers 
mellcreeck fait construire une redoute pour tenir les Indiens en bride 
de ce Cote: Jai fait aussi plusieurs reglements et ordonances tant 
pour le militaire que pour le Civil, mes provisions de Vivres com- 
encerent a diminuer et les marchandises qui Sont en ces pays come de 
l'argent Content aussi; tellement que ie comencois a faire de reflexions 
bien Serieuses Sur mon entreprises, bien loin de recevoir aucune as- 
sistance et Secours soit de la Province ou des Lords Prop: Soit de mon 
Pays et de ma Societe au contraire il arivoit des billets de change 
protested, dans cette mauvise Situation d'affaires, ie ni Scavez plus ou 
me tourner, ayant desia ecrit plusieurs fois au pays et a la Societe 
pour du Secours n'estant Suivis aucune reponce, et de crainte quon ne 
prenne mes informations que pour des Contes, ie m'advisay de Sonder 
Si ie ne trouverois pas quelqu'un de la Colonie qui degoute de Ses 
miseres eust envie d'aller au pays, j'en trouvay un, qui estoit juste- 
ment un psonage que deux membres de la Societe avoient choisis pour 
Soigner leur Plantation, mais qui voyant que ces Messieurs ne fournis- 
saient pas de quoy pour Soutenir prist la resolution de S'en retourner 
chez luy me promettant meme qu'il ne m'en couteroit que les frais 
iusques en Pensilvanie je luy livray pour cela 5 Guines, et un petit 
billet de change pour en recevoir autant a Philadelphia, Mais le drille 
quand il fust arive a Philadelphia ne ce Contenta pas de ci peu, et 
trouva un marchant assez facile qui Sans mes ordres, Sur mon Credit 
luy advanca plus qu'il ne faloit a Londre il en fis de meme, et a Am- 
sterdam aussi ainsi plus outre jusques a Berne, et nos Messieurs as- 
sossiez bien Surpris de voir ce visage et bien plus de Son effronterie et 
grand Conte. Cependant avant le depart de ce mechant Pellerin, 
j'avois fait et remis un plan du Terrein et des Rivieres ou j'avois place 
ma Colonie et un memoire de ce que j'avois fait pour cett etablisse- 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of New Bern 343 

ment aussi bien que les frais que j'ay eu a ce Sujet avec un Conte de 
tout, avec une lettre preparee pour les encourager a me Soutenir en 
cette Enterprise la quelle quoique tres difficile au Comencement mais 
en ayant Surmonte le plus dangereux il y avoit belle apparence de 
reussir remettant le reste a La relation qu'il feroit de bouche princi- 
palement concernant la beaute et bonte du pays: Ce qu'il a bien 
remis, et Suivant que j'en Suis informe il avoit rien obmis de ce qui 
pouvoit tendre a ladvantage de cett Etablissement, et Sans doute 
j'aurois obtenu le Secours necessaire Sans le malheur qui m'est arive 
peu de terns apres, come il est a voir Si apres dans ma Relation. 

Dans cett esperance d'un prompt Secours: et Suffisant voyant que 
les vivres pour la Colonie me coutoient plus de voiture que d'achapt 
par advis de bons amis et psones entendues j'acheptay une Sloop, un 
batiment propre pour S'en Servir sur mers et dans les rivieres, avec 
une barque qui ne put Servir que dans les Rivieres, cecy pour lettres 
de change; Ces batiments me firent grand Service aussi bien qu'a la 
Province, comme on verra cy apres et ie fus meme contraint a cett 
expedient accause qu'il y avoit fort peu de ces batiments dans la 
Province et pendant cette guere Civile ils furent touts engagez ne 
pouvant en avoir ny pour or ny pour argent, cependant il faloit vivre. 
II y avoit en ce terns une Si grande disette de Sell accause que les 
estrangers n'osient se hazarder pendant ces troubles, pour en amener, 
que ie fus d'obligation d'envoyer ma Sloop aux Isles de Barmuides 
pour querir du Sell, et come il falut quelques chose pour echanger 
j'obtins de Mr. le Gouverneur Hyde pmission d'amasser des graines 
(marginal note, cet icy du ble Lambard) ca et la dans la Province Sur 
le Comte des Lords prop: et le Sien, mais le malheur voulust que par 
un grand orage ces bleds furent moullez, ce qui gasta mon rnarche et 
le profit de ce voyage fust fort petit, cependant le Sell que j'eus de 
Barmuides me fist beaucoup de bien et a mes voisins, et fus bien con- 
tent que pour la premiere fois mon batiment fust Sauve et de retour 
en bon etat hormis les voiles qui estoient bien dechirez et quelques 
cordages gatez, il avoit este absent si longtems que je croyois tout 
perdu, cela me devoit bien mettre en peine mayant coute 300 £. 
Sterlins; mais le plus qui me mettoit en peine c'est l'equipage, j'y 
avois de tres bon mattelots. Dans l'incertitude de ce que dessus 
pour me desennuyer, je suis alle quelque fois arpenter des Terres et 
ie ne peu de moins que de raconter icy une advanture assez particu- 
liere qui preceda celle de Catechna ou ie fus pris captif par les Sauvages. 

Un jour que j'alois arpenter des Terres, Le terns estant change 
froyant une grande tempete, n'aymant pas coucher dans les bois, ie 
laissay mes arpenteurs et pris le chemin cle la maison avec mon Valet, 
la grande haste fist que ie pris un Sentier pour l'autre, qui fust si long 

344 North Carolina Historical Commission 

que la nuict me Surprist, et ie tombay justemt. parmy les Indiens qui 
delogerent de lendroit ou ie mestois placez a Chatoucka psentemt. 
Neuberne. Je laisse a pencer le lecteur dans quelle apprehension 
j'estois et si les Sauvages n'avoient pas beau jeu de ce venger contre 
moy Si ie les avois maltraitte et que je n'eus pas bien vecu avec Eux; 
n' ay ant rien eu a me reprocher a cett egard, ie me rassuray un peu 
et par bonheur ils me receurent tres bien; Ce qui devoit augmenter 
mon apprehension estoit, qu'un des Chefs des Sauvages de Core qui 
n'estoit pas bien porte pour les Anglois ce trouva justement en Visite 
aupres du Roy Taylor, Cependant j'en fus quitte pour une petite 
peur: Come j 'estoit fort altere pour avoir parcouru les bois toutte la 
journee, de crainte que buvant d'eau elle ne me fist du mall, par 
surcroy d'honestete ils envoyerent aupres d'une femme malade qui 
avoit du Cidre pour m'en faire avoir, ie ne l'apris que quelques jours 
apres sans cela ie n'en aurois pas tant bu et ie me Serois fait de la 
peine de priver cette pauvre malade d'une boisson dont elle en Servoit 
plutost pour un cordial, que pour contenter Son palais. Pour mon 
Souper le Roy me fist present d'une quartier de Venaison, mais ie me 
passay ce Soir de Soupper, fatigue de ma Course ie fus bien aise de me 
reposer, ie fis dont tendre par mon Valet Ma petite tente pour y 
coucher mais ie ne dormis guere: Ils firent toutte la nuict des feus de 
joye dansant et chantant a l'entour faisent quelque fois des Corus et 
des cris qu'on auroit chasses les loups du bois, musique different de 
celle d'orphee qui apprivoisoit les bestes les plus farouches. Le Lende- 
main de bon mattin le Roy me dona pour convoy deux Sauvages qui 
me mirent en bon chemin et m'accompagnerent a la maison apres 
leurs avoir done bien a manger et a boire ie leurs remis un petit pre- 
sent, pour le Roy Taylor, et au place de Son Sydre ie luy envoyay 
deux bouteilles de Rum ou brantevin de Sucre pour en faire part 
aussi a la pauvre Malade cordial bien meilleur, ce qui fust tres bien 
receu a ce que j'ay apris. Ce meme Roy ne contribua pas peu a mon 
elargissement apres l'assistance Divine, lors que ie fus condamne a 
mort par les Sauvages a Catechna. 

31. n'ayant ny lieu de retraitte, ny de provisions soit de vivres 
Soit d'armes Soit de munitions, ne les encouraga pas peu au dessein 

32. Celuy dabord apres la Soufferte qui ne consistoit qua Sier des 
tronces d'arbres pour la Scurte publique durant un Seul jour dont la 
peine n'aprochoit pas le Crime, passa la riviere pour rencontrer les 
Indiens, etc. 

33. Les Indiens qui avoient de la peine a croire une Semblable 
pfidie de moy, ce doutterent de ce que le drole avoit rapports, ha- 
zarderent un de leur trouppe qui Sceut bien l'anglois ce fust meme mon 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Bern 345 

interprete de Catechna, pour l'envoyer aupres de nous quoy qu'avec 
beaucoup d'apprehension d'etre pris et en danger de vie. Sur quoy il 
ariva une assez plaisante advanture; C'est Indien ayant passe dega la 
riviere, veilla l'occasion de parler a quelqu'un de mes gens, pour Sca- 
voir la realite* de ce fait, quand l'lndien voulust aprocher un de mes 
Colonistes le pauvre home fust tellement epouvante qu'il vient tout 
essoufle mettre Pallarme dans mon quartier et m'advertit qu'il avoit 
vu un Sauvage qui avoit voullu S'approcher, que Sans doute les 
autres n'estoient pas loin, ce qui en effect m'allarma un peu et ie mis 
mon monde en posture. Cependant ie m'imaginay pourtant que les 
Indiens impatients d' avoir leur Rantion pouvoient avoir envoy e 
quelqu'un pour voir a quoy on en estoit: J'ordonay dont au meme 
home qui avoit pris l'epouvante de ce remettre au meme endroit Seul, 
que de loin ie posteray des gens pour le deffendre en cas de danger, ce 
qu'on fist, peu de terns apres, le Sauvage ne manqua pas de ce mon- 
trer et S'approchant luy fist Signe, qu'il ne devoit rien craindre, notre 
home faisant le meme Signe a L'autre ils S'approcherent a la fin et 
s'aboucherent: Ils vinrent dont sur le Chapitre du marschal qui avoit 
parle contre moy, Sans pourtant que jamais le Sauvage voullut le 
nomer, mais il en parla bien d'une maniere qu'on pouvoit diviner 
qui s'etoit: Notre home qui avoit Son Instruction representa que les 
Sauvages estoient mall inform^, et que S'estoit un malhonest home qui 
avoit fait ses Scinistres rapports, que ie gardois une exacte Neutrality bien 
loin, que les Anglois n'estoient pas contents de moy, en ce que ie n'avois 
voulu me joindre a Eux, me contentant de garder mon poste, insinu- 
ant plus outre que les Sauvages devoient ramener les Palatins prison- 
iers S'ils voulloient avoir leur Rantion, et plusieurs autres choses que 
notre home eust ordre de dire: apres Sans faire beaucoup de bruit il 
laissa aller L'lndien luy insinuant qua l'advenir aucun des Sauvages 
ne devoit plus venir par icy, que S'ils avoient a dire quelque chose, 
qu'ils devoient faire un feu vis a vis de notre quartier, qu' apres i'envoy- 
eray quelqu'un a batteau pour leur parler, mais qu'on leur parleroit que 
Sur l'eau, et Eux les Indiens devoient venir en contre et pas plus de 
deux a la fois. 

34. Le Susnome" Brice qui auroit bien eu envie d'avoir ses utensils 
principalement ceux qui Servoient pour raccommoder les fusils, s 'ad visa 
de les ravoir par finesse, S'il ne les pourroit avoir autrement, resolu 
meme de les prendre par force, 

35. (pretextant que S'est pour la defence et service de la Patrie) 

36. petit fort 

37. Ce qui auroit este fait si j'avois eu des temoins Suffisants con- 
tre luy. 

38. marquees d'une marque — : ce qui Signifie News 

346 . North Carolina Historical Commission 

39. (qui proprement ne furent pas en action contre Eux mais 
Soubconez d'etre du partis de leurs Ennemys) 

40. Quand l'Assemblee Generale fust convoquee ie ne manquay 
pas de my transporter: Premiermt. ie me presentay dans la maison 
haute consistant de Monsr. Le Gouverneur des Representants des 
Lords Proprietaires des Conseillers, et Cassiques ou Gentilshomes de la 
Province. Apres que j'eus fait mes plaintes et m'etre justifie de ma 
Conduite ie me transportay a la maison Basse, Consistant en Deputez 
des Communes, apres un petit discours au Sujet de question, ie de- 
manday apres Ses Calomniateurs qui avoit pris information Secrette 
Sans aucun ordre de Magistrature, Voulus qu'on me les nommast et 
qu'on me produisit, ou l'original ou copie des 20 ou 23 articuls qu'on 
avoit forme contre moy, Je voullois absolument que L'accusateur ce 
produisit, affin que ie le puisse convaincre de faussete, m'innocenter et 
justifier en due forme, mais psone n'osa ny ce produire ny Seulement 
ouvrir la bouche au Sujet de ces fausses accusations. 

Sans doute Ses faux accusateurs eurent vent et aprirent de quelle 
maniere ie m'estois justifie aupres de Mrs. les Gouverns. de Virginie et 
Caroline, et voyant que ma conduite fust aprouvee ils n'oserent pour- 
suivre leurs accusations de crainte de Succomber. Cependant parmy 
tout cela mon honner et Reputation Souffrit beaucoup et meme ie fus 
en danger de ma vie, d'autant que parmy les Palatins de mes Res- 
sortissants meme il s'estoit trouve de faux temoins que faire dont 
dans cette malheureux Situation d'affaires? Voyant que psone ne 
voulust parler, je commencay moy meme a nomer les accusateurs 
fulminant contre Eux, et demandant Justice; Mais helas! dans un 
Gouvernment Si confus ou le premier feu de Sedition ne fust pas 
encore tout a fait eteint, une bone partie des membres de ce Parlement 
gardant encore des rancunes Secrettes et qui estoient bons amis de ce 
Brice qui en fust aussi, et qui aurroient ete bien aise que quelque af- 
front m'ariva, pour avoir tenu le partis de Mons. le Gouverneur: 
d'autre cote embarasses de cette Guerre Indiene, ie ne pus avoir 
auccune autre Satisfaction, Si non que de voir un profond Silence. 
Sur ma representation et defence. II est vray que Mr. le Gouvern: 
et la maison Haute me firent des excuses et un compliment, me r 'en- 
voy ant au reste a demander Justice Selon les formalitez usitees en 
terns de Paix contre mes Calomniateurs: Songees mon cher lecteur 
combien de terns il auroit falu attendre pour avoir ma due Satisfac- 
tion, puis qu'a l'heure qu'il est la Guerre Indiene n'est pas finie. 
Marginal note A. 1716—. 

41. Ces pauvres gens qui ne Sentoient que trop les effets de l'extre- 
mite dans la quelle nous times alors, (n'estant reste de nos provisions 
qu'une mesure de bled, ayant soutenu 22 Semaines sans aucun Secours 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of New Been 347 

de quoy que ce Soit du Gouvernement ou cle la Province) n'eurent pas 
de la peine de consentir a ce que ie leurs proposoit. 

42. Un Planteur Anglois de la Secte des trembleurs, 

43. Le Gouvernement de Sud Caroline envoya dont 800 Sauvages 
tributaires, avec 50 Anglois Carolins, sous Comendement de Colonel 

44. brancar. 

45. L'endroit de notre Rendevous fust chez un tres galant home le 
Sieur Rosier, pres de la chutte de Potomack ou quelques messieurs de 
Pensilvanie qui estoient aussi interessez avec nous, m'estoient venus a 
rencontre, dans l'esperance de voir une fois ce qu'en Seroit de cette 
belle et riche mine d'argent dont le Sieur M: en fist tant bruit, et a 
quelle recherche ils avoient desia fournis tant d'argent. Nous estant 
tenu assez longtems a cett endroit Sans aprendre aucune nouvelle ny 
du Sr. M. ny de la Colonie qu'attendions de jour a autre avec impa- 
tience; Les demarches si etranges de ce M. nous firent presque douter 
et pas Sans raison de la realite de ses advances. C'est pour quoy nous 
primes la resolution d'aller nous memes visiter l'endroit des mines, 
dont il nous avoit done un plan: Nous preparames dont en meilleure 
forme pour ce Voyage quoy que bien dangereux; Et come j'avois forme 
ce dessein desia avant que j'eusse ete advertis de ce rendevous, ie pris 
mes precautions, communiquant mon dessein a Mons: le Gouver. de 
Virginie qui me dona des Patentes, mememant publia des Manclats 
par lesquels il ordona qu'a ma premiere recherche ou Sur les premiers 
advis des gardes frontieres devoient me Suivre et m'accompagner. 
Quand nous vinmes a un petit village nome Canavest endroit en- 
chant e et bien plaisant, environ 40 miles au dessus la Chute de Poto- 
mack nous trouvames la un trouppeau de Sauvages etablis, et princi- 
palement un francois cle Canada, nome Martin Charetier qui avoit 
epouse une Indienne ou Sauvage, qui etoit en grand Credit parmy les 
Sauvages riere Pensilvanie et Maryland, et Sur les beaux advancez du 
Sr. M. sy estoit place, quittant pour ce Suject son endroit ou il fust 
bien etablis en Pensilvanie. Ce meme Martin Charetier avoit aussi 
fait le Voyage de Senantona pour la recherche des Mines avec le Sr. 
M. et y contribua une bone Some d'argent; Cett home nous advertit 
que les Indiens qui estoient dans le Voisinage de cette Montagne de 
S: ou devoient etre les mines, estoient fort allarmez de cette Guerre 
qu'avions avec les Tuscoruros, que nous ne devions pas nous hazarder 
dans un Voyage Si dangereux Sans necessite, a quoy nous times 
attention remettant ce partis pour une occasion et terns plus assure. 
Cependant nous times une alliance avec ses Indiens de Canavest come 
tres necessaire, tant par raport des Mines qu'esperions trouver par la 
aussi bien qu'accause de l'Etablissement qu'avions resolu de faire en 

348 North Carolina Historical Commission 

Ses endroits de notre petite Colonie Bernoise qu'attendions. Apres 
cela nous visitames ses beaux endroits du Pays, ses Isles enchanters 
Sur la Riviere de Potomack au dessus la Chutte: Et dela a notre re- 
tour nous allames sur une montagne haute seule au millieu d'un vaste 
pays plat, nome accause de sa forme Sugarlove qui veut dire en franc- 
ais pain de Sucre, prenant avec nous un arpenteur: Le susdit Martin 
Charetier et quelques Sauvages. Des cette montagne nous vimes une 
grande etendue de Pays partie de Virginie, Maryland, Pensylvanie, et 
Caroline, nous Servant du compas, nous fimes un plan, et observames 
particulierement la montagne de Senantona ou devoient etre les mines, 
trouvames que cette montagne etoit situ£e riere Virginie et non riere 
Pensilvanie come on nous en avoit done* le Plan, et par hazard deux 
de ces Sauvages connaissant la Situation de cette Montagne, nous 
dirent qu'ils avaient desia rode" par la, qu'ils avaient presque visite" 
touts les coins de cette Montagne mais qu'ils navoient trouve aucun 
Mineral et que notre plan n'estoit pas juste de quoy nous fumes bien 
Surpris. Nous decouvrimes de cette hauteur trois chenes de Mon- 
tagnes toujours une plus haute que l'autre, un peu eloign ees, et des 
tres beau Valons entre les premieres; Apres que fumes redescendus de 
cette Montagne ou il y eust au bas une tres belle et bone fontaine et 
bon terrein, nous allames coucher chez ce Martin Charetier ou nous 
fumes logez et traittez a l'indiene: Le jour apres nous partimes pour 
nous en retourner, nous descendimes la Riviere a quell sujet Les In- 
diens nous firent un petit batteau d'ecorce d'arbre a moins d'une 
demie journee d'une adresse merveilleuse, nous y entrames 5 de nous 
et deux Sauvages, qui conduisoient le navet, nous y mimes encore 
notre bagage c'estoit un charme de voir en descendant le beau pays a 
cotes et les jolies isles, mais quand nous vinmes aupres d'un grand 
Roc au meilleu de la Riviere guere loin de la chutte come est a voir 
dans le plan No. 6. nous trouvames le passage dangereux (car a len- 
tour de ce roc qui est presque une petite montagne ou il y a une 
jolie plaine dessus ou meme il y demeuroit un Indien) il y a encore 
quantite de petit rocs et grosses pieres ce qu'il fait que les passages 
sont rapides etroits et mechants; Je ne voulus pas y descendre et 
sortimes touts, hormis Mr. Rosier qui connoissant l'adresse des In- 
diens l'hazarda, quand nous vimes de loin quels tours quil falut faire, 
de quelle adresse inexprimable il falut conduire ce canon ou navet, 
nous crumes quasi qu'il y avait de la magie dans le fait, et nous fumes 
bien aise detre dehors, principalemt. quand nous entendimes chanter 
les Indiens lors qu'ils passerent d'une grande rapidite, hurtant presque 
a une grosse piere ou roche, cela fist pourtant prier mon bon Sr. 
Rosier tant hardis qu'il put etre: A une 4d. de lieu de dela ce mechant 
passages ils s'arreterent et nous rentrames au batteau, le bon home 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of New Been 349 

Rosier encore tout pasle de peur nous assura bien qu'il ne Seroit plus 
si temeraire, Nous descendimes de la fort bien et doucement la 
Riviere, jusques a la Chutte, a un 4d de lieu de ca nous Sortimes les 
valets ayant amene la nos cheveaux. cependant avant que de monter 
a cheval nous regardames come les Indiens portoient leur navet Sur 
les epaules dans le bois pour le raccommoder, s'estant bien garde de 
nous dire que le bout avoit este gate en hurtant contre line roche, il 
falut raccourcir le navet en coupant ce bout, apres l'avoir bien r'ac- 
comode les Indiens le rapporterent a la Riviere, et furent assez teme- 
raires que de descendre le Saut ou la grande chutte de Potomack, ils 
passerent a leur dire heureusement, mais pourtant ils nous mirent 
bien en peine en ce quils tarderent beaucoup avant que de nous 
joindre chez Mons. Rosier ou nous logames: Je restay encore quelque 
terns chez ce mons. y attendant toujours mon Peuple de Caroline, le 
reste de la Compagnie reprirent le Chemin de Pensilvanie, mal Satis- 
fait des tergiversations de M. M. et de Son etrange conduite. 

II est a remarquer icy que le Sr. M. que ie nomme pas icy par des 
bones considerations, bien a dupe" du monde par ses belles Relations et 
psuasions d'avoir trouve des mines si riches, et Si jay done aussi dans 
le panneau, il estoit facile de m'atraper estant etranger dan ces 
Pays, mon fondement fust 1. que ie croyais un home de sa qualite 
et encore compatriot, incapable de Semblables tours. 2. le mineral 
qu'il avoit montre, ayant este prouve fust trouve* bien bon. 3. Les 
serments quil fist. 4. Les Patents qu'il demandoit a la Reine d'Angle- 
terre pour ce fait, un trait bien hardis. 5. puis que tant de psones de 
Pensilvanie et d'autre Provinces avait fait le voyage tout ouverte- 
ment avec pmission des Gouverneurs voisins pour la decouverte de 
ses mines il paraissoit quelque chose de reel dans le fait. 6. Entre 
autres il sy etoient interesse, un marchand de Pensilvanie bien ruse 
et pas jeune, encore un habile orfeuvre et d'autres psone qui de- 
voient bien connoitre le Terrein par la, Voyant que ceux cy habiles 
gens habitants dans ces Pays des leurs jeunesse meme, quelques 
uns natifs dans ces Lieux y hazardoient des Somes considerables, ie 
ne pouvois m'imaginer qu'ils n'eussent pas pris touttes leurs 
Scuretez et pcautions. 7. Nous fimes un traitte formel avec des 
mineurs d'Allemagne, pour acheminer le tout le Sr. M. fist un Voyage 
en Hollande pour s'entreparler avec le Chef des mineurs qui devoit 
preparer touts les ustensils et choses necessaires pour cette Entre- 
prise, qui coustaient pres de 1000 Escubl. 8. Monsieur Penn Pro- 
prietaire de Pensilvanie fist un Traitte avec nous, ayant connoissance 
de tout ce fait a fond, qui nous favorisa beaucoup a cett egard, meme 
etablist le Sr. M. Directeur general de touts les mineraux de La Pro- 
vince. Qui apres tant d'autres Semblables demarches, douteroit plus 

350 North Carolina Historical Commission 

de la realite du fait. De cette farce il y auroit une histoire entiere a 
faire, et assez Grotesque, mais ie plains les pauvres mineurs qui ont 
quitte le Certain qu'ils avoient en Allemagne pour aller chercher 1 'in- 
certain en Amerique, pour une bone vocation qu'ils avoient, ils ont 
psentement rien que ce qu'ils peuvent profiter de quelque terrein 
defriche ou ils Sont oblige de vivre bien petitemt. Le Maitre Mineur 
meme fust arrete avec touts Ses hardes et utensils par l'Ambassadeur 
de L'Empereur et en danger d'une grande peine, Meme de Sa vie, si 
l'Ambassadeur d'Angleterre n'eust trouve le moyen de le liberer. 

46. Je reviens a la petite nouvelle Colonie que Voullions etablir, 
Je crois qu'il y a guere d'endroits dans le monde, plus beau et mieux 
Situe que celuy cy de Potomack et de Canavest lequell nous voul- 
ions partager en deux petites Colonies. La premiere Justement dessus 
le Saut ou Chutte, ou il y a une tres jolie Isle de tres bon terrain et 
vis a vis un Coin entre la grand Riviere de Potomack et une autre 
petite Riviere nome Gold Creeck, en francois ruisseau d'or, comode 
pour recevoir tout ce qui vient d'enhaut la Riviere les plus gros navires 
marchands, y pouvant faire voile, aussi bien que ce qui vient en bas 
de dessus le Saut ou d'alentour, L'autre Colonie devoit etre etablie 
pres de Canavest come est a voir par le Plan. 

Marginal note says : Belle Situation des Terres dessus et dessous le 
Saut de Potomack ou nous voullions etablir aussi une Colonie vide le 

47. C'estoit de pousser outre contre Mexique, il voulloit que ie 
transferasse la Colonie le long de la Riviere de Mesesipy, par la il a 
fait voir ou qu'il avoit perdu le bon Sens ou qu'il etoit un fourbe, ie 
crois l'un et l'autre ensemble: Sans doute il avoit bu quand il ecrivit 
cette lettre. 

48. 1. Cette Riviere de Mesesipy est bien eloignee de l'endroit ou 
nous estions en Nord Caroline, ou prendre les vivres pour tant de 
monde, et la voiture. 2. Quelle Scurete contre les capres et les 
Nations Ennemies estant alors en guere avec la France, 3. Coment 
passer parmy tant de Sortes de Sauvages inconnus, terrible danger et 
quelque chose de bien temeraire. 4. II y a 3 Nations qui y ptendent 
L'Espagne, La France, et L'Angleterre, il croyoit que Berne come 
Neutre obtiendroit ce Pays facilement, quelle pensee! cela s'apelle 
batir des Chatteaux en Hispagne. 5. Considered l'incapacite de L'Etat 
de Berne qui pour n'avoir pas des forces maritimes ne Scauroit Sou- 
tenir un Pays si eloign e* 6. ce Pays est desia marque par les deux 
Puissances L'Espagne et la France, La premiere possedant les Pays 
del a de la Riviere contre le Mexique, La Seconde ce qui est de ca la 
Riviere le prenant pour une dependance ou plutost une bienseance 

Gbaffeneied: Account of the Founding of New Been 351 

a la Canada, en ayant pris desia possession et y batis plusieurs 
forts come est a voir a la petite Mappe de Mexique et La Nouvelle 

49. voulant faire encore un essay. 

50. item s'il n'avoit rien laisse de mes linges et meubles 

51. En ce traject il ne se passa rien d'extraordinaire, hormis que 
nous fumes une fois bien en danger, par la negligence de notre Cap- 
taine qui dans un tres grand orage dormoit bien a Son aise, quoy que 
les mattelots Padvertissassent plusieurs fois il ne s'en pressa pas de 
regarder ce qui pourroit manquer tellement que le petit voile de dessus 
le beaupre fust engloutis par les ondes, les cordes rompirent, alors 
notre vaisseau passa au dessous les ondes tellement que nous fumes 
dans leau et touts mouillez, bientot apres le Beaupre rompist qui est 
la pointe du Vaisseau, et nous crumes de perir, il fallust attacher les 
mattelots a des cordes et les plonger dans la mer fort agitee pour pecher 
les cordes, voile, et principalment le beaupre, lequell on eust bien de la 
peine de lever, ces pauvres mattelots furent bien mouillez et battus 
des vagues il falut avaler quelque fois de leau Salee, a la fin nous eumes 
les Choses les plus necessaires, on ce tremoussa beaucoup et on travailla 
a raccomoder le Beaupre le mieux qu'on put le vent cessa un peu et 
on put r'accomoder ce qu'il faloit plus a Paise, mais apres accause 
que le beaupre fust r'accourcis, notre Navire, n'alast plus avec cette 
vitesse come auparavant. 

Quelques jours apres nous decouvrimes une chose assez curieuse. 
La premiere fois nous crumes de voir de loin un voile, ce qui nous 
obliga d'ordoner au petit garcon de monter au haut du Mas, la il ap- 
perceut que ce qui paroissoit blanc estoit trop gros pour des voiles, a 
la fin il cria que c 'estoit Sans doute du terrein et nous bien en peine 
nous croyons au millieu de L'ocean, nous examinames dabord la Carte 
ou mappe geographique, times le conte des heures ou miles qu'avions 
fait, et trouvames qu'en cette latitude il n'y avoit point d'Isles; affin 
que nous ne hurtions a cett endroit inconnu, nous trouvames a la 
droite, a la fin nous decouvrimes que cestoit un monceau de glace 
qui Sans doute par un vent chaud s' estoit defait de ces glaciers du 
Nord, nous en aprochames de bien pres et nous fumes surpris de voir 
une petite montagne de glace flottant au millieu de L'ocean. La 
forme et la figure en etoit Come une forteresse de hauteur, on y voyoit 
une espece de rempart, des maisons, tournelets, etc. Petendue en etoit 
meme assez grande tellement qu'on eust cru que ce fust un fort si 
cela avoit paru en terre ferme en hyver: La glaciere flottante Contre 
le Sudwest , et nous faisants Voile contre Nordost, nous la perdimes de 

352 North Carolina Historical Commission 

52. Ce qui me fist une peine inconcevable; a la fin ie me tremoussay 
beaucoup aupres de quelque gros Seigneur pour procurer a ces gens du 
travail et du pain, on les employa a faire ou raccomoder une grande 
dique, mais une pluye forte survient et tout fust ren verse, il falut dont 
regarder pour des nouveaux expedients pour les faire subsister, ie 
trouvay place a une partie mais pas a touts Cependant j'estois press e* 
d'aller chez moi, craignant de Voyager en hyver Sentant desia une 
atteinte de goute qui ne S'accomode pas du froid: Je trouvay a la fin 
deux Puissants marchands negotients pour la Virginie, aux quels ie 
proposay et recomanday le mieux cette affaire, avec cela ie Consultay 
un Seigneur de Consideration a qui ie fus reccomande, par Mr. le 
Gouv. de Virginie justement concernant les mines affin qu'il me put 
Servir et rendre des bons offices en Cour. Nous conclumes, que Ses 
gens devoient, etc. 

53. Le Capite. du batiment. a qui il falut confier la chose (marginal 
note: que j'avois dans mon coffret quelque chose de contrebande.), 
pourtant Sous un autre nom, me conseilla d'aller dans un petit bat- 
teau a Gravesand, pour ly attendre, lorsque ie fus a moitie chemin il 
s'eleva un Si gros Vent Contraire, que ie fus contraint d'aborder et re- 
brousser un peu et de marcher a pied a Gravesand, ou ie couchay et 
restay un jour entier, mais y faisant cher vivre et ne Sachant pas si ce 
vent contraire dura encore Longtems, considerant avec cela que cecy 
estoit aussi un port, ie repris le chemin de Londre ou mon Capt. du 
vaisseau n'etoit pas encore prest, attendant un Vent plus favorable, 
cependant ie restay a Southrick de dela la Tamise, jusques a nouvel 
ordre; Lorsqu'il eust debarque ie fus advertis de le Suivre, et a Green- 
wich ie suis entre dans le Vaisseau, et un peu hors de la Ville de Grave- 
sand me laissa Sortir me disant que ie devois attendre jusquace qu'il 
eust accuse tout ce qu'il y avoit dans le batiment : Nonobstant qu'il 
eust dit aux Visitateurs que mon Coffret apartenoit a un Gentilhome 
de St. Valeris, qu'il pouvoit temoigner que ce n'estoit que des habits 
et hardes, ils ne voulurent pas ce contenter de cela; il m'envoya dont 
promptement un garcon pour m'advertir qu'il me falust ouvrir mon 
coffret, ce qui me mist en peine pourtant ie tiens bone mine et parlay 
francais, ie pris d'abord ma Clef avec un demy Eccu d'angleterre et le 
donay au Comis le priant de ne pas chifoner mes habits qui etoient si 
bien ployez, ce qui passa par bonheur, car S'ils avoient examine tout 
j'aurois et£decouvert et en danger. 

Apres cela nous passames outre, Lorsque nous fumes presque vers 
L'Embouchure de la Tamise aupres d'un Port nome Marguet il seleva 
un Si terrible orage accompagne de tonere et declairs que nous fumes 
en grand danger, qu'a peine nous pumes retenir l'ancre durant la 
nuict. Le jour Suivant lors que le vent fust un peu appaise, nous 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Been 353 

fimes voile plus outre, et lorsque nous fumes sur le haut de la mer, 
un gros vent contraire nous poussa en un endroit plain de bancs de 
Sable, tenement que nous fumes oblige de rebrousser et d'aborder a un 
autre Port nome Ramsey, si les gens de cette Vilette et grand nombre 
de Mattelots n'etoient venus a notre Secours, nous serions peris in- 
failliblement. C'est la ou nous fumes oblige de rester 8 jours accause 
du vent contraire et affin de pouvoir rapatasser nos voiles dechire'z et 
accomoder dautres affaires, ce qui me fust bien incomode, accause que 
ie n'avois pas beaucoup d'argent pour mon Voyage de Paris, n'ayant 
pas fait mon Conte de faire de la depense hors du Vaisseau. Lorsque 
le vent fust un peu apaise nous sortimes, mais fumes repousse pour la 
Seconde fois: A la fin le Vent ce changea a Nordost qui nous fust 
favorable, ainsi nous passames pres de Douvre, apres cela le Vent ce 
changea encore une fois. Le Voyage ou traject me fist plus de peine 
que celuy ou ie passay deux fois L'ocean, au lieu de 3 jours nous 
eumes 3 Semaines pour St. Valeris et ou il y a un entree Si danger- 
euse qu'il falust que des guides nous vinrent a la rencontre pour nous 
mener, car il fist un grand vent on ne put voir les marques. Je faillis 
encore detre arreste a St. Valeris pour n'avoir pas engraisse la patte 
des Comis du Port qui d'une maniere fort brusque me demanderent le 
passeport, Sans doute pour m'epouvanter afnn d'avoir la piece, mais 
come si ie Savois que les Suisses avoient le passage libre dans touttes 
la France ie ne fis pas grand facon avec Eux et come il me citerent 
devant le Gouverneur, j'y allay d'abord, et luy montray un petit 
billet de change pour Paris par lequell il pouvoit voir que j'estois 
Suisse et Bernois, Luy disant que ie n'avois pas demande un passeport 
puisque les Suisses etoient en alliance avec la France, et que meme 
une bone partie etoient au Service du Roy, que moi meme avois passe 
et repass e en France que iamais on ne m'en avoit demande, Mr. le 
Gouverneur fust Satisfait de ma reponce et ie Suivis outre a mon 
Voyage montant en haut la Riviere pour Abeville ou, j'entray dans 
la diligence pour Paris, ou ie ne fis qu'une couchee et partis dans la 
diligence pour Lion, dela j 'allay a cheval avec la chasse mare, mais au 
Fort d'Eccluse il falust encore monter au Chatteau pour parler a Mr. 
le Commandant qui prist plus de facon que le Gouv: de St. Valeris et 
ne voulust me laisser la dessus j'ouvris ma Valise pour y prendre ma 
Patente que Mon Souverain m'avoit donee pour le Gouverneur 
d'Yverdon, la quelle ie montray a Mr. le Commandant luy disant que 
ie n'avois pas dessein de passer par icy, mais par Pontarlier connaissant 
particulierement Mr. le Gouverneur come ayant vescu en bon Voisin 
avec luy pendant ma Prefecture, que ie n'avois pas besoin de passeport 
et d'autres raisons que ie luy dit, il me laissa dont passer et ie contin- 
uay mon chemin a Geneve de la vers notre Vignoble a la Vaut pres de 

354 North Carolina Historical Commission 

Vevay, ou ie crus rencontre ma famille selon l'advis don£, meme dans 
T intention dy faire quelque Sejour, mais j'y trouvay visage de bois, 
puis qu'elle etoit partie 8 jours auparavant, il falust dont Suivre quoy 
qu'avec regret, j'arrivay le jour de la St. Martin 1714 a Berne en bone 
Sante Dieu soit loue, trouvant aussi tout en bon Etat a la maison. 

54. Et je ne pus pas venir a bout aupres des autres, les moyens 
me manquoient de faire un process contre ma Society quoy que bien 
fonde en vertu d'un Traitte authentique que j'ay en main j'avois 
present e en Senat une Supplication par la quelle ie demanday Seul- 
ement une Commission pour m'entendre a ce que j'avois a proposer, 
mais ie fus econduit, ce qui me m'encouragay guere de playder: 

55. Come ie viens de dire cy dessus, ie n'ay pas Seulment faits 
touts mes efforts, aupres de mes Parents amys, de la Societe, et de la 
Magistrature de Berne, j'ay encore ecrit en Allemagne, et ay fait 
encore un essay aupres d'une Republique voisine, mais ie nay pu 
reussir quelles raisons psuasives j'ay done. Apres cela iay prie Mr. 
Stanion qui a ete Envoy e Extraordinaire de Sa Majeste Britanique 
aupres de Corp Helvetique, luy ayant remis une Suplication pour Sa 
Majeste avec une Relation Succincte et un memoire mais ce Mon- 
sieur ayant ete choisis pour L'ambassade de Vienne et partis pour ce 
Sujet, toutte ma besogne est restee la et en un Coin: J'avois fait 
encore une autre tentative, ma reponce fust que les troubles d'Angle- 
terre n'estant pas encore calm£es, il n'y avoit rien affaire pour moy 

Au Retour du Roy George, de Hanover, croyant que tout etoit 
dissipe et que la nouvelle alliance avec la France et la Hollande af- 
fermiroit tellement la tranquillite* au Royaume qu'il n'y auroit plus 
rien a craindre, pour le Pretendant, j'aurois fait encore un dernier 
effort mais me voicy encore renvoye par la nouvelle conspiration 
decouverte: Voyant dont qu'autant de fois qu'il me Semble paroitre 
une bone etoile pour favoriser mon dessein, et cependant il est tou- 
jours ou traverse ou empeche, il paroit qu'absolumt. La Fortune ne 
m'en veut pas. C'est pourquoy il n'y a rien de meilleur que de quitter 
mes Projets, et de chercher les tresors d'enhaut, etc. 

56. dumplins. 

57. Cette Endroit, quoy que dans un terrible desert, avoit encore 
Son agreement, Cestoit un beau Champ de bled Lombard ou il y 
avoit une grosse Cabine Indiene, cette place estoit entouree d'une 
petite Riviere profonde ce qui fist une petite Isle tellement que la 
nature avoit fait la un petit fort presque imprenable par le marest et 
les buissons epais qu'il y avoit tout alentour. Toutte cette Populace 
Susdite consistoit en vieux homes infirmes, femes, Enfants et de la 
jeunesse Sous Page pour porter les armes. 

(See English translation.) 

Graffenkied: Account of the Founding of New Been 355 

A. Au bas de cette chutte ou Saut, a cote nous voulions bastir 
une maison et etablir une Plantation, pour de la charier les mar- 
chandises jusques a une demy 4d. lieu a ce Saut les plus gros Vaiss- 
eaux marchands peuvent voiler ce qui est bien comode pour le negoce. 

B. Justement au dessous du Saut on y prend une prodigieuse 
quantite de meilleurs poissons, au mois de may ils y Sont tant en 
foule qu'on les tue avec le baton. 

C. Cette Isle est toutte escarp ee du Roc au dessus de tres belle 
et bonne terre assez pour entretenir une famille entiere il y demeure 
des Indiens on en feroit un fort imprenable: Cest pres de cett Isle que 
nous mimes pied a Terre -en descendant cette Riviere depuis Canavest. 

D. Plantation du Col: Bell de 800 pause de Terre a vendre pour 
168 liv. Sterlin tres propre et comode pour notre dessein, de la on 
prend la route de Canavest ou a pied. 

E. Au pied de cette Montague il y a une tres bone Source chaude, 
les Indiens Pestiment beaucoup et se guerissent de plusieurs incomo- 

F. Au milieu de cette Montagne il y a une tres belle Source d'eau 

G. On peut monter cette montagne a cheval comodement jusques 
a un coup de fusil du Sommet, au dessus il y a une jolie plaine, ou il 
y a une etendue passable il y a des chesnes chattagnests et noyers 
Sauvages. Cest des la ou nous avons decouvert bien du Pays partie 
de Virginie, Maryland, Caroline et Pensilvanie. 

H. Isle de Canavest Terre haute tres bone, ou les Indiens ou Sau- 
vages avoient plant e du tres beau bled Lombard, Cest sur cette Isle 
ou nous avions fait dessein au comencement de nous etablir, come 
tres bien Situee pour negocier en Virginie Maryland et Pensilvanie et 
a ce Sujet nous avions fait arpenter presque tout ce qu'il y avoit de 
bonne terre cottoyant la Riviere. 

I. Etang fort curieux a deux pieds de profondeur l'eau est toutte 
chaude, pour avoir de leau fresche, bone a boire il y faut plonger une 
bouteille de verre attachee a une fiselle bien bas, soit a 4 ou 5 pied 
profond et on aura de leau tres excellente freche come glace. 

K. Par icy nous avions fait marquer 6000 pauses de arpends de 
Terre choisie abondante et pleine d'arbres de Sucre ses arbres sont 
tres beau et gros come des chesnes, ne vienent que Sur des Terres 
tres grasses, quand on y fait un coup de hasche ou tronc de larbre il 
en sort un Sue a 3 ou 4 pots de ce Sue ou liqueur bouillie dans une 
mermite il rests au fond une matiere douce et e'est du Sucre, on en 
fait des petits pains, ce Sucre est un peu grisatre et a un petit goust 
different de celuy des roseaux mais bon ie m'en Suis servis dans du 
The et cafe ie l'ay trouve bon. 

356 North Carolina Historical Commission 

L. De canavest nous Sommes venu embas la Riviere jusques 
cett endroit dans un batteau ou navet que les Indiens nous avoient 
fait expres d'ecorce. 

M. La Plantation de Mr. Rosier Gentilhome honeste genereux et 
civil tres bien loge, ou iay Sejournay quelque terns. 

N. Endroit ou devoient etre les mines d'argent que M. M. nous 
avoit proposed. 

O. Partie de Pensilvanie. 

P. Salines Un endroit ou on a decouvert des eaux Salees. 

Q. Charmant Isle de tres bone terre et d'arbres, d'un cote es- 
carpee de Rocher de l'autre d'un abord comode pour les bateaux cett 
endroit avec la Plant: du Col: Bell nous auroit accomode. 

Si L'Arpenteur General Lawson ne nous avoit detourne de notre 
premier dessein qui fust de nous etablir au comencement icy, ou nous 
aurions ete plus en Scurete, mieux assiste et mieux soutenue a toutte 
aparence nous n'aurions pas echoue en notre Entreprise mais le Mr. 
n'auroit pas eu le benefice de Parpantage, cependant il auroit mieux 
valu detre prive de ce benefice que de la vie qu'il a perdu miser a- 
blemt. come est a voir. II est vray qu'outre les belles paroles de 
Lawson c'estoient les belles promesses des Lords Prop: qui nous 
avoient tante" de nous etablir pmierement en Nord Caroline. 



1. Account of the voyage to America which the Baron Graff enried 
made when he brought a colony of Palatines and Swiss; and his return 
to Europe. 


Although several persons have asked me for the account of my sad 
adventures in America I should not have been disposed to give it if I 
had not said to myself that I could justify myself before my society as 
well as before other persons who might possibly have unfavorable 
thoughts concerning my conduct, as though I had undertaken this 
colony thoughtlessly and imprudently and had passed my time in 
Carolina in luxury and idleness, in which they would have been very 
much deceived, my account showing the contrary. One will find in 
it also some particulars which could very well be omitted, but because 
of the vagaries of certain persons who have acted in bad faith, as well 
in regard to the poor colonists as towards me personally, having come 
even to black and inexcusable actions, I can do no less than make 
mention of them (although very charitably since I name no one) in 
order that people may impute nothing to me and that my innocence 
may come to light. 

Doubtless certain curious people would like to know the reasons for 
an enterprise so large and so distant from my country and father- 
land. Some know them, and the others will be content to learn 
that from the time that I had the honor of making some stay with 
the late Duke of Albemarle in London who was then made viceroy of 
Jamaica, from the accounts which were made of the beauty, wealth, 
and richness of English America I conceived such a favorable idea of 
it, that at the urgent invitations of this lord I should have followed 
him on his voyage with eagerness, if I nad not been turned aside by 
the strong remonstrances of my relatives who wished that I should 
establish myself in my fatherland . And not withstanding all the pleas- 
antness that I might have there, there nevertheless always remained 
some enticement and some attraction in the aforementioned country. 
Fortune, also, did not look upon me with so favorable an eye as I 
could have wished, but I had finished my mayorship of Yverdon, a 
great and important office, to the contentment of my sovereign, the 
neighboring states and the subjects, the Lord be praised, with a good 
and clean conscience; I did not make any profit, however, because of 

Note: — Only so much of the French Version is published as is necessary to show wherein it varies 
from the German Version. 

360 North Carolina Historical Commission 

adversities, and on the other hand I was not a man to enrich myself 
at the expense of the poor subjects. Besides this, the troubles in 
Neufchatel brought me heavy loss. Seeing again that the new reform 
deprived me of the ability of obtaining any profitable office for a long 
time, hoping to make a more considerable fortune in these dis- 
tant countries of English America in order better to support a num- 
erous family according to my rank and station, I took a firm resolu- 
tion for this important voyage, no less dangerous than long and diffi- 
cult, with so much the more courage that I was strongly invited by 
different letters from the country above mentioned as well as from 
London. I hesitated a long time considering whether I should com- 
municate my design to some friend or relative, but seeing in ad- 
vance that they would dissuade me from it, I said nothing of it even 
to those who were nearest to me, and left secretly. Nevertheless be- 
fore leaving the country, I stopped at the frontier at the home of a 
friend, and made a disposition of my affairs which I had not been able 
entirely to arrange before my departure, and sent it to one of my 
relatives, communicating to him my design; but ill luck would have 
it that this packet of papers was intercepted or lost, causing me much 
embarassment and confusion. And so receiving no answer during eight 
or ten days, I departed in the firm resolution of returning no more. 
But man proposes and God disposes. 

2. Potomac [by a different hand]. 

3. The Governor of Virginia: 

4. The one was the Receiver-General, the other the Surveyor- 
General, the third a justice of the peace. These three appeared for 
this purpose before the Royal Committee, where they received their 
instructions and were officially given the direction of this people in 
my absence, as well upon the sea as upon land, because I was not 
able to leave at that time on account of a little colony from Bern 
which was to follow shortly, as well as other matters which I had 
to look after. 

5. Mr. Caesar, minister of the German Reformed Church of 
London at Gravesend. 

6. More than half of them died on the sea. 

7. And partly dismasted. 

8. Not daring to commit itself to the sea because of the privateers, 
and besides, the water at the mouths of the rivers of Carolina being 
low, large vessels were not able to go out nor enter. 

9. Consisting of about 1,000 acres of land. 

10. It is necessary for me here to stop the course of my account, 
in order that I may also say something of what I transacted more 
particularly at London, item of my departure, what passed and what 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of New Been 361 

I noticed on my journey, and of my arrival in North Carolina this 
same month of September 1710. After that I wall continue in order. 

Having touched only incidentally upon what I transacted at London I 
shall say something more in detail here, nevertheless as succintly as 
possible. It will be well to distinguish somewhat the two plans of 
the proposed colonies, that of Virginia and that of North Carolina. 

For that of Virginia we had the orders of L. L. E. E. of Berne, our 
sovereign magistrate [marginal note: Proposition of the state of Bern 
for a district of country in Virginia] to sound Her Majesty, the Queen 
of Great Britain, to see if she would be disposed to accord the state 
of Berne a district of country for the proposed colony, with jurisdic- 
tion under certain clauses, without depending upon any governor, 
but directly of the Queen or her Council; but the Crown not wishing 
to diminish its authority and grandeur, would not listen to this propo- 
sition, asserting that everything ought to conform to the laws and 
regulations of the realm. Since it caused some embarrasment also to 
a sovereign state to abase itself so much, nothing was done. 

Nevertheless we, in particular my society and I, on the recommenda- 
tion of Monsieur Stanion, Envoy Extraordianry from her Britannic 
Majesty, or by his assistance obtained from the Queen the permission 
to take land in Virginia above the falls of the Potomac River, under 
the same conditions as other subjects of Her Majesty, with the inten- 
tion of dividing our colony, for good reasons. But as they gave me 
hope of more advantages in North Carolina, since the lands were 
much cheaper, and since we had certain jurisdictions and special 
privileges besides, we began there, and the fatal issue makes it plain 
that we should have done better to commence with Virginia; so much 
the more that we should have been more in security and better sup- 
ported in case of danger, by the Crown than by individuals in Caro- 
lina. Moreover the situation according to the map that I have made of 
it, was not at all inferior to that of Carolina either in beauty or rich- 
ness, nevertheless all these overtures before mentioned cost me many 
useless steps, pains, and expenses, in order to obtain only a shadow of 
favor; for when we wished to have the lands above mentioned se- 
cured and surveyed, it was found that they were already taken by 
Mylord Culpeper, so that it was necessary for us to look for the 
greater part in Maryland, a country belonging as an estate to Mylord 
Baltimore. It is true that we still had other places in Virginia marked 
out and secured, rather good but distant from Christian plantations. 
With regard to the colony for Carolina I had no less embarassment, 
pains, and expense, nevertheless, although, the Lords Proprietors were 
disposed to favor me. I think that before broaching this negotiation, 
it would not be out of the way to say something of their power and 

362 North Carolina Historical Commission 

privileges. That is something we can see fully in the account or 
journal printed by the Surveyor-General Lawson, wherein is copied the 
charter or act accorded by the King, Charles II. This great favor 
and high jurisdiction which no private person or lord of the Three 
Kingdoms has, was accorded to these lords who recalled the King 
from his exile and have favored his return into the kingdom. This 
King, not wishing to be an ingrate towards his benefactors, did not 
know how to recompense them better than by such a signal favor, 
giving and handing the provice of North Carolina to these lords in 
full possession, authority, and absolute power, just as the King had 
possessed. So then they have the title as follows: To His Excel- 
lency, N. N. Palatine and to the other real and absolute Lords Pro- 
prietors of the Province of Carolina. One of the chiefs of these 
Lords Proprietors was at the beginning General Monk, Duke of 
Albemarle. It was he who presented the crown which he had made, 
to the king at his entry into the kingdom; which crown they keep in 
the Tower of London beside the veritable crown of the realm, which I 
have seen. They always show them both to curious strangers. 

Among the other privileges which these Lords Proprietors have is 
the power of creating Casiques, Counts, Barons, Knights and Gen- 
tlemen in these provinces. And those whom they wish to favor they 
cause to be corroborated and registered in the royal heraldry; just as 
they did with me, when, in order to procure me more authority with 
my people they honored me with the title of Landgrave of Carolina, 
Baron of Bernburg and Knight of the purple ribbon, with a medal, 
as my patents give proof. But the bad part of it is that with these 
titles there is not a proportionate revenue. All the good that has 
accrued to me of it is that they gave me the first rank after the gov- 
ernor in the upper house of parliament of the province, and preserved 
me the respect of the subjects. In the beginning, appearing in the 
parliament without the ribbon, I was well received, to be sure, but 
on certain occasions I was not obeyed as I should have been. That 
is why I was advised to wear the ribbon and the medal when I ap- 
peared in the assembly. This I did, and I perceived the effect im- 
mediately, for certain people who had not sufficiently respected my 
orders came afterwards to beg my pardon for it on their knees. 
This is sufficient concerning the authority and power of these Lords 

I shall tell in a few words something of what they granted me, our 
treaty being too long to insert here. Firstly: They sold me 15,000 acres 
of choice land which I had surveyed upon the rivers Neuse and Trent 
and 25,000 acres upon the Weetock River at 10.£. sterling per thou- 
sand, or 1£ per hundred acres, and 6 pence per hundred acres quit- 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of New Bern 363 

rent, which makes the sum of 175£ sterling, which I paid at the be- 
ginning in cash. Secondly: There was a reserve of 100,000 acres to 
choose between the rivers here named and Clarendon River, at the 
same price, and for that I had seven years time in which to make the 
first payment and between the seventh and the twelfth the whole was 
to be paid. Thirdly: The differences which my people might have with 
the English should be settled before the English judges, but the diffi- 
culties which my colonists might have among themselves should be 
settled among themselves or before me, the final jurisdiction in capital 
offenses reserved to the Lords Proprietors. Fourthly: Liberty of 
religion and the right to have a minister from our country who 
might preach in our language. Fifthly: Right of city and market or 
fair at New Bern. Sixthly: Freedom from all tax, imposts, tithes 
and hundredths, aside from the six pence per hundred acres annually 
as mentioned above. Seventhly: The Lords Proprietors or the pro- 
vince by their orders were to furnish me with two or three years pro- 
vision of food and stock for myself and all the colony, to be paid back 
after the prescribed term. 

I also had a special and very exact treaty with the Palatines which 
was planned, examined, and agreed upon before and by the Royal 
Commission, too large to insert here. Merely the substance as 
follows. Firstly: My colonists owed me fidelity, obedience, and re- 
spect; and I owed them protection. Secondly; I was to furnish each 
family provisions for the first year, a cow, two swine and some tools, 
to be repaid in three years. Thirdly: I was to give each family 300 
acres of land and they were to give me as quit-rent two pence per 
acre. On the other hand I was to pay the six pence per hundred acres, 
the fee to the Lords Proprietors as already mentioned. As for the ex- 
penses of transportation and food for my colony to Carolina, the Queen 
granted that and in addition thirty shillings for clothes to each per- 
son large and small. 

After that it was a question of providing good vessels, and there 
presented himself a person of my acquaintance, Chevalier Fyper, who 
undertook to furnish two vessels well equipped with the necessary 
provisions of food. But all this was not to be executed with such 
regularity as one could have wished. Since these lords, the directors 
or sub-directors of this swarm of people which was then at London, 
had considerable difficulty providing for so many thousands of souls, 
money began to become scarce, so much so that our good Chevalier, 
who procured these provisions on credit in the firm persuasion that 
the money would be delivered over at any time that he should demand 
it, was much surprised to see himself turned away so many times. 
This went on for several months even, so that the creditors had an 

364 North Carolina Historical Commission 

attachment executed upon his person for 24 hours. The Chevalier 
much alarmed at this procedure came one morning to inform me of it, 
charging me with all these evil consequences, which accusation trou- 
bled me greatly. As I was then in the country to get some air and to 
rest a little from my fatigue, I hastened to go to London to repre- 
sent my griefs to the Royal Commission regarding the delay in the 
payment of this money. They gave me good words but several weeks 
more passed before the money promised was given over to Chevalier 
Fyper who did not fail from day to day to press the treasurers. In 
the end everything was done as desired. 

After my colony had left in the vessels mentioned I proposed to 
follow them as soon as I had disposed of my private affairs and 
taken leave of a part of the lords of the royal commission and the 
Lords Proprietors of Carolina. 

I pass over in silence a treaty made with William Penn, proprietor 
of Pennsylvania, for lands and mines, and a private treaty which I 
had with a society in Bern, upon which I was relying in order to have 
necessary assistance in an enterprise which I would find myself too weak 
to support; but it would have been better for me to associate myself, 
for an affair of this importance, with some wealthy and well known 
person in England who would possibly not have let himself be so 
quickly frightened by my reverses as these gentlemen. 

My Palatine colonists having departed in the month of January 
1710, I followed them and left London the last of May. I made use 
of a very comfortable carriage, almost the same as that from Paris 
to Lyons. I can do no less than speak here of something which I ob- 
served on this small journey. One Sunday I had to stop at a small 
village called Hartford, near which is the country house of the 
Count of Essex, a very ancient building which I was curious to see. 
And so I went there with due courtesy. In this magnificent palace 
I observed in a great dome some large and extraordinary paint- 
ings, in the Count's cabinet a quantity of rare pieces and very 
curious antiquities, and in a large hall I thought I saw upon a table 
a lute, some flutes and other instruments, with open music books, 
item a deck of cards scattered about, a purse of counters, several 
pieces of money, and several other pretty things very well made; but 
coming closer to the table I was much surprised to see the work 
of a second Apelles, for these pieces which I believed actual were 
only counterfeits in painting. That which seemed the most curious 
to see was that the surface of this marble table was so well polished 
that one would have thought they were paintings under glass or ice. 
One could even pour water on it without injuring the table or the 
painting. Certainly that must have been painted with a marvelous 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Bern 365 

varnish. After having seen the rest of the palace and been refreshed 
with a fine collation and good liquors, I paid my respects and took 
my leave in order to go on my way. 

After some days we came to York, an ancient city rather large and 
well populated, where I had time to see merely the Cathedral, a very 
beautiful structure. There I heard a very beautiful symphony or 
vespers and the canons used me courteously. From there we came to 
Durham, a rather pretty city. The Cathedral is rather fine. The 
Bishop of this place alone aside from the Prince of Wales, has the title 
of a prince in England. He also has the precedence over all the 
bishops except the bishop of London. After that there was nothing 
remarkable clear to New Castle. 

New Castle is a large city, well populated, rich, commercial, well 
situated beside the River Tyne which empties into the sea. Every- 
thing abounds in that city. One lives well there and at a low price. 
There is salmon in abundance. The city is remarkable for the coal 
which is found there. Whole fleets leave in order to furnish the 
great city of London and the neighborhood with coal, and the miners 
are in such a great number that it is necessary to have a garrison to 
keep them in check. There are excavations so terrible thereabouts 
that they say they are the antichamber of Hell, and a stranger 
must have good courage to go far into them. There is made also a 
quantity of sea salt and there are several glassworks and other 
factories. Besides the merchants there are also very civil and honor- 
able persons of another rank, with whom one passes his time very 
agreeably. From the fifteen days that I have been there, I could not 
sufficiently praise the kindness that they showed me. One of the 
chief men of the city, Alderman Fenwick, treated me magnificently to 
a fine symphony of musicians, persons of rank. There is also a very 
fine bowling green, a very beautiful prominade where there is a bowling 
green surrounded by several rows of Lindens, and this upon the 
eminence of the city where there is a fine view. Nevertheless, while 
I was there I had trouble which the captain of the vessel that was 
carrying my Swiss colonists caused. He was the master of it, a citizen 
of Boston, the capital of New England. Had it not been for the media- 
tion of this gallant man Mr. Fenwick I should have ruined myself in 
a suit against the captain. We had agreed and concluded with him 
that he should furnish all the provisions necessary from Rotterdam to 
America. Nevertheless when he approached New Castle for his own 
private affairs to unload merchandise as well as to take on some for 
Boston, a part being provisions which he preferred to get there rather 
than in Holland, since they were cheaper, and actually better ; hav- 

366 North Carolina Historical Commission 

ing been obliged to stop there almost four weeks, he asserted that we 
were at our own expense with all our Swiss colony, which caused me 
much embarassment. 

At last having agreed after a fashion, we left at the beginning of 
July for America. At the mouth of the River Tyne we stayed several 
hours to get a provision of salmon, fresh as well as dry, in a town 
situated on the bank of this river where there was such a great quan- 
tity of salmon that all the town was carpeted with them, drying in the 
sun before the houses as well as exposed for sale. 

We left the mouth about three o'clock in the afternoon with a favor- 
able wind and a fine day. When we were upon the high sea we saw 
several vessels. The nearer we approached them the more of them we 
discovered. At length passing out farther we found ourselves among 
three fleets ; that of Holland which was rather numerous in ships of the 
line, was coming to the coasts of England to catch herring, mingled with 
the barques of the fishers and in the distance war vessels; on another 
side was that of the coalships which returned empty from London; 
and on another side that of Muscovy; the sun which was going down 
making them plain to be seen. These great vessels of war appeared 
among the other vessels like so many superb castles among mediocre 
houses and the whole appeared like three pretty cities built upon the 
sea. The next day which was a beautifully calm Sunday, the com- 
mander of the Muscovy fleet gave the signal and all the vessels un- 
furled their flags. As is the custom on this day, after the devotions, 
the trumpets, hautbois, and drums made themselves heard. Visits 
were made from one to another as though we were in a city. We 
passed the time so agreeably that I could then have wished to be 
always on the sea. But along toward evening there arose suddenly 
an impetuous wind so that those who were on visits had a great deal 
of difficulty getting into their boats to return to their vessels; and 
indeed, one good toper who had difficulty leaving such good liquor, 
from having delayed too long, was obliged to remain on the ves- 
sel where he was visiting and was constrained to take a different 
route in spite of himself. As for us who were planning to make sail 
northabout, that is to say towards the north above the Shetland Isles, 
for our security, we took the plan of putting ourselves among the fleet 
of Muscovy, which in order to avoid the French with whom we were 
having war, in place of going by the Baltic Sea took its turn also to 
the north. We were seven vessels bound for America which made 
sail in company with those which were bound for Denmark, Sweden 
and Muscovy. At the latitude of the north of Scotland we separated 
after having saluted the commander of the merchant fleet, which is 
the usual order. They went toward the northeast and we toward the 

Geaffenried : Account of the Founding of New Been 367 

north and northwest. Nevertheless when the wind changed to the 
east it was so favorable to us that in place of taking our route above 
the Shetland Islands we cut and passed between these islands and 
those of Orkney, but safely, the Lord be praised, although it was night. 

When we were at a certain latitude above Ireland, we saw several 
vessels appear at a distance making five sails coming toward us. This 
threw us into an alarm, not knowing whether they were enemies or 
friends. We took first of all our beds and mattresses in order to put 
them along the sides of our vessel to serve as a rampart, putting 
ourselves into as good position as possible to defend ourselves. 
We had a little fear, because of the three vessels that we saw, there 
was one with the white banner, the color of France. When we were a 
cannon shot distant the commander of this flotilla fired a blank shot 
as a signal that we should recognize him, but no response following, he 
fired the second in earnest and almost broke our main mast for us. 
So then it was necessary to submit and we answered with our little 
cannon, hoisted our English flag, and spreading the middle stay sail, 
in a moment the commander joined us so closely that we could speak 
together, and in order to act courteously to the commander, since 
there was not much wind, we invited him to board our vessel, which 
he did not refuse, being very glad to regale himself with some of our 
fresh English beer and a piece of pickled salmon. During this brief 
interval I took my opportunity to write to Europe and gave my 
letter to this little commander (who was accompanying four or five 
other Scotch and English vessels coming from Jamaica, Barbados and 
other places) and my letter was given to the post and arrived at 
Bern. Towards evening we separated and each took his way. 

I have made many remarks about what I saw upon the sea and of 
what took place, having made a rather curious journal, but ill luck 
willed that a small trunk or coffer in which there were some more 
rarities of America with other papers and some clothes was lost, al- 
though it was well recommended to a captain of a vessel which left 
Virginia, I not being able to take it with me because I had a long journey 
to make by land from Williamsburg, the capital of Virginia to New 
York, being already overloaded with clothes, for I had as much as 
my two horses could carry. So then I shall make mention of only 
some few things which I remember well and which I believe sufficiently 
worthy of the curiosity of the reader. Moreover there are so many 
authors who have written about the marvels of the sea that I refer 
the reader to them. I shall merely say to those who have not read 
these authors that when we came under the tropical line of Cancer, 
or at a certain latitude of the sea between this line and the Artie pole, 
we saw there white birds of the size of a crow which even came to sit 

368 North Carolina Historical Commission 

upon our masts. The sailors take them for birds of good omen and 
do not allow anyone to shoot them. The thing that is most remark- 
able is that we see these birds only at this latitude of the sea and not 

But for birds of bad omen there are others, smaller, black with a 
little white, which fly about here and there upon the sea, and as often 
as one sees them fly about the vessel and principally about the bow 
it is observed that they presage nothing good, but bad weather, either 
tempest or terrible storms. I took that at first for a fable, but having 
myself noticed it at different times, I am almost obliged to believe in 
it. I really believe if one wished to philosophize upon it one would 
find natural reasons for such occurrences. 

I have observed also a remarkable thing in a fish called the dolphin. 
This fish is very pretty in the water, having the color of the rainbow. 
When it follows a vessel it stays only two feet below the surface of the 
water. It is charming to see it swim. It is always accompanied 
with several small fish which keep always near the tail and never 
leave this post unless the dolphin goes away or is killed. We took 
one of them with a trident and this is the way they are caught. 
The shaft or pole to which the trident is fixed is attached to a long 
cord and when the dolphin is swimming sufficiently close to the vessel, 
a sailor or whoever wishes to, provided he has skill, throws the trident 
at the dolphin. Sometimes they catch it at the first throw, rather 
often they fail. When they have speared it, they draw in the cord and 
raise the fish out. As pretty as the fish is in the water just so ugly it is 
out of the water; but when well dressed we made good cheer of it. 
The younger they are the better and more delicate. One sees also 
flying fish and there are so many other sorts of marvelous things 
to be seen on the sea that one would make a volume of them. When 
there is a calm or merely some small breeze, I enjoyed looking at and 
examining so many kinds of insects and other things coming from the 
sea foam. In certain localities one sees plants and extraordinary 
flowers. It is surprising where these plants take root in the midst of 
the ocean where there are such terrible depths. One sees in many 
places currents so strong that skillful masters of vessels are some- 
times turned out of their course if they do not take good care. But 
the most curious thing would be to know where these currents come 
from. There is one which comes from the Gulf of Mexico; but for 
the rest, one has yet to penetrate to where they do originate. 

Referring the curious to authors who have written amply about the 
rarities of the sea, I continue my way. When we came to the lati- 
tude of Newfoundland, some one pointed out to me approximately 
the grand banks of this island, where such a great quantity of cod is 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of New Bern 369 

taken, with which France and England supply themselves. At this 
place a French privateer followed us a whole day, but not having a 
favorable wind it could not overtake us. Nevertheless we feared 
greatly. That is why we consulted together and the conclusion was 
that as soon as the sun should have set we would lower our sails 
gradually and unnoticeably in order that the privateer should lose 
sight of us against the night, and since it would doubtless keep follow- 
ing us towards the continent, it would be necessary to change the 
route. As soon as it was dark we stretched our sails and went back 
the way we had come for three or four leagues, and taking to the high 
seas we made our efforts to gain the left of the privateer, and going 
straight towards Virginia we escaped his hands, for we should have 
had the worst of it, having only four cannons in our vessels. 

A few days after, we discovered the Gulf Stream, sea plants, sea gulls, 
and presently ducks and other sorts of sea fowl; a sure sign that one 
is not far from terra firma. And so we had a lad climb to the top 
of the mast. As yet, however, he could not see anything. But going 
up for the second time, awhile after this, he saw land which looked 
like a low cloud bank. But recognizing directly that it was land, he 
cried out "hooray" which is the English exclamation of joy or ap- 
plause, and asked for some drink money. We approached the conti- 
nent and skirted the provinces of Pennsylvania, Jersey and Maryland 
until we discovered Cape Henry in Virginia, at the mouth of the James 
River. A north-west wind favoring us, we entered easily into this river 
and arrived safely at Guiguetan, now called Hampton, a rather pretty 
town, the first (one comes to) at the entrance to Virginia, after a voyage 
or passage of two months. We were very happy in having had but 
one storm and that lasting but a couple of hours, and in having had 
no sickness. We remained a night and one day in order to refresh our- 

Having made our arrival known to the Lieutenant Governor and 
given him the Queen's letter, the Governor being absent, we went 
down the river and entered into the Nunscimund River. There it was 
that we unloaded the vessel of our provisions and clothing and the 
captain of the vessel bade us goodbye, taking the route to New Eng- 
land in order to go to Boston, the capital of this province, which was 
his birth place. We hired some boats to load with our clothing and 
provisions in order to have them taken along with our people to a 
house which was described to us as being the nearest (for us), the home 
of one Hamstead, a fine man who welcomed us and accommodated us 
effectually both with food and wagons for our journey by land from 
there into Carolina. 

370 North Carolina Historical Commission 

1. For an honest man there could be no hesitation and since, by good 
fortune, my reputation was pretty well established in America and my 
design made a great stir, I sent at first into Pennsylvania for provis- 
ions of flour, where, fortunately, I had already given order from 
London as a precaution, fearing that possibly things might not be so 
well established in North Carolina as they made me believe. I also 
did not fail to send into Virginia and into the Province even, in order 
to procure for myself the necessary provisions. But all this dragged 
out so long that in the meantime these new colonists were obliged to 
sell even a part of their clothes and merchandise (which they had 
bought at London to make some gain from the little money which 
they had) to procure the necessaries from the neighboring inhabitants 
in order not to die of hunger. 

12. As soon as we had arrived at Summertown, a village on the 
frontier of Virginia and Carolina, a small band of inhabitants of North 
Carolina came to greet me and offered me the government . . . 

13. I replied that although I was indeed invested with this dignity 
of Landgrave, I did not at present wish to take advantage of this 
title, thanking them civilly . . . 

14. That it would be in bad taste for me to meddle in a dispute 
concerning such a matter; 

15. But as these people, who were, the majority of them, Noncon- 
formists, did not want to have such a great tory for governor, my 
answer did not please them . . . 

16. I could not sufficiently express the sad and deplorable state in 
which I found these poor people at my arrival; almost all sick and in 
great extremities and the few who remained well, in despair. God 
knows in what a labyrinth, yes, even danger of my life I found myself 
then. I leave to the reader to think how my little Bernese colony 
looked upon this play, who until then lacked for nothing, their voyage 
and passage having been fortunate from the commencement until their 
arrival in Carolina, the season good and fine, well furnished with all 
provisions, well equipped with sailors, well quartered with plenty of 
room on the vessel, now to see such a sad spectacle before them where 
disease, poverty, and despair were at their height. That which in- 
creased the evil more yet is that these poor Palatines having used the 
greater part of their clothes in order to purchase food for themselves 
in the greatest necessity, were very much disconcerted when they saw 
that the directors above mentioned, having the greater part of their 
effects still in their hands, retained them; but principally one, N. R., 
under pretext of reserving a good part for his pains and expenses. 
And when I asked him to make an account, he put me off so often 
that to the present time the account is not yet settled; and that was 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of New Been 371 

very easy for him because of the trouble which followed. He must 
have found these furnishings of the Palatines very convenient for 
himself because before he had their effects in his hands he lived humbly 
and afterwards he played the great gentleman. He kept their things 
until my arrival and when I wished to have them brought to our 
place of residence I could not get even a part except with arms and 
by force, indeed could not have all notwithstanding the complaints I 
made of it to the government because he belonged to the magistracy. 

That which was the cause of all these misfortunes was the bad 
conduct and unscrupulousness of a part of the superior and inferior 

A marginal note to the italicized words is as follows: Of whom 
N. R. was one also, whom I do not name because of his eminent con- 

17. While on my part I made all my efforts to establish my colony, 
as I have just said, on the other hand we wrote to Mr. Hyde in Vir- 
ginia where he had made some stay waiting a better outcome of his 
candidacy, who did not fail to come as soon as possible, with his 
family into Carolina upon the Chowan near Colonel Pollock. 

18. After the repast, over a bottle of Maderia wine we came to very 
serious discourse, and since it was he who refused me everything 
(by virtue of my patents and the orders of the Lords Proprietors 
he was to furnish me with all the necessaries from the revenues of 
the province), I was very glad to reproach him and to represent to 
him also the enormity of his criminal proceedings. Seeing himself 
convinced by so many good reasons and moreover in order to lull me 
to sleep so that I would not work against him too much, he 
promised me ... etc. 

19. To which I resolved, not without taking good precautions, the 
more so that I had been threatened by some of my colonists even, 
and the road was none too well secured, being two days journey dis- 
tant, where I had to descend and cross great rivers and rather dan- 
gerous forests. 

20. Bad luck would have it that just then a certain mutinous and 
turbulent personage named Richard Roach arrived from London. 
This caused much disorder. He was an agent for one of the Lords 
Proprietors but of the sect of Quakers, who was said to come into 
this country to trade. 

21. Which fomented the rebellion and augmented the troubles and 
made us a great deal of inconvenience. 

22. 200. 

23. Equipped and armed with about 60 or 80 men. 

372 North Carolina Historical Commission 

24. When we observed this manoeuvre we also put ourselves into 
position and went down behind a hedge towards the bank of the river. 

25. During all this I was obliged against my will to take the presi- 
dency, for the matter was delicate and dangerous. 

26. And in advance a letter was written to communicate our de- 
sign to him, and he courteously marked out a day and a place for us 
on the frontier of Virginia and Carolina, having aside from that the 
desire to exercise his troops in that vicinity. 

27. The Governor of Virginia left orders that they should let him 
know at Williamsburg, the place of his residence, as soon as I should 
have arrived. 

28. It was necessary then to look for other expedients. Now, be- 
cause I had been recommended by the Queen and because the first 
time Governor Spotswood saw me he wished to do me a pleasure 
and not send me away without granting me some favor, he asked 
me if I had something else to propose or some expedient which was 
easier to grant me. Seeing then that these Virginians were not dis- 
posed to help us, perhaps themselves having a little of that free and 
democratic spirit, I considered whether some soldiers of regular troops 
might be found. Accordingly I asked the Governor, since he was the 
vice-admiral of the Virginia coasts, to have the kindness to send us a 
warship well manned. This he granted us. 

29. In the course of time he was banished to a distant island for 
life and died there. 

30. At my return to Neuse I was much surprised to find so many ill 
and even several dead, among the number of whom were two servants 
who had been brought to me from Bern. Without doubt it was the 
great heat which came the three months of June, July and August, 
that was the cause of it; our people coming from a cold and moun- 
tainous country were not yet accustomed to this flat country and this 
hot air. Yet there was no lack of physicians and surgeons who took care 
of them. These afterwards also became sick. But the principal cause 
of it was that in my absence they had neglected my orders for diet 
which I had given at first on my arrival in America when I found the 
Palatines already so ill. It was by the good advice of persons who had 
made a long stay in Carolina that I had instructed them not to drink too 
much fresh and cold water, but to boil it with some sassafras, of which 
the woods are full, and afterwards to let it cool off and to drink as much 
of it as they wished. I used it in the morning with a little sugar in 
place of tea and it did me much good. I have noticed also that those 
who went right to bed when they felt bad became very sick and 
many died. There prevails in this country a certain fever. It is a 
general tribute which strangers have to pay at the beginning, and the 

Graffenried : Account of the Founding of New Bern 373 

cure for it is very peculiar. When this fever attacks you the best 
remedy is, in place of going first of all to bed, to run until you sweat 
in great drops and even fall over from weariness. You must not 
stop there but arise and continue until you can go no farther. I am 
speaking from experience. And so I had it only three weeks whereas 
others have dragged out whole years, at last become swollen and 
died of it. I here warn the lazy that it is not a disease which suits 
them. Idle and lazy people are almost always sick there. Exercise 
is needed. A proof that it is necessary and good is that I was very 
much afflicted with gout in Europe, and in this country I escaped 
with a few small attacks. 

In this country the red oaks are so juicy that by making a small 
opening with an ax, there comes out a quantity of sap which is vine- 
gar. But it is bad for the health. Our people used it during the 
great heat in order to eat some salad and did not feel well from it. 
There are two more inconveniences against which we had to guard 
ourselves. These are serpents and ticks, in French surons. There 
grows a marvellous antidote and in great abundance with which 
one must not fail to provide himself. There are three sorts of it. 
There is one kind which has a peculiar virtue. If one carries 
the root with him he can sleep freely under a tree; no serpent will 
approach. The Indians ordinarily use it. If one bruises this root 
and gives some of it in a cup or pot of fresh water to the animal 
which is bitten by a serpent, it recovers and gets well in a short 
time. I have made proof of it upon my horses and my dog and they 
got well. The ticks trouble people to the point of causing fever. It 
is believed to be corrupt dew which fastens to the grass, never- 
theless one sees it only where there are animals. As for the 
women they have more difficulty protecting themselves, the men 
wearing stockings of leather are free. The peasants who have 
tougher skin do not feel it so much. It lasts only certain months of 
the year. 

Each of my colonists adapting himself as best he could and ac- 
cording to his capacity and skill, it was a question of doing no less 
in the city. Following the permission and the privileges I had, I 
accordingly chose a point of land between the Trent and Neuse 
Rivers, a place where there was an Indian kinglet with his people, 
about a score of families. The place was called Chatouka. Mention 
has been made of it on page six (of the original manuscript). We 
purchased it so dearly because of the advantageous situation. It was 
a matter of importance then to have my place free. Surveyor General 
Lawson, who had sold it wanted me to drive off the savages. But I 
did not want to do anything like that; far from it. I set about pur- 

374 North Carolina Historical Commission 

chasing from one of these Indians a small extent of land where I built 
my cabin, while waiting for something better, and I even made a sort 
of alliance with this kinglet, named Taylor, and his people. This was 
done formally. Some little time afterwards, seeing that these savages 
could not agree with my people nor mine with the savages, the idea 
occurred to me to propose to them to buy this land also of them, 
and to assign them another place where they could live just as comfort- 
ably and upon the same river not far from this place. They began to 
appreciate my reasons, and we held a solemn council regarding it. Since 
I am on the matter of these savages, before speaking of the plan and 
foundation of the little city of New Bern, I shall continue where I 
left off with the Indians and also say something about their religion 
and what took place. 

And so we decided upon a day to make our agreement. The kinglet 
dressed himself in his best, but in such a grotesque fashion that he 
seemed more like an ape than a man. He came with seventeen fathers 
of families. They went out into an open field and placed themselves 
in a circle on the ground. I also put on whatever would glitter most, 
had a chair brought for me, and taking to my side an interpreter, a 
savage who spoke English well, I broached the matter and the object 
of this assembly. After having represented my reasons to them they 
also told their own, and to speak without partiality they had better 
reasons in their opposition than I. Nevertheless we came to an 
agreement. I made them several small presents of little value, and 
as purchase price for this land in question I gave to the king two 
flasks of powder holding four pounds, a flask holding two pounds, 
and with that 1,000 coarse grains of buckshot; to each of the chiefs 
a flask of powder and 500 lead shots (a marginal note says some 
rather coarse shot). After that I had them drink well on rum, 
brandy distilled of the settlings of sugar, the ordinary liquor in this 
country, and the agreement was made. 

This occasion was nevertheless troubled by the rudeness of Mr. M. 
who, having drunk too copiously with some Englishmen who came to 
dine with me, lost his sense of duty and coming to insult these poor 
Indians, took the head dress from the king and threw it as far as he 
could. He entered into the circle and taking by the arm, one of their 
orators who spoke a little too much against our proceedings, he pulled 
him out of the circle giving him several blows. I first had this gentle- 
man who was so intoxicated, seized by some of my servants in order to 
take him to the house, where these invited English kept him com- 
pany, diverting him as best they could. The reader can easily im- 
agine what effect a procedure like that produced. And so the king 
making his complaint said that if the Christians made peace and their 

Geaffenbied: Account of the Founding of New Been 375 

alliances after that fashion he did not want to have anything to do 
with them. I did not fail to answer him that he ought not to pay- 
attention to what a brute, controlled by the power of liquor, had 
done, that I would reprimand him vigorously for it and I would even 
send him far away, that he should not insult them more, that they 
should rely on me assuring themselves that I would never do them 
injury so long as they were good neighbors with me. Satisfied 
with my answer and with my better treatment they returned home. 
This gentleman, after a little sleep which ought to have made the 
vapors pass from him, became quiet. I do not know what fly bit 
him, but after ten o'clock in the evening when I had gone to bed 
believing all were at rest, he arose and went toward the Indian lodges. 
Finding the Indian orator still up, he treated him very badly. But 
immediately the king with some Indians gave the halloo and I admire 
the patience and discretion of these savages, in not having beaten the 
barbarous Christian in their turn. The next day the king with his 
concillors did not fail to complain of the reiterated bad treatment of 
this brute worse than a savage, with threats that if they were in- 
sulted any more they would pay him in the same coin. I had con- 
siderable difficulty appeasing them. I had them drink freely again 
and sent them away with assurance that I would have this turbulent 
man leave and that they would not be insulted any more. 

After the departure of these Indians, finding my man in his better 
senses, I talked to him seriously about some things. This person will be 
spoken of very often in this account; but because of his relatives who 
are people of distinction, rank and merit, I have consideration for 
him and do not name him, denoting him only by Mr. M. He was 
one of the eight associates, to our loss and my ruin and that of 
several others. May the Good God convert him and give him to 
know how much evil he has caused. The Surveyor-General has been 
punished with a terrible execution by the savages for his crimes 
and bad faith. If this man does not change, the same thing may 
very well come to him. Living no better than a barbarian he might 
well be chastized by the barbarians. (The marginal note says, He 
died among the Indians'. This appears to have been put in later). 

Being badly satisfied with him I sought an expedient for sending 
him elsewhere. And so he set out to survey the lands along the 
Weetock River, and for that purpose I furnished him all the neces- 
saries. On his return there arrived one of his old comrades from 
Pennsylvania in a shallop and another worthless fellow with him. 
Among the three the plan was made to take a trip towards Cape Fear 
and to survey the lands along this river, otherwise called Clarendon 
River; and for this they made such provisions of food and merchan- 

876 North Carolina Historical Commission 

dise that there remained to me almost nothing more. Nevertheless 
they idled away their time in outrageous debaucheries. This trick did 
not please me and making my reflections upon it one morning be- 
fore they had eaten breakfast I told them that from the way they 
were going about it I saw that they preferred to disport themselves 
than to do a necessary and profitable piece of work, that I had need 
of this merchandise in order to relieve my necessity and that of the 
colony, that we had land enough for the present, that we needed 
first to see how our colonists would succeed, that since great sums 
were needed to sustain an enterprise of this importance there was more 
need to think how to procure for ourselves the wherewithal to subsist, 
than to go to useless and as yet unnecessary expenses, etc. My propo- 
sition disconcerted these fine debauchees and they did all they could 
to argue with me but my resolution was firm and I told Mr. M. that 
having made so much noise about his silver mines that we had come 
to genuine treaties, as well with Mr. Perm, Proprietor of Pennsylvania, 
as with J. Justus Albrecht, chief of the miners from Germany, who was 
waiting only our orders in order to have them come, it was there 
that he ought to labor. Accordingly they ought to go to Philadel- 
phia, Capital of Pennsylvania, to notify the governor of my arri- 
val in this country, give our patent to Proprietor Perm and an- 
nounce to him that we had the design to go visit the mines in 
question, since they appeared to be situated in the rear of his jurisdic- 
tion, and that he should give us the necessary assistance. And then 
after everything should be ready and in good order and assured against 
the Indians I would transport myself there, etc. These two rascals, 
the above mentioned companions of Mr. M. when he was going with 
several others to the discovery of the mine in question, approved of 
my proposition and encouraged Mr. M. to this expedition. At last he 
gave his hand upon it, and they left, provided with the same pro- 
visions that they had taken for the little journey to Clarendon River. 
Several days after their departure, the king with some of his Indians 
came to find me. Not knowing that for other reasons I had had this 
Mr. M. leave, he evidenced much joy that I had delivered them from 
the dangerous man, and this affair did me a great deal of good in my 
captivity at Catechna where the kinglet spoke in my favor. 

Thereupon we promised each other reciprocally to be good neigh- 
bors and the Indians left the place shortly after to settle themselves 
in the place assigned to them, not far from there. Some time after- 
wards I made a trip to Core Town ten miles from Chatouka, where I 
had the savages assembled to propose to them that finding myself in 
their vicinity I intended to live on good terms with them, making offer 
of my services. This was well received, but as there were two chiefs 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of New Bern 377 

in the village, one named Core Tom and the other Sam, the first an 
enemy of the English and the other who was absent, a friend, I could 
not entirely arrange some things which I should have wished very 
much to arrange. Nevertheless, rather satisfied with the reception, I 
returned home the same day. This village of Core is very well situ- 
ated. There is a cooler atmosphere, and is bordered by the Neuse 
River. If these Indians had wished to change places I should have 
liked very much to do so. 

Having had until now more pressing occupations, I had not as yet 
done very much for the establishment of the city. Finding myself a 
little disengaged I took the Surveyor-General and his clerk with me to 
make a plan of this new city. Since in America they do not like to 
live crowded, in order to enjoy a purer air, I accordingly ordered the 
streets to be very broad and the houses well separated one from the 
other. I marked three acres of land for each family, for house, barn, 
garden, orchard, hemp field, poultry yard and other purposes. I di- 
vided the village like a cross and in the middle I intended the church. 
One of the principle streets extended from the bank of the rivier Neuse 
straight on into the forest and the other principle street crossed it, run- 
ning from the Trent River clear to the Neuse River. After that we 
planted stakes to mark the houses and to make the first two principal 
streets along and on the banks of the two rivers, mine being situated at 
the point. And since artisans are better off in a city than on planta- 
tions, I gave them some privileges. In place of the inhabitants or new 
citizens being obliged to pay me annually as my fee and for the three acres 
of ground a silver crown, the people with trades were free for ten years, 
the other for three only. At the first I had a good number who began 
to fell timber in order to build their houses. There were two carpen- 
ters, a mason, two carpenters and joiners, a locksmith, a blacksmith, 
one or two shoemakers, a tailor, a miller, an armourer, a butcher, a 
weaver, a turner, a saddler, a glazier, a potter and tilemaker, one or 
two millwrights, a physician, a surgeon, a schoolmaster. There were 
here and there on the plantations still other artisans. There was lack- 
ing as yet only a minister, and while waiting the one I was having 
come from Germany I performed the function. (Marginal note. Reading 
sermons after the English fashion) having permission of the Bishop of 
London to marry and baptize. For the Communion I had a minister 
come once a year from Virginia. There came a minister from Vir- 
ginia who preached in English and French and I had engaged him for 
my colony, he being very well satisfied to come for the 50£ sterling 
which the Chamber of London for the propogation of the faith orders 
in such cases, and a reasonable offering which the colony in general 

378 North Carolina Historical Commission 

After a part of these artisans had their timber work ready and had 
at least put themselves under cover, while waiting something better, 
and when I had also fitted up my own dwelling a little better, we were 
concerned to give a name to the city, which we did in great solemnity; 
and we joined to Neuse that of Bern. Thus the city was christened 
New Bern. At the commencement there was to be established a 
market once a month and once a year a fair. Finally there were sev- 
eral other regulations. When the governor, the council, and many 
planters of Carolina had advice of our establishment they not only 
all had a desire to live there but actually had lots, that is to say, 
limited plots, marked out for them. 

They were right; for in all the province there was not a single place 
of security. There was neither a general provision of food nor muni- 
tions of war nor arms. Each was, so to speak, abandoned to the 
jaws of the wolf. If the savages were a people better adapted for war 
they could have destroyed the people of that province whenever they 
had wished. If the good God had not watched over these fickle 
Carolinians better (than they themselves did), there would not have 
remained one soul. 

There were many persons of Pennsylvania and several for Virginia 
who took lots, so that in a few years we should have had a fine city. 
I should have transferred the seat of government there, the rather, 
than at Little River, where the large assembly stayed, there were only 
a few scattered houses, where we were badly lodged and had no 

While I was busying myself in establishing the affairs of the colony 
to the best of my ability, having even caused a redoubt tc be built 
up above towards Mill Creek for the safety of the colony and to hold 
the Indians in check from this side, I also made several regulations 
and ordinances, as well for the military as for the civil affairs. My 
provisions of food began to diminish and the merchandise also, which 
in this country is used as cash. And so I began to reflect very seri- 
ously upon my enterprises. Far from receiving any assistance and 
help, whether from the province or the Lords Proprietors, or of my 
own country and my society; there arrived, on the contrary, pro- 
tested bills of exchange. In this bad state of affairs, I no longer knew 
where to turn, having already written several times to the (old) 
country and to the society for help. No response having followed, 
and fearing that they would take my information for tales, I conceived 
the notion of inquiring whether I might not find some one of the 
colony, who, tired of his troubles would have a desire to go back to 
the old country. I found one who was the very person, a man whom 
two members of the society had chosen to take care of their planta- 

Graffenried: Account of the Founding of New Been 379 

tion, but who, seeing that these gentlemen were not furnishing any- 
thing for him to live on, resolved to go back home. On his promising 
me that it would cost me only the expense to Philadelphia, I gave him 
five guineas for that and a small bill of exchange "■ \ for him to collect as 
much at Philadelphia. But the rascal was not satisfied with so little 
when he came to Philadelphia and found a merchant who was so easy 
that, without my orders, on my credit, he advanced him more than 
he needed. At London he did the same, and at Amsterdam also and 
so on clear to Bern. And our friends, the associates, were much sur- 
prised to see his face and more at his boldness and the big bill. 
Nevertheless before the departure of this rascally pilgrim, I had made 
and given to him a map of the land and rivers where I had placed 
my colony and a memorandum of what I had done for this establish- 
ment, as well as of the expenses I had incurred on this account, with the 
bill of everything and a letter prepared to encourage them to support 
me in this enterprise, to the effect that although it was very difficult 
and dangerous at the commencement, still, having surmounted the most 
dangerous obstacles, there was good appearance of success; leaving the 
rest to the account which he would make by word of mouth, principally 
concerning the beauty and wealth of the country. This letter he de- 
livered and according to the information I have received of it, he 
omitted nothing which could tend to the advantage of the establish- 
ment, and doubtless I should have obtained the help needed except 
for the misfortune which came to me a short time after, as is to be 
seen in my account. 

In this hope of a prompt and sufficient assistance, seeing that food 
for the colony was costing me more for carriage than the purchase 
price, at the advice of friends and persons of understanding, I pur- 
chased a sloop, a vessel suited to be used upon the sea and on the 
rivers, with a barque which could serve only in the rivers; this for 
bills of exchange. These vessels did me as well as the province great 
service, as will be seen later. I was constrained to this expe- 
dient because there were very few of these vessels in the province, 
and during this civil war they were all engaged and one could not get 
them for love or money, and yet we had to live. There was at this 
time such a scarcity of salt, because strangers did not dare to bring 
any during these troubles, that I was obliged to send my sloop to the 
Bermuda Islands to look for it; and since there had to be something 
to exchange, I obtained permission of Governor Hyde to gather up 
grain (marginal note, in this case Indian corn) here and there in the 
province upon his account and the account of the Lords Proprietors. 
But ill luck would have it that this corn was wet by a great storm, 
which spoiled my market, and the profit of this voyage was very 

380 North Carolina Historical Commission- 

small. Nevertheless the salt which I got from the Bermudas did me 
and my neighbors much good, and I was very glad that for the first 
time my vessel was saved and returned in good shape except for the 
sails which were much torn and for some cordage ruined. It had been 
absent so long that I thought all lost. This might well disturb me very 
much, having cost me 300£ Sterling. But what disturbed me most 
was the crew: I had some very good sailors on it. In the uncertainty of 
the above I went sometimes to survey lands in order to find relief, 
and I can do no less than relate here a rather peculiar adventure which 
preceded that of Catechna, when I was taken captive by the savages. 

On day when I was going to survey lands, the weather having 
changed, fearing a great tempest and not wishing to sleep in the woods, 
I left my surveyors, and took my way home with my valet. My great 
haste caused me to mistake one path for the other. In this way so 
much time was lost that night surprised me and I fell among the very 
Indians who moved from the place where I had settled at Chatouka, 
now called New Bern. I leave the reader to think in what apprehension 
I was, and whether the Indians would not have had a fine chance to 
revenge themselves on me if I had misused them and had not lived 
peaceably with them. Having had nothing with which to reproach my- 
self in this regard, I reassured myself a little and luckily they received 
me well. The thing that should have increased my apprehension was 
that one of the chiefs of the Core savages, who was not favorable to 
the English, was at that very time on a visit to King Taylor. Never- 
theless I got off with a little fear. As I was very thirsty from having 
traveled all day through the woods, fearing that drinking water would 
make me sick, in their excess of politeness they sent to a sick woman 
who had some cider in order to let me have some of it. I did not 
learn that until several daj^s after or I should not have drunk so much, 
and I should have had scruples against depriving this poor sick woman 
of a drink which she used for a cordial rather than to satisfy her palate. 
For my supper the king made me a present of a quarter of venison, 
but this evening I did without supper. Tired with my traveling I 
was very glad to rest, and so I had my valet stretch my little tent 
for me to lie under, but I scarcely slept. All night they made fires of 
joy, dancing and singing about them, making sometimes choruses and 
cries such as might have chased the wolves from the forest; music 
different from that of Orpheus who tamed the most savage animals. 
The next day early, the king gave me as escort two savages who put 
me on the right road and accompanied me home. After having given 
them something good to eat and drink I gave them a little present 
for King Taylor and in place of his cider I sent him two bottles 
of rum or brandy of sugar to divide also with the poor sick woman, a 

Graffenkied : Account of the Founding of New Been 381 

much better cordial. This was very well received as I have learned. 
This same king contributed not a little to my release, next to the 
Divine assistance, when I was condemned to death by the savages 
at Catechna. 

31. Having neither place of retreat nor provision, whether of food, 
arms, or amunition, encouraged them not a little in the project. 

32. He first of all, after the punishment, which consisted only in 
sawing logs for the public safety during a single day, a punishment 
which did not approach the crime, crossed over the river to meet the 
Indians. . . 

33. The Indians who had difficulty believing such perfidiousness of 
me doubting what the rascal had reported, risked sending to us one 
of their troop who knew English well, this was, indeed, my interpreter 
of Catechna, although he was in great apprehension of being taken and 
his life endangered. Upon which there happened a rather amus- 
ing adventure. This Indian, having passed across to this side of the 
river, watched for an occasion of talking to some of my people, in 
order to know the reality of the matter. When the Indian wished to ap- 
proach one of my colonists the poor man was so frightened that he 
came all out of breath to give the alarm in my quarter and informed 
me that he had seen a savage who had wanted to approach; that 
doubtless the others were not far distant, which in fact alarmed me a 
little and I put my people into position. Nevertheless I imagined 
that the Indians, impatient to get their ransom, might have sent 
some one to see where we stood about it. And so I ordered the same 
man who had taken fright to betake himself again alone to that same 
place, telling him that I would post people at a distance to defend him 
in case of danger, which we did. The savage did not fail to show him- 
self a little while after, and approaching made signs to him that he need 
fear nothing. Our man making the same sign to the other, they 
eventually approached and came face to face. They came thus upon 
the chapter of the blacksmith who had talked against me, nevertheless 
without the savage ever being willing to name him, but he talked of 
him in such a way that one could guess who it was. Our man who 
had his instructions represented to him that the savages were badly in- 
formed and that it was a dishonest man wh